Summary
- J. Hill advanced H.R. 5396 to replace the Federal Reserve's dual mandate with a single price-stability mandate despite strong Democratic opposition.
- No witnesses testified during the markup as members debated the Federal Reserve's employment mandate and inflation-fighting role directly instead today.
- Maxine Waters pressed J. Hill on President Trump's attacks on Chair Powell and Governor Cook and demanded protection for Fed independence.
- Republicans argued a single mandate fights inflation for vulnerable families while Democrats said removing employment focus harms Black and Latino workers.
- Recorded votes on Waters and Pressley amendments were postponed under committee rules as markup of H.R. 5396 continues with further consideration expected soon.
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Transcript
non-protect consumers or help workers. In fact, Republicans are advancing legislation that goes in the exact opposite direction. One bill would actually, actually tell the Federal Reserve to ignore unemployment in this country and the real economic pain families are experiencing every single day. Are any of my Republican colleagues Paying attention? Really? Well, I and Democrats on this committee are paying attention. We know that to address the affordability crisis, we must have the entire government using every tool to help. Mister Chairman, fifty years ago the reason Congress required the Fed to prioritize both full employment and price stability was because unemployment is a primary driver of poverty, racial injustice, and major social problems. Coretta Scott King knew that a job can be the difference for someone between economic stability and ruin, and that every government tool should be used to create the conditions for full employment. She knew that the powerful tools that the Fed wills wou could be used to prioritize job creation in this country, especially for underserved population. And she was right. Now Republicans wanna take us back to the nineteen seventies. Do you know what also happened in the nineteen seventies? Soaring gas prices, endless foreign wars, and rampant government corruption. Mister Chairman, the American people are not asking Congress to protect powerful corporations using AI. to weaken oversight of AI or to tell the Fed to ignore the plight of workers. They're asking us to lower costs, protect consumers, strengthen economic security, and make sure new technology actually works for working families instead of against them. That is exactly what committee Democrats are standing up for today, and so can you. I yield back the balance of my time.
Gentlewoman yields back. Miss Presley. Are you asking for a question or what You're ea the record the record shows the gentleman is eager and prepared for the day's mark-up. Grateful for that. Pursuant to notice, I'd like to call up H R fifty three ninety six, the Price Stability Act of twenty twenty five, which I introduced. The clerk will report the bill which has been distributed in advance.
H R fifty three ninety six, to amend the Federal Reserve Act to remove the mandate on the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Open Market Committee to focus on maximum employment.
Without objection, the first reading is dispensed with, without objection, the bill is considered read and open to amendment at any time. I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute, copies of which were been distributed in advance. Clerk will report that amendment.
An amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R fifty three ninety six, offered by Minister Hill of Arkansas, designated as Hill AR zero nine zero.
Uh, without objection, the amendment's considered read and will serve as the base text for the purposes of amendment. I'll recognize myself for five minutes to discuss this bill, HR fifty-three ninety-six, the Price Stability Act of twenty twenty five. It's very straightforward. It simply replaces the Federal Reserve's current dual mandate with a single mandate centered on price stability, and I'd like to explain why and I I love my ranking member, but we don't wanna go back to disco music and the economy of the nineteen seventies, and I agree with her on that. But in the ensuing fifty years, many policymakers have sought to reorient the Fed's focus to a single inflation prevention focus mandate, uh, since it was first adopted back in those, uh, uh, middle years of the nineteen seventies. Why? Well, first, because success is more achievable with fewer mandates. and prices will never fall back after a policy mistake. And I think that focus is so important to the mission of the central bank and to all of our households across the country. Secondly, the Federal Reserve does not influence and has no control over the factors that contribute to the levels of employment or macroeconomic growth. They focus essentially, their tool is targeting short-term interest rates only. Therefore, focusing solely on prevention of inflation is the long-term best medicine for the Fed and for all of our families and business. But let me be clear. The single price uh stabil- or the single price stability mandate is in no way repeat no way anti-employment. Rather, a superfluous employment mandate sets the Fed up for failure. In the eyes of monetary policy, a maximum employment goal is nothing but a mirage, and we've seen that for five decades. But don't take my word for it. How about let's look at the Fed's own statements on longer-run goals and monetary policy strategy. Their statement, the Federal Reserve Consensus statement confesses that maximum employment is, and I quote, "not directly measurable and changes over time owing to largely and I note this for emphasis, non-monetary factors, close quote. Unmeasurable, unstable, and therefore, in my judgment, unachievable. Therefore, let's recognize reality. It's Congress and the executive branch, through their regulatory, revenue policy, spending's decisions that have a dramatic and significant influence over the growth of the economy and labor market conditions. But let's set economic theory aside and get down to just plain talk about it. Inflation is a tax on everyone, all of us. Yet it does not tax everyone equally. It disproportionately punishes and hurts the poor and minority communities more, which then begs the question, why don't more of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle consider supporting the Price Stability Act, the very legislation that marginalized communities would benefit financially from the most if we were successful in targeting inflation and not have it run rampant, as it does periodically, most recently in the twenty, uh, late twenty twenty to twenty twenty-two time frame. My colleagues should take a cue from the American public. Studies have found that Americans would rather cope with facing their own uh temporary unemployment challenge than higher inflation. And of course if you think about that, that's common sense. If I'm hurt by a job layoff, I can take actions to find another position, advance my skills, work two jobs temporarily, team up with family members, draw on unemployment insurance compensation, safety net provided by the federal government. In other words, my personal actions can change the outcome. But with inflation, the opposite is true. No action I can take can offset the financial damage caused by a cost of living shock. Whether it's due to the oil price shock of nineteen seventy-two and the terrible policies of the Johnson, Nixon, and Ford administration that led to rampant inflation, or what we experienced coming out of the pandemic with a supply disruption, inflation, and too much federal spending, and too lax a Federal Reserve policy. Don't believe me or my assertion? How about the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, President Neel Kashkari, a real life example. A few years back he met at one of his district's local labor leaders who represents low income grocery store and hotel workers. He told you, the labor leaders said they preferred not to experience inflation. Inflation is worse than a recession, was his quote. So, no one wants unemployment or inflation, but I believe the Fed's tools can be only prevent and fight inflation, not structural unemployment, and I yield back. Uh, who seeks recognition? Uh, the ranking member.
Uh, thank you very much. I move to strike the last word.
Recognize for five minutes.
