Key Takeaways
- •Phillip L. Swagel (Director, Congressional Budget Office) announced that terminating specific tariffs would increase projected federal deficits by $2 trillion through 2036, further straining the nation's fiscal outlook.
- •Maya MacGuineas (President, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget) warned that Social Security faces insolvency within six years and urged Congress to adopt a 3 percent deficit-to-GDP target.
- •Sen. Warren (D-MA) pressed Swagel on the costs of the war in Iran, highlighting that spending $1 billion daily on conflict exceeds the cost of healthcare subsidies.
- •Sen. Johnson (R-WI) argued that excessive federal spending drives the deficit, while Sen. Smith (D-MN) contended that unaffordable tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations are primary contributors.
- •Lawmakers face a looming 2032 exhaustion date for the Social Security trust fund as the subcommittee begins a forensic AI-driven review of all federal programs and spending.
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Hearing Analysis
Overview
HEARING PURPOSE The Senate Finance Subcommittee on Fiscal Responsibility and Economic Growth held a hearing on March 11, 2026, to examine the United States' fiscal outlook for the period of 2027-2036. Chaired by Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI), the hearing addressed the rapidly escalating national debt, which is projected to surpass $39 trillion in the near term and exceed $60 trillion within a decade. The subcommittee sought to identify the primary drivers of the deficit, including mandatory spending on programs for the elderly, interest costs, and recent legislative choices, while debating the merits of various revenue and spending reforms.
Key Testimony
KEY TESTIMONY Phillip L. Swagel, Director of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), testified that federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 120 percent of GDP by 2036. He warned that the Social Security Administration’s Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund is on track for exhaustion in 2032, while the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) Part A trust fund faces exhaustion in 2040. Swagel noted that while stronger economic growth (e.g., 2.6 percent) could reduce the deficit by $1.3 trillion over a decade, it would not be enough to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio due to rising interest rates.
Overview
Maya MacGuineas, President of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB), characterized the debt as a national security risk that limits the U.S.'s ability to respond to emergencies. She highlighted that interest payments have reached $1 trillion annually. Martha Gimbel, Executive Director of the Budget Lab at Yale University, provided data showing that high federal debt has increased 10-year Treasury yields by 97 basis points, which translates to an additional $2,500 per year in mortgage costs for the average American family.
Policy Proposals
POLICY PROPOSALS Several specific policy mechanisms were discussed: - Fiscal Commission: A bipartisan proposal for a commission to provide "political cover" for difficult spending and revenue decisions. - Super PAYGO: A proposal by the CRFB requiring $2 in offsets for every $1 of new spending or tax cuts. - Spending Baselines: Sen. Johnson proposed returning to pre-pandemic spending levels based on 1998 (Clinton), 2014 (Obama), or 2019 (Trump) outlays, adjusted for inflation and population. - Tax Reform: Proposals included indexing capital gains for inflation (criticized by Democrats as a handout to the wealthy) and raising the Social Security payroll tax cap for those earning over $200,000. - Medicare and Social Security Fair Share Act: Mentioned by Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) as a way to extend solvency through the 75-year window.
Overview
INDUSTRY & SECTOR IMPACT The hearing highlighted significant impacts on the financial services and housing sectors, as high deficits drive up interest rates and mortgage costs. The healthcare sector is also heavily affected, with discussions focusing on prescription drug price negotiations and Medicare "upcoding" as potential areas for savings. The defense sector was scrutinized regarding the ongoing costs of the war in Iran and the Pentagon's inability to pass an audit.
Industry Impact
ORGANIZATIONS & ENTITIES - Social Security Administration: Discussed extensively regarding the 2032 insolvency date and the need for benefit or revenue reforms. - Congressional Budget Office (CBO): Provided the baseline projections for debt-to-GDP and trust fund exhaustion. - Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (Medicare): Referenced regarding the 2040 insolvency of Part A and potential savings from site-neutral payments. - Department of the Treasury: Mentioned regarding the management of debt auctions and the impact of interest rates on debt service. - The Budget Lab at Yale: Cited for research on how federal debt increases household mortgage costs. - AARP: Criticized by MacGuineas for allegedly opposing Social Security reforms and "intimidating" members of Congress. - Department of Defense (Pentagon): Criticized for its $1 trillion budget and failure to pass financial audits. - Islamic Republic of Iran: Discussed as the site of a "war of choice" costing the U.S. an estimated $1 billion per day. - Allianz, Aon, and Freddie Mac: Referenced by Sen. Whitehouse regarding warnings that climate change could cause a collapse in the insurance and mortgage markets. - Goldman Sachs and Bank of England: Cited for warnings regarding global financial stability and banking insolvencies. - No Labels: Mentioned by Sen. Johnson as an organization he is working with to evaluate debt crisis scenarios.