Mister Chairman, I'm deeply uh disappointed that in response to an escalating affordability crisis and rising unemployment rates, Republicans respond by telling the Fed to stop caring about workers. This legislation removes the maximum employment mandate from the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Open Markets Committee. Maximum unemployment, or employment rather, has been part of the Fed's dual mandate since nineteen seventy-seven, and requires the Fed to prioritize reducing unemployment. while also maintaining stable prices. Coretta Scott King again championed this mandate because she knew that unemployment was a primary factor causing poverty and social problems, and how it disproportionately hurt black and brown communities. She knew then we have learned uh what we have learned for the past fifty years was that federal reserve's powerful monetary policy tools could be deployed to reduce unemployment while also maintaining stable prices. This was an important part of the civil rights movement, and not surprisingly, we haven't seen the large unemployment rates common earlier in our country's history, even as we have navigated pandemics and financial crisis. Decades after establishing the maximum employment mandated under democratic leadership, Unemployment remained at historic lows below four percent for the longest stretch in fifty years however now after Trump's trade policy unemployment is again creeping up to four point three percent or seven point four million people unemployed, doing away, doing absolutely away the full employment mandate at this time. is just foolish. Unemployment rates are higher for teenage workers at fourteen point four percent, black workers at seven point three percent, and Hispanic workers at five point zero percent in twenty twenty five. Now, black women face the largest employment losses, especially for college graduates and workers in the public sector. The maximum unemployment rate serves America's workforce in a time of major instability. This bill clearly demonstrates Republican priorities, which do not include people who are struggling to make ends meet with high prices, working multiple jobs, and facing a difficult job market. If my colleagues really want to address inflation, they should go to the root cause, Trump's failed economic agenda, his tariffs, this war in Iran, and his government dysfunction, and raising and rising housing and grocery prices, driving up the cost at the pump, and forcing small businesses and nonprofits to shut their doors, reversing just one of those actions, would help Americans. So I urge everyone to reject this harmful bill And well, I respect my friend, Mister Hill. He did not make a good case for why that mandate should be uh stripped away from the feds. I yield back.
Gentlewoman yields back who seeks recognition. The gentleman from uh Indiana, Mister Tussman.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. I'll try and see if I can make a good case.
You, gentleman moves to strike the last word.
Move to strike last word, yes.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Alright, thank you. First of all, Mister Chairman, thank you for the I don't know who put the flowers in the uh the um motion, what is that? Thank you, yeah, for Mister Scott, but I just wanna recognize his service and he was such a gentle man and he'll be sorely missed uh here on the committee, and appreciate the uh the flowers that honor him. But uh anyway I wanna uh talk a little about the history of the mandate and appreciate the chairman carrying this particular bill. Many forget that the original Federal Reserve Act of nineteen thirteen did not have a dual mandate. No price stability goal, no maximum employment goal, just a goal to maintain elastic currency. People also forget that the Senate originally had drafted the Federal Reserve Act of nineteen thirteen to have the Federal Reserve to promote a stable price level. In fact, since nineteen nineteen, Congress has introduced at least a hundred and three bills related to price stability. Seventy-one of those bills were led by Democrats. Price stability was on Congress's collective mind well before the introduction of the Fed's dual mandate. Not until the seventies did Congress provide the Fed with the mandate, with the dual mandate. Unfortunately, the dual mandate was not born from economic necessity, it was born from the politics of the great society era. So I urge those who are watching at home to take a deeper look at the political environment of the time this change was made. I think it's hard to ignore the persistent influence of LBJ's great society reforms and the idea that the federal government should have its hand in every aspect of the economy. For instance, Hubert Humphrey included a great society style government jobs program in his draft of what would become the Humphrey-Hawkins Act. If the Fed didn't hit the unemployment target set by Congress, Humphrey's idea was for the federal government to act as an employer of last resort, and create jobs for all who wanted one. That sounds to me like a decision driven by bad politics, not just bad economics. Instead of having the Fed focus on inflation, as it should have since day one, the creation of the dual mandate injected big government politics into the Fed's decisions and forced it to balance two often-competing goals. Even worse is that maximum employment itself cannot be directly measured and fluctuates over time as the economy evolves. Unfortunately, those hurt the most are the American people. Because when the Fed gets the balance between the two mandates wrong, the American people pay the price, whether it's in high prices or higher unemployment. Back in two thousand fifteen, I introduced la legislation that would end this confusing dual mandate and return the Fed to its original mission of protecting price stability. I'm very happy to see that this legislation lived on and has been introduced by our Chairman of the Committee in the years since. It's long past time for the Fed to have a single mandate. And I believe that Chairman Hill's Price Stability Act will accomplish that goal and will help the American people and keep the government focused where it should focus. Thank you, and I'll yield back.
Gentleman yields back, who seeks recognition.
Uh.
Uh, Mr. Lynch, you're recognized.
I thank the gentlemen. Uh. Let me support uh the ranking members' comments on this. Uh first of all, the dual mandate that is contained in Humphrey Hawkins and which governs the Fed today was put in for for reasons that are are keenly relevant to what we're going through right now. Uh right now we have a threat to millions and millions and millions of jobs all across the country because of AI. We're seeing driverless cars, there's probably over a million truck drivers that that are employed right now, that do long-haul driving and and with the improvements of being that are being made right now on driverless vehicles, those jobs are under threat. In the financial services industry, a lot of the back office jobs that that we see in the business right now are going away as we speak. This is not the time to remove the the the mandate of a full employment from the Federal Reserve. And as far as, and I have great respect for the for the chairman, I really do. He is a good man. But the Federal Reserve is our chief lender. And when we have seen high periods of unemployment in this country, the Federal Reserve pulls out its tool that is allowed to use because of the dual mandate It lowers interest rates, it often uh drives economic growth, and it lowers the the employment levels, it lowers the unemployment levels in this country. So it it is perfectly uh appropriate for them for them to do that. Now, the dual mandate also requires balance, price stability, looking at inflation, but but in a corresponding way, looking at the ability of Americans to go to work. There are a lot of people out there in various industries. There are kids in college right now who are choosing their majors and, and, and, and wondering if it is, if it is worthwhile to go to college because they're afraid that the, the line of uh employment that they're looking at is going away. Whether, so this is a a period of extreme uncertainty right now. for people in the job market. This is this is the worst possible time for us to suggest to the Federal Reserve, forget about full employment. Forget about it's not your job. The the other impact on that this bill will have is as we know right now, the Fed's the Fed has very specific mandates because of this, the Humphrey Hawkins bill. while it has many jobs to do, the mandate from Congress to the Fed is focus on price stability, focus on employment. Those are very specific targets. Those are objectives. Those are goals. And it guides the Fed in their job. Right now, as it stands, the Federal Reserve priority is employment as well as as well as price stability. What your bill would do is, is completely delete that. Full employment would no longer be a priority for, for the Federal Reserve. That is so reckless right now because of the risk on a lot of jobs in this, in this country and around the world. This is the worst possible time for you to be suggesting, uh, something like this, to remove the explicit goal of actually putting people to work. The Fed has powerful tools. And and if you did talk to, if you did talk to labor leaders and and and worker advocates around this country, they see that mandate as something that protects every American worker, not just union workers or non-union workers, every single worker, because the the levers that that the Fed controls in allowing businesses to to get loans that are that are actually uh that that allow them to invest and grow their business, that's all controlled by the interest rate of that the that is set by the Federal Reserve Bank. So this this is a terrible, terrible idea. This is this is one of the one of the worst bills I've seen come up in a long time, uh not only because of its its inherent object, but also because of the circumstances that we find ourselves in with so many millions and millions of jobs in this country right now at risk. This is not the time to tell the Fed that full employment doesn't matter. With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Gentleman yields back who seeks recognition. Uh, gentleman from uh, California, Miss, Mister Vargas.