Overview
PARTISAN DYNAMICS Republicans, led by Sen. Johnson and Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA), argued that the crisis is primarily a "spending problem." They advocated for returning to pre-pandemic spending levels and criticized "punishing success" through higher taxes. Democrats, including Sen. Tina Smith (D-MN), Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), and Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR), argued that the deficit is driven by "irresponsible" tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations, specifically citing the "One Big Beautiful Bill" (which they claimed added $4.7 trillion to the debt). Democrats also focused on the high cost of the war in Iran as a major fiscal drain.
Notable Exchanges
NOTABLE EXCHANGES Sen. Warren questioned Director Swagel on the costs of the war in Iran, noting that the $50 billion initial estimate mirrored the early (and ultimately low) estimates for the Iraq War. She argued that one month of war spending ($30 billion) could fund the Affordable Care Act’s enhanced premium tax credits for a full year. Sen. Whitehouse entered several exhibits into the record regarding "climate risk" to insurance markets, arguing that a collapse in home insurance would trigger a mortgage and banking crisis.
Next Steps
NEXT STEPS Sen. Johnson noted that he is working with the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) on a $100 million project to use AI for a program-by-program forensic analysis of federal spending. Members have until March 18, 2026, to submit additional questions for the record.
Transcript
This hearing of the subcommittee will come to order. I want to thank everybody first of all for attending. I was mentioning to ranking member and my colleagues here I was expecting lines around the the halls, you know, waiting to get in. But I truly appreciate you coming. I really want to thank the witnesses for all the time and effort you put into your testimony and you know time you're putting in here today. I certainly want to thank the ranking member of the subcommittee, Senator Smith and the ranking member of the full the chair and ranking member of the full committee, Chairman Crapo and Senator Wyden for and their staff for all the help in facilitating this what I consider a pretty important hearing. When I entered Congress our nation's total debt was $14.7 trillion and 96 percent of GDP. Soon it will hit and surpass $39 trillion and 124 percent of GDP. Within 10 years, it'll almost certainly exceed $60 trillion and 134 percent of GDP. Although both sides claim to be concerned about our dire fiscal situation, neither side. And let me emphasize that, neither side has demonstrated a genuine desire to seriously address it. Democrats insist the solution is simply making the rich pay their fair share. Yet, when they had the power to do so, they didn't. Republicans respond we don't have a revenue problem, we have a spending problem. Yet when we had the power to return spending to reasonable pre-pandemic levels, the one big beautiful bill simply did not meet the moment. When I arrived in Congress in 2011 America's debt and deficit was the topic of discussion. Now $24 trillion of added debt later, it's barely mentioned and most members of Congress, the administration, and the public seem content on continuing to whistle past the graveyard. Again, I want to thank our witnesses for their testimony that describes our growing fiscal situation in all its gory detail. I don't expect to find agreement on solutions here in at the hearing today. But we still haven't because we still haven't taken the first step in solving a problem, which is admit we have one. If we are ever willing to collectively take that first step, the next step is properly defining it. A financial problem lends itself to charts and graphs. I love them. And the the written testimony's chock full of some really good ones that I highly recommend that people study. I've been developing a few charts and graphs and I want to quick go through them. Everybody's got a copy in front of them. I'll go through this pretty quickly. This is the depressing debt chart. We passed the $5 trillion debt level in 1996, 10 trillion in 2008, 15 trillion in 2012, 25 trillion in 2020 and we'll probably pass 40 trillion this year. Pretty depressing outlook. As a percentage of GDP, yeah we were keeping it under 70 percent through from 1980 through about 2008 and then we hit basically 100 percent in 2012, over 120 percent in 2020 and again we're we're on a path to higher levels. Next. I know Treasury Secretary Bessent is pretty well and others economists have laid out deficits as a percentage of GDP a benchmark level about 3 percent. Since our last surplus, which was in 2001, which was $128 billion, we've only been under 3 percent of GDP with our deficits seven times in those 24 years. Otherwise we've been over that and this chart shows CBO's current baseline, which is based on 1.8 percent growth, which I think people might hopefully we do better than that. But at 1.8 percent growth we never really go below 6 percent. Even if you grow at 3 percent, you're still not getting down to a 3 percent level of GDP. You'd literally have to have 4 percent growth over the next decade for us to dip below 3 percent in the last three years of this decade. Deficits are composed of two parts, revenue and spending. I've had this chart now ever since I arrived in Congress in 2011 just to point out quite honestly the folly of trying to punish success. Going back 66 years, we've had top marginal tax rates as high as 91 percent, 70, 50, a low of 28 percent, 39.6 we're at 37 right now. And no matter how much we try and punish success, on average we collect about 17.1 percent of GDP. At some point in time we ought to realize that reality and start getting spending back in line with that. Next chart is spending, outlays. I think the most noteworthy thing here is you can see it grow dramatically from the year 2000 to 2019, the year before the pandemic where we spent $4.4 trillion and then the pandemic hit and spending exploded. But unlike for example World War II where prior to World War II spending was 11.7 percent of GDP, went up to I think over way over 40 percent during the war. With responsible leadership, we went back to 11.4 percent, actually lower than what we were. We didn't do that with the pandemic. We went from $4.4 trillion to $6.5 trillion and never looked back. This year we'll spend about $7.4 trillion which is 67 percent higher than 2019. There is absolutely no justification for that whatsoever. Another way to look at this is average deficits per four-year presidential term. And you look back to what I only wish we were at levels we were at today under George Bush. He averaged about $250 billion per year. That's when $100 billion seemed like a lot of money and we were all crapping about that. Then President Obama came in first term $1.27 trillion average deficit. Tea Party, I sprang from the Tea Party. We came in and we restrained spending. There was actually public pressure, we concentrated on it. That dropped to $550 billion per year average deficits. Then Trump came in, had to work with the other side, $810 billion average deficits. Then the pandemic hit and a spending blowout, $3.1 trillion. It's been averaging $1.9 trillion basically ever since. And according to the CBO in the next 10 years, this is the most recent numbers, we'll incur $24.4 trillion of deficits over the next 10 years. That's an average of $2.4 trillion per year and of course it grows over those 10 years. Next chart. This shows annual deficits. And the main point in this chart is when you go back to the CBO projection prior to the pandemic, CBO was projecting the next 10 years from 2037 to 2035, we'd have about a $17.4 trillion deficit versus now the estimate is $24 trillion. $7 trillion higher. Okay. Now, quick point. Yes, the one big beautiful bill scored at about $4 trillion. Most of that was preventing a massive automatic tax increase, which again I will point out when the Democrats had the exact same opportunity to use reconciliation, they could have increased taxes, they could have increased taxes on the wealthy, they didn't. So I consider the it's a bipartisan agreement we didn't want to increase taxes. We understand how economically harmful that is. So that's that point. Let's next couple charts. This shows again the four-year average deficits if you have 3 percent growth. Notice it doesn't bend the deficit curve down. Flattens it out a little bit, doesn't bend it down. Go to the next chart. This is 4 percent growth. Now we're finally bending the deficit curve down. We're not even close to balance by the end of the decade. We're still at $1.4 trillion. Here's here's my solution that I recommended starting with a column in the Wall Street Journal January 1st of last year. Go back to a pre-pandemic level spending. I chose three different options. Bill Clinton in 1998, Barack Obama 2014, President Trump 2019. You take their actual total outlays, you exempt Social Security, Medicare and interest. You spend what you need to spend. But all the other outlays, you apply reasonable control, increase in inflation and population. If we were to do that, go back to Clinton in 98, we'd be spending $5.9 trillion this year. And that's $1.5 trillion less. That's a $15 trillion savings over 10 years. If you go back to Obama 2014, if if Clinton's too aggressive for you, go back to Obama. It'd be $6.6 trillion. That's $800 billion less than we're going to spend this year. That's $8 trillion over 10 years. Just go back to prior to the pandemic under Trump, $6.9 trillion that'd save us a half a trillion in one year, 5 trillion over 10. Again, that's the solution. I'm not saying you you take every one, but you use those as baselines as an evaluation for getting back to a reasonable pre-pandemic level of spending. It's entirely possible. There's no justification to go from 4.4 to 7.4 trillion. So as I said earlier, I don't expect to find agreement on solutions but let me describe what I believe are two primary our two primary initiatives should be. First, return to reasonable pre-pandemic level spending. I've given three different options. We should look seriously at doing that. And by the way, I am working with OMB. We passed $100 million of funding for a line-by-line, program-by-program review. We've already purchased AI system, we're hiring people to do that kind of forensic analysis. That's underway. That's basically another three-year project. Second thing is we have to simplify and rationalize our tax code. It is simply too complex, costs at least $400 billion to comply with. It's also totally irrational. Instead of treating all income the same, we arbitrarily treat it differently hoping to create different various economic incentives. In our quest to create economic incentives, I think we've probably created at least as many uneconomical, harmful disincentives. So I truly believe reducing spending and deficits combined with creating a simple and rational tax system would be the most growth-inducing solution and action we could take. With that turned over to ranking member Smith.
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