Thank you very much, Mister Chairman, I moved to strike the last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chairman. I agree with my Democratic colleagues, although I would agree with uh two things that my Republican colleagues did and said, and that is I wanna thank you, Mister Chairman, and of course Mister Stutzman for recognizing Mister Scott, the flowers you've placed there. He was a beloved member of this committee, and thank you for recognizing, we appreciate that. With all that being said, in nineteen seventy-seven Congress amended the Federal Reserve Act to give our central bank a dual mandate, maximum employment and stable prices. But that achievement was decades in the making, as the ranking members said. It began with FDR's nineteen forty-four State of the Union, in which he famously called for an economic bill of rights. It continued with President Truman signing the Employment Act of nineteen forty-six, affirming that the federal government has a responsibility to promote maximum employment. And the civil rights leaders, including Coretta Scott King, as was mentioned once again by the ranking member, helped lead the fight to full employment goals in the Humphrey Hawkins Act. Through the civil, through the work of the civil rights and labor leaders, maximum employment became an equal pillar of the Fed's max, Fed's mandate. That equal footing, it matters. Most Americans don't experience the economy through the markets. They experience through their paycheck. Whether they have one, whether they have a job. When working families in San Diego and across the country ask if the economy is working for them, they're asking, " Can I find work? Does it pay enough?" Well, I still have it next year. And of course, with all that we've heard, with AI and all the other fear that people have out there right now, because the economy is changing, this is a terrible time to make this change. A strong labor market gives workers bargaining power to ask for a raise, leave a bad job, or demand better conditions. And with labor markets weakened, Black and Latino families feel it most acutely. In April of this year, Black unemployment was at seven point three percent. seven point three percent. And Latino unemployment was at five percent, both above the national average of four point three percent. Any effort to eliminate the Fed's commitment to maximum employment will disproportionately impact working families. Now, we do, I think, Mister Chairman, hear hear testimony differently, because I heard hear the Chairman of the Fed, Chairman Powell, tell this committee on July of twenty twenty four, and I wanna quote, My view has been that the dual mandate has served us well. And I agree. Congress established the dual mandate for a reason. And we should not do away with it now. I would also say that, Mister Chairman, you asked us to quote, take a cue from the American public. I I think that we are taking a cue from the American public. When they see the h the harm that's happening right now in the economy because of the policies of this administration. And sadly, and I say this very sadly, I also hear what the President say says, and I think that my Republican colleagues are taking a cue from what he said. And he said this, "I don't think about the Americans about Americans' financial situation." That's what he said. I don't think about it. I don't care about Americans' financial situation. And I think that's what's in this bill. American's financial situation for most people depends on a job, having that opportunity to work, working families, being able to pay for the food, for the gas that they need, for their families. So, Mister Chairman, I, again, I have great respect for you. Um, I really do, but I, in this case, I think you're wrong. And I hope that, uh, we oppose this.
Chairman yields back. Who seeks recognition? Mr. Casti.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chair, and uh
You're moving to strike the last word.
Oh, sorry, yeah, I will move to strike the last word.
Oh, you're broken house for five minutes.
Uh, uh, thank you. Um. I'm just really concerned by the irresponsibility of this conversation. I I get it, like getting rid of the dual mandate was in project twenty twenty five. Um, it's been a, you know, it's been a wish list for a long time. And we could we could be economically theoretical about this, and I think it's appropriate to remember that theory, right? There is a tension between do d do corporate gains flow to labor or to capital? Um, the idea of the dual mandate is to balance that. We could we could get into the economic theory or we could all go back to our district where we're all hearing people saying, would you like to make it easier for us to build a data center so that we can automate your job and increase corporate profits that will not be inflationary, um but will put you out of work. Um, make that speech at home and try to get elected. I think we all understand that tension between where do gains flow between capital and labor. And the whole reason that the Fed has a dual mandate is so that the Fed can cannot take a side in that debate. Um, I'm not saying this to be opposed to AI. I'm not saying this to be opposed to labor productivity. I am happy that I don't have to churn my own butter, right? But but the Fed still has to make a decision around when the economy gets going too hot one way, what do we do when it gets going too hot the other way? And if we take that away, what are we left with? And the reason I say that this is so irresponsible is that there was this, there was this New Republic article this week that I would encourage you all to read, that described the leadership of the Republican party right now as the last gasps of a cult who are staying to the bitter end. You all can't talk about the fact that the president can't stay awake in a pr- press conference. You all can't talk about the fact that he's starting needless wars that are driving up the price of gasoline, um, and all energy sources. You all can't talk about the fact that he's a convicted felon. The most critical thing that I think you are allowed to say about him and still be a member of the cult in good standing is that he's a latter-day Cyrus sent by Jesus to bring about the second coming. You gotta work through all that. But in the meantime there is a practical reality. That whatever you do with interest rates right now, you are still stuck in a situation where inflation is being driven by energy costs that are the result of dumb foreign policy, um, and is driven by high tariffs that are the result of dumb economic policy. In the words of that great philosopher Ron White, you can't fix stupid and you certainly can't fix it with interest rates. You have a practical reality in labor markets right now. The last, Obama's second term there were ten million jobs created. Trump's first term there were almost three million jobs destroyed. Biden, sixteen million jobs created. Trump so far, kudos for him. He's created a hundred and twenty thousand jobs through February. If he stays on pace, maybe he'll break four hundred thousand dollars by the end of his term, but the trend line isn't looking that way. You are sitting here watching employment in the United States collapse. Hiring is at at historic lows. Inflation is at historic highs. You can't fix that with interest rates. You can fix that with oversight. You can fix that by getting out of the cult. You can fix that by taking your oath to the constitution and this institution seriously. And someday, when you're out of the cult, you are going to want an independent fed. To make sure that that bias doesn't sit here. So I'm left saying this is not complicated. There are a number of laws that were passed in the nineteen twenties that you all really seem to like. Don't get rid of this one. I yield back.
Gentleman yields back, seeks recognition. Gentlewoman from Massachusetts.
Uh, thank you, Mr. Chair. Um
Are you moving to strike the last word or do you have an amendment at the desk or what
Yes, we'll Just looking to participate in general debate.
Very good.
We'll just try to get the last word.
You you're moving to strike what you're recognized for five minutes.
Yes, thank you. Um, like Ranking Member Waters and my uh democratic colleagues, I vigorously oppose this legislation to strip the mandate Of the federal government. for maximum employment from the mission of the Federal Reserve. I mean, I never thought that my republican colleagues would need a lesson on the importance of gainful employment and having a job. Even Ronald Reagan said that he believed the best social program is a job. Um, and yet, here we are. The best way to support working families is to keep them working. Plain and simple. Maximizing employment is good for our economy, it's good for our communities, it's good for our families. And to deny that truth is to deny reality. So I'm confident that the American people will see through these, um, baseless talking points and agree with Democrats that everyone should be able to get a job. to work a job, and to earn a living. Work is, is pride, it's dignity, it's essential to survive, to thrive, to provide, even to dream. I've been uh working, I've been employed since I was uh thirteen, fourteen years old. Um many young people pursue jobs, whether it's um being a bagger at a grocery store or working retail, not just for enrichment or for exposure, but because it is essential. I was working at the age of fourteen to contribute to my household income. Or what of young adults, recent graduates, uh, from college or a trade school, who wanna save for a house or maybe even start a business one day? Or You know, as a mother, I think about what it means to be able to see the light behind my child's eyes when I can uh provide them with a vacation or uh some gift that they've been uh begging for. And and for our elders, increasingly so under uh Trump administration and economy, retirement is farther and farther out of reach, and uh many of our elders have no choice but to work. in order to pay for lifesaving medication and to keep a roof over their head. So all this to say that having a job is not a statistic. It is essential, it is dignity, dignity of work is transformational. That's what the Fed's mandate for maximum employment is about. This mission was not created in a vacuum. It dates back to the Great Depression in recognition that people should be able to earn a living, provide for themselves and their family. There was nearly unanimous support by Republicans and Democrats for maximum employment when the mandate passed Congress. The Federal Reserve Board of Governors is the only independent agency that works on improving employment. Some argue that this is the role of the Department of Labor, but in Trump's America, the Labor Department is a joke. We don't even have a secretary of labor right now. So the Fed's mandate is essential and always has been. During the great recession of two thousand eight, massive job loss, the Fed stepped in to maximize employment. During the COVID-19 pandemic and record layoffs, the Fed once again pursued its mandament its mandate of maximum employment. And in in this moment, we need the Fed to do more, not less. For months I've been sounding the alarm about the current unemployment crisis. The unemployment rate has increased to four point three percent due to Trump's reckless policies like firing government workers, attacking small businesses. And when you analyze the data, black unemployment specifically is at seven point three percent. These are the worst rates we've seen since the pandemic. Black workers are the canaries in the coal mine. What happens to our community first happens to everyone next. So folks should take heed. People are looking for jobs. People wanna work, but Trump's economy won't let them. Just last week, Fed Chair Jerome Powell announced the jobs numbers and said something my Republicans need to hear. There is little hiring going on. And for many Americans, it doesn't feel like a good labor market. So the solution to the current unemployment problem is not to tell the Fed to abandon the goal of maximum employment, The solution is to empower the Fed to do even more. Recent graduates deserve more. Having a job and earning a paycheck is a beautiful and essential thing. So I just wanna say this to folks at home, in the midst of all of this, this anti-worker policies against paid leave, child care, supporting tariffs, suppressing wages, To those who keep applying the jobs but still aren't hearing back. To those who are wondering how they're going to pay their bills without a paycheck. To those who are doing everything right but the economy is all wrong. To those who know and appreciate the dignity of work, I see you. I'm fighting for you. And that is why I pose this bill and I urge my colleagues to do the same.
Gentleman yields back. Who seeks recognition? Gentleman from Iowa.
Well, thank you, Mister Chair. I move to strike last word.
Gentleman's recognized for five minutes.
I think the chairman's bill speaks directly to the ability of the Fed to help in not only lowering our interest rates but the job creation
I appreciate the the gentleman from Iowa's help. I've been listening to this debate. I find it uh truly fascinating that some on the other side of the aisle somehow think that this bill is anti-full employment. Completely wrong. This bill is about stopping inflation from punishing every household. And I argue that the Fed's ability to influence maximum employment is not a reality. And Neel Kashkari, President of the Bank in Minneapolis agrees, many former governors agree, and you know, let's look at the world. Uh, this is not the standard of global central banking. I mean, most central banks focus on fighting inflation. Who had the worst inflation in the twentieth century? The Germans. They have a single mandate. The, uh, European Central Bank, single mandate, Swiss National Bank, single mandate, Bank of New Zealand, single mandate, the polls, single mandate. So this is not some out of the out of thinking concept to fight inflation as the principal mandate of the central bank. My point is that that should be the principal mandate of the bank, and that these issues about influencing the level of employment, the maximum level of employment, all are impacted by decisions we take here in Congress. in fiscal policy, regulatory policy. And my friends on the other aisle may talk about, well what about those with, who have child care needs, those who have lower monthly earnings. But many on the other side, they all voted against doubling the child tax credit just last year. They voted against tax cuts for uh families uh here. And so this is not about uh maximum employment versus price stability, it's about the role. in government to achieve that. And I argue that the central bank in our country's main mission should be fighting inflation which is that punishing tax on all Americans in all business that's so disruptive and so helplessness creating and that if you are for faster economic growth, more careers, faster employment growth, higher real wages, then you should have perhaps voted last year with House Republicans to lower income tax burdens on working families, double the child tax credit, lower regulatory burdens on business to create jobs. And in this committee, I must say that that theme has been bipartisan. Just yesterday on the House floor, we had a marvelous debate where Democrats and Republicans came together recognizing that if we want a vigorous economy with more careers, more jobs, more higher real wage growth, we should facilitate our Main Street community banks. to uh tackle that with a lower compliance burden for well-managed banks. Four thousand banks
Will the judge be in here?
will benefit uh the I will not you know I'm finishing my point, but I thank the gentlewoman. Um and so I just wanna echo the comment that uh Mister Kasten of Illinois made, that you can't fix stupid with interest rates, I believe was his quote. I agree. You can't achieve maximum employment by relying quote unquote on a dual mandate in the Fed. That instead you need to recognize that if you want maximum economic growth in the country, that our regulatory policy, our tax policy, yes, our trade policy, our budget deficit policy, all those things influence that greater picture about maximum uh employment. And so I really uh I wanna thank the gentleman from uh Iowa for yielding some time and I yield back to him.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I yield the remainder of my time.
The gentleman from Iowa yields back. Who seeks recognition?
I have an amendment at the desk.
The desk.
The ranking member has an amendment at the desk. We'll pause while it's uh distributed.
Good.
Mister Chairman, I'd like to reserve a point of order.
A gentleman reserves a point of order. Mister Musier reserves a point of order.
What? Just a procedure that they don't
So, if there is also a
Okay, just leave it at that. Yep. And then there was a separate rule that just stayed clear, It just allows us to respond and Yeah. Should I do the strike word? Yield stage? Ah, I just have one more question.
Oh, it's a
Yeah, go ahead.
Clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to HR fifty-three ninety-six offered by Miss Waters of California designated as HR fifty-three, ninety-six, zero one.
The uh without objection, the amendment is considered read, and I recognize the gentleman from California to describe her amendment.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, if we're going to be reforming the Federal Reserve, we should adopt reforms to strengthen the independence of the Fed, especially given the constant threats and attacks the President has launched on it. It is absolutely shameful the way the President has tried to take over the Fed, tried hard to get rid of Chairman Powell, just brazenly and openly wanted to take over the Fed, the way he's taken over the Justice Department, and the SCC and other agencies of government. So my amendment adds a sense of Congress, supporting the independence of maintaining the Fed's independence, and that the Department of Justice is prohibited from opening an investigation into Federal Reserve officials without due process and designed to intimidate the officials into carrying out the President's wishes. I believe everyone in this room supports maintaining the independence of our central bank. the Federal Reserve. We know the evidence from other countries that when a central bank's independence is compromised the economy often suffers from hyperinflation and massive price increases that hurts consumers. As I've said before, the Department of Justice's criminal investigation into Fed Chair Jay Powell was baseless, politically motivated, and an abuse of power from one day from day one. And it was the unlawful, unlawful attempt to fire Governor Lisa Cook. These and other actions were clearly designed to intimidate the leaders of the Federal Reserve and bend one of the most important economic institutions in the world to Trump's will. And while the Senate confirmed a new chair after Trump's DOG was paused, this is far from over. Trump has not dropped his effort to remove Governor Cook of the bogus investigation of her mortgage files. And the threat to reopen the investigation into chair power is still hanging over the Federal Reserve like a cloud sending a chilling message to any Fed official who refuses to fall in line with this administration's political agenda. Let us be very clear. The Federal Reserve s- it serves the American people, not Donald Trump. The administration must immediately drop all efforts targeting any Federal Reserve official, including the continued tax on Governor Lisa Cook. And I urge members to join me in standing up for a strong independent Federal Reserve that serves as a cornerstone of the greatest economy in the world and remains uh accountable to Congress and the American people and support this amendment. Let me just say this. Everybody knows, Democrats, Republicans, the people out there, knows that this president has brazenly taken over our agencies and wanted to determine the interest rates singularly by himself. Everybody knows uh that they have bent uh to the president his chances for the heads of these agencies the Justice Department, uh the Federal Reserve, the SCC, on and on and on. Stop hiding the truth. Stop ignoring the truth. It is getting very irritating. And when you come talking about you want to do something uh about changing the mandate, is that what the president asked you to do? Are you following his orders? Because that's what he determined, that he wants to run all of these agencies. I am going to stop uh being uh nice about these issues. The fact of the matter is, your bringing this up today helps to focus on what this president is doing. I'm sick and tired of it. Americans are sick and tired of it. He does not own this country. He's the president of the United States of America. He does not own all of the federal agency. And what he has done to try to eliminate Powell is absolutely unconscionable. And we've gotta let stop it. We've got to stop this president from acting in this manner. And members of his party, I think it's time for you to step up to the plate. and deal with this issue in a real way. And so you go after reform cuz you wanna remove the mandate. Give me a break. That's not a real issue. Deal with what the president is trying to do to Lisa Cook and to Powell right now, because he think he owns the bed. He wants to determine interest rates. He doesn't give a darn about the constitution of the United States of America. And so I ask all of the members on both side of the aisle, step up and do what you were elected to do. and defend the defend these agencies and I yield back the balance of my time.
Gentlewoman yields back. Does the gentleman insist on his point of order?
No, Chairman, I do not.
Gentleman withdraws his point of order, seeks recognition. Vargas?
Thank you, ma'am. Mr. Chair, I move the strike for last word.
Recognized. You're recognized for five minutes.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I support this amendment. I think it was very well said by the ranking member. that the president has attacked quite blatantly the independence of the Fed by going after the Fed chair. We saw that, everyone saw that. Um, certainly also Governor Cook. Everybody saw that. In fact, uh, the only thing that I would disagree with the ranking member is this. You said that the other side should step up to the plate. They do when they're leaving. They do when they're leaving, not running for another office. I see the senator now on the other side saying what the president's doing, what his department of justice is doing, the pal is wrong, and I'm not gonna support anybody until they drop the criminal investigation. He somehow got courage when he was leaving. Because he's not running for anything else. He's not running for reelection. He's not running for another position. So all of a sudden, He stood up on his hind feet, pi- finally, and said what everybody knew, that this was a terrible thing that the president was doing. He was really demanding that the Department of Justice go after him. He took over the Department of Justice. He he really is normalizing these processes that we would think are crazy, that somehow the president can just say, prosecute that person because I don't like him. And finally, the onl- again, the only thing I would disagree with you, um, ranking member through the chair is that, oh no, they they step up to the plate when they're leaving. I'd also have to say, it's obvious to me, there's a couple, at least one member who is leaving on the other side of the aisle, who certainly is starting to speak up too, um, from one of the northern states. He's leaving now and he's saying some of these things also. So again, I would hope that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle would stand up, because some of the stuff the president's doing, you know that if a democratic president was doing it, you would stand up and say, " This is crazy. You can't do these things." And yet, you don't say a darn thing until again you're leaving and not running for another office. Then you do step up to the plate. And that's sad. Now, I do have to say that I heard some comments about why didn't we, you know, stand up and cut taxes and the big ugly bill for working families. Well, we wanna cut taxes for working families, but we also know that most of that money, the tax went to billionaire families. It didn't go to working families, it went to billionaire families. And in fact, the six hundred, seven hundred dollar tax cut that they got was replaced now with higher tax pri- higher prices on the gas, gas prices. So all of a sudden they don't have a break at all. That big ugly bill didn't do a damn thing for them. In fact, ask any working family in America and they say, " Are you better off?" this year than you were last year, no, because the prices are up because of all the policies of this administration of this president. So no, we didn't vote for that big ugly bill, because we knew that all the good stuff went to the billionaire class and the scraps went to everybody else. That's why we didn't vote for it and wouldn't vote for it. If it had been a a true bill where you tried to work tried to help the working class and those that are poor We would have all supported that. But we saw what this was, this was a smoke screen. To give a working class six hundred buck, eight hundred bucks cut on their taxes, and then again charge them a thousand dollars more for gas the next damn year. So with that, uh I yield back, and again I thank the ranking members.
Will the gentleman yield?
I do yield.
Thank you very much. About Chairman Powell. Was he respected by both sides of the aisle in this committee? Chairman Powell.
Uh, yes, but
Did he work with both Republicans and Democrats equally?
Yes.
Was he respected for his work and the way that he handled himself, and didn't even Mister Hill speak up for him?
Yes, he did.
And so Chairman Powell was everything that you would want in a chair of the feds, yet We don't have the members on the opposite side of the aisle strong enough uh to not only speak up but to fight against this president and his takeovers on any agency. They've got to stop it. He's running the democracy. He's running this country. And so we still have a fight on Lisa Cook. Are they gonna change their mind? And do the right thing? I don't know whether they will or not, but let's keep on it. Let's not stop. Let's talk about the brazenness of this president and a lack of response from the Republicans who should be saying to the president of the United States, no, mister president, that's wrong. I yield back, I yield back to the gentleman.
And I yield back to.
Gentleman yields back. Who seeks recognition? Let me recognize myself for five minutes. So I appreciate uh the gentlewoman's uh argument about Fed independence. Nobody's been an outspoken uh supporter of Fed independence more than I have for I'd say four decades. Yeah, that's right. And I'd I would add just on the particular nature of Mister Powell, uh I'm not leaving office, I'm happily running for re-election, looking forward to serving as chairman of this committee in next Congress. And I spoke up on January twelfth saying that it was uh wrong to have a DOJ investigation of JPAL. uh that he had done nothing criminal and that the whole matter was uh a distraction to the economic policy of the United States and the oversight conducted by this committee. And I think I still stand by that comment. I'm grateful for uh Senator Tillis who's I wouldn't call it a northern state, but North Carolina uh who did speak up. I'm grateful for his support and his role and the advise and consent in the Senate. And I look forward to serving with a chairman, Kevin Warsh, uh of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors in before this committee, just as we all uh were engaged with former Chairman Powell, when the Senate takes their final decision. Let me say, the Fed is not immune from criticism. And Fed Governors and Fed Chairman are not immune from criticism by the executive branch or the legislative branch, and we all know that. We all know that's absolutely true. And let me say,
Intimidation.
uh, when we think about uh intimidation, how would you like to have a Fed uh, chairman called to your personal residence and then shoved up against the wall and told of you don't sh- uh, cut interest rates, I'm going to fill in the blank. Lyndon Johnson, William McKesney Martin, nineteen sixties. Yeah, he's dead. Lyndon Johnson's dead and Martin's dead. You're right, Mr. Madam Ranking Member. Yeah, that's not bad. But the point is that there've been attempts by presidents in the past, Truman, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, others, to criticize their Fed chairman, even the Fed chairs they appointed because they disagree. Uh, and that's, you know, their right to do that. I don't think they should resort to intimidation. I don't think they should resort to the kinds of actions that we've seen over the years.
Will the gentleman yield?
Uh, I will not yield. And I don't, I
Did they, did they call for an investigate?
I would say yes, Madam Ranking Member, Okay. but I'm not engaging, I'm not engaging in this, I'm going to simply respond that there are attacks on the Fed, some quite crass, rude, and viscatory, and threatening by former presidents. I don't support that either. In American history I don't support it now. But the point is that it happens. And in this committee, we have the right to oversee the Fed and we have the right to criticize uh, the decisions taken by the Fed, which is why I created a monetary Policy and Treasury Market Structure Task Force, uh, to do exactly that. Let's thoughtfully look at
Will the gentleman yell?
I - I will not, Ma- Madam Ranking Member. That is why we have, uh, a monetary policy task force to look at the oversight of both the Fed structure, the Fed monetary policy since the financial crisis, and I'm grateful to the ranking member of that committee, Mister Vargas, for his outstanding, uh, participation, uh, in that, uh, subcommittee and - or that task force. and its work. But I have to, I have to say that while the Fed can be criticized, in my view, this committee stands for Fed independence, that's why it is independent and why I don't believe we need to have a yes vote on this amendment. And I urge a no vote on the amendment and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mister Chairman?
Just one more minute.
May I strike the last word?
Recognize and strike the last word, five minutes.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Very briefly. You were right on January twelfth when you called out the administration for for going after uh Jay Powell uh on the construction project that they they found that he was uh he was mishandling. Uh I think all of us know that the Federal Res- the Chair of the Federal Reserve does not, you know, run his own construction operation and uh coming out of that industry, I I certainly Thought it was uh totally uh over the top in terms of going after him. And I it has been uh it makes me cringe what I what I see going on right now with with the President, the Department of Labor, excuse me, the top Department of Justice going after uh uh Chair Powell uh on that to try to force him force him out. Uh I'm delighted that he's gonna stay on as a member of the uh the Fed as a board member. Uh. But I believe you and I believe Mr. Tillis, and I and I welcome his uh his comments. I, you know, you know, people can complain about the timing, but uh he did step up and he did try to defend the independence of the Fed. So I give him credit for that. I don't take off points because he's gonna be retire anytime soon. Uh. And I I just i- it is really, really important. If we look around the world, there are there are Uh, there are leaders of countries. I I I point to Turkey where uh uh Prime Minister Erdogan stepped in and and and started to direct his own economic policy, his monetary policy. It was a disaster. Uh, and I think if if this president is allowed to do, or any president is allowed to do that, we could suffer the consequences and and that would be bad for all Americans. Uh, with that, I I do wanna yield the balance of my time to the ranking member to see what she might have on on her mind.
Thank you very much uh, Mister Lynch, it's about time that we have this public discussion. To my friend, Mister Hill, you talk about it is alright to criticize, yeah it's alright to criticize, but it's not alright to attack and try to destroy a very credible president of the Fed. It is an alright it is not alright to think the youth singular can determine the interest rates when the chairman and the fed officers have all of the information before them, coming in daily, hourly, every minute. They have everything to look at and to analyze to make these decisions. But no, this president doesn't care about this. This wasn't criticized. This was attack. And Lisa Cook, the first black woman to be an officer. All of a sudden, he's looking into her whether or not she filled out her mortgage papers correctly as being done in New York. If you take a look at every member of Congress and determine whether or not their mortgage papers were filled out correctly and whether or not they didn't indicate that they were gonna use it as their private residence, how long? Ten years? Fifty years? Thirty years? What have you? This is bogus. This president is outrageous. He's suing the Justice Department, his own Justice Department, for two hundred and thirty million dollars. He's choo- oh, he's suing the IRS for, I think, over, let's see, one hundred and three billion dollars. Now, this is the president of the United States who can talk with his cabinet any day of the week, can talk with members of the Congress. No, he decides he's gonna use his power. not only to threaten uh but to sue them, suing the Justice Department. Here's a man that pardoned all of those who attacked the United States government. We were ru hiding under our desk. The Vice President of the United States was threatened to be hanged uh when they attacked this Congress of the United States. So I'm kind of sick and tired of, you know, this being not talked about. uh this being protected by members of the Republican Party. I thank you for what you did in your individual support of Chairman Powell. But let's look at all of this other stuff that he is doing. Let's look at what you call criticism that's really attacked. And now, you know, also I tell you, he attacked Powell because Powell was trying to upgrade the facility, the building, in a very, very legal way, but no, the President of the United States who's tearing down the White House to build a ballroom and lied about it. A President of the United States, yes, you can call me on that, but he lied about it.
Gentlemen's, gentlemen's, Mister Lynch's time has expired. Who seeks recognition? Gentleman from Indiana?
Move to strike a last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, and uh I just wanna, you know, say a couple of things regarding you know, the the presidents that voiced their opinion, uh, regarding policy that, uh, Federal Reserve chairs make, and I think it's important that presidents make comments, because they're representing the people and the independence that the Fed has is important to defend. And I would believe that every chair of the Fed that's been appointed probably knows that the president may say something about their policies and that they're big people, they can handle it. Um, so, you know, i- it's a bipartisan, uh, practice. And, w- as, uh, the chairman mentioned other presidents that have made comments, um, and, uh, the former Fed chairs have even worked together to do a letter to defend the independence of the Fed. So this is a- a- about accountability, this is about balance, The process is working, the system is working. But the President has every right to criticize Fed policy, because he's representing the people of the United States. And uh, as far as the Inspector General uh at the Fed, he's taken over the federal building investigation from the DOJ. I met with him a couple of weeks ago, and I have full confidence in him that he is going to be sure that uh, there was accountability, that there weren't misuse of funds, Uh, any time you look at the price of a building and realize that something seems out of whack, there should be questions asked. I said the President. And so the process is working. I appreciate the President being willing to call out uh, the Fed on, on interest rates.
Will the gentlemen yell?
Uh, no, not right now.
I know you wouldn't yell, cuz you don't wanna hear the truth.
Well, you know what, this is a good conversation, and I think that it's important that both sides share their opinion, But, you know, as as one of my colleagues said on the other side of the aisle that, you know, members of the Republican side leave Congress and speak poorly of the President, they probably just disagreed with the President to begin with. Um, because I know that, uh, I am, I mean, I was out of office and ran again because of what happened in twenty twenty, and what COVID did to small businesses in my state, Is that the way, is that the way it has to be? and what President Biden's policies did to this country. Oh, it's it's close. inflation that happened under President Biden, the cost of living that went up dramatically under President Biden. So, this is a clean-up on aisle five that we're having to b- to go through, to clean up the mess that, uh, has been left to us, whether it's President Obama with Iran, whether it's President Biden and the economy, this is an important piece of policy to focus on one particular pr- uh, item rather than two uh that really competes with each other. And so, I think it's important to have uh the uh the accountability and the balance between the branches of government, the Federal Reserve's independence is important, but the President uh is the one who was elected by the people and should always have the freedom to voice his opinion, and so should we, as members of the of the Congress.
With the gentlemen of the
I wanna thank the gentleman from Indiana for yielding and thanking for standing up for Fed independence I think that's an important and you referenced and also standing up for, you know, the President has First Amendment rights and the economic policies elected by all the people to speak his mind. And as I've said, from Truman, uh, who, uh, threatened, he brought the whole FOMC, the Federal Open Market Committee, to the White House to tell them he disagreed with them in a public meeting, to Mister Johnson's treatment of of Martin, to Mister Nixon's intimidation and, uh, investigations, using that word, on Arthur Burns, uh to uh President Reagan's tough conversation at the beginning of the nineteen eighty-four campaign with Mister Greenspan. This is, this is the world we live in. But you also referenced that the DOJ has closed their criminal investigation into the Federal Reserve Building investigation. I applauded that when it happened, long overdue, and turned it over to the Fed IG and I'm glad you as an individual member of Congress, conducting your own oversight responsibility, met with the Fed IG on that. They're rightfully looking into it. And this is a place where the committee, the House Financial Services Committee, the Senate Banking Committee can review of what we learned from that Inspector General uh investigation looking through all the ways and means and causes and effects of this enormous uh renovation program uh down on Constitutional Avenue on the part of uh so we'll see what the Inspector General report is Uh, that certainly in the oversight capacity of this committee and uh, that of the Senate banking committee. I yield back to my friend.
I would just say that the criticism, if President Trump built the Federal Reserve building, the criticism would be outrageous. Uh, if it was him that was there building it instead of the uh, the Fed Chair oversight. So, I yield back.
Gentleman yields back. He seeks recognition. Miss Presley, you're recognized.
Yes, uh, thank you, Mister Chair, and I thank our ranking member for this uh, this thoughtful amendment. Um, and uh, wanna yield uh at this time uh to um, our co- my colleague, Mr. Bargis.
Well, thank you very much. I thank the gentlelady for yielding. Um, I also wanna thank the chair. Mister chair, we all looked to you, frankly, when the attack happened on Mister Powell and the integrity of the imp- independence of the Fed. And you didn't let us down. And we appreciate that. You you stood tall and and you said the right thing. And I again wanna thank you for that. I think you have a lot of integrity. Um, I disagree with you obviously on this point. I think we the dual mandate is important, um, and and that's why we we fight about this. However, um, it it seems clear to me that the things that the president is doing are not normal. They're not. It's not disagreeing, it's not a First Amendment right. That we're arguing about here. He sicks the Department of Justice on people he disagrees with. That's not normal. In fact, it should be illegal, it should be illegal. There should be independence there from the Department of Justice. And to tar the Fed Chair, who by the way is a Republican, It's kind of interesting. I mean, we respect him because we we think he's an integral person that deserves respect, not because he's a democratic guy like that. He certainly isn't. A lot of his policies I don't agree with, I don't agree with at all. But he he's again, I th I think, a very honest person, and that's why I think we all defend him. I I actually would like to see the interest rates come down. You know, I disagree with him on that. I I'm actually more in line with what the president thinks that, yeah, let's lower the interest rates, I think it's better for the economy. But I agree that there has to be independence there. That's why, you know, and I and I criticized the Fed over it, but I don't say, get the Justice Department out to go after him to see if that will put pressure on him. And by the way, i- it's interesting too, if you actually go and see the construction, everybody talks about the building. There's actually two buildings. And that's, I think, part of the problem. That the Fed had one building and they were asked to renovate the second building, and that's been a lot of the Overrun. Now, I think it's appropriate though to take a look at that and have the general inspector. In fact, we should do that with the reflection pool down at the Lincoln Memorial. We should do that right there. I mean, it was supposed to be a one point three billion, a million dollar um, you know, repair. Now it's what, ten times more almost? Uh, non-compete contract. Yeah, I think we can criticize that and take a look at that, but it's a smaller thing. But I mean some of the things that the President's doing, again with the Department of Justice, is is outrageous. It it is outrageous. So anyway, I I again I I thank the gentlelady for yielding. I do wanna make one correction though, Mister Chair, and that is I believe that Nebraska, not North Carolina, but Nebraska, and I said a member of the House is making comments now that I don't think he would have made if he's not leaving, or maybe he would have. He's actually quite a brave gentleman, I know him well. He said that some of the things the President doing are foolish, and morally not very clear. I think that Nebraska is north of the Mason-Dixon line.
I thought I I beg the gentleman's part,
Not
I thought you were referring to Mr. Tillis in the Senate, uh, and North Carolina and I apologize.
No.
Yield back to him.
Yep, no thank you. No, Nor- North Carolina I know well, oddly enough, I do have two nephews that live there in that fabulous state, so I'm very familiar with North Carolina. Uh, although perspective is everything, Mr. Chair, I live in San Diego. Everything's North for me. And with that, uh, I thank the gentlelady for yielding. Thank you.
Uh, the gentleman yields back to Miss Presley,
I yield back to the gentleman.
Miss Presley are you yielding back or you continuing? Yeah, Miss, the gentleman from Massachusetts yields back, who seeks recognition? The gentleman from Florida.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, I move the strike to last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, I I'll just go back, I I'm a history teacher by trade. And I think it's very important what the chairman has mentioned about President Truman, President Johnson, President Nixon, meaning both parties have been guilty of this uh scenario, but that said, I I really wanna emphasize one of the questions I actually asked the chairman of the Fed while he was here. And I asked him two basic questions, I said, did the government overspend during the Biden presidency? And he said, yes, that was one of the leading causes of inflation. He said it right before us, and everyone's agreeing how great he is, well, That was his comment. Second thing I would add to that is that he admitted right here that they messed up on interest rates during those years as one of the reasons why inflation was also so high. And so I would go to that. And so the president criticizing the Fed board is, welcome to politics, we're all playing it right now. The second part I would mention uh beyond this uh history lesson is the sense that Mister Vargas talked about, you know, not being normal. Let let's just recall what's happened. I I Mister Vargas brought up the question about gas prices, and some of us were all struggling with that, no doubt about it. But I would also go back to history in saying, we got rid of the Keystone pipeline, just a few years ago. That would have lowered gas prices. We also got rid of forty percent of our strategic oil reserve because we were playing politics during the previous administration. So the way that you reduce prices is not by playing politics, by increasing the supply of oil. And that's what we are attempting to do. The good news is is we've gone from a little less than nine million barrels a day to a little bit over, thirteen million barrels a day, and that's a positive sign. And would soon Venezuela will come on board, we'll see some additional relief there. And when this conflict ends, because every president of the United States since nineteen seventy-nine has said that Iran is a major problem, and yes we're all struggling with high gas prices right now, But when this conflict ends, there'll be long-term gas relief. And and just for our our again a a history lesson here, in the summer of twenty thirteen, adjusted for inflation, oil was a hundred and forty seven dollars a barrel. Twenty thirteen, you can decide who is president then. Twenty twenty two, a hundred and forty seven dollars a barrel. And so let's put this in again, historical perspective where we're at. We all hate high gas prices, we all hate high interest rates, and guess what, we all play politics. But what we're trying to do here is get to the chairman's point, which is there is dramatic overspending at the Fed. We look more closely at it, since then the investigation has ended, but that's a logical thing to do. And it's the same logical thing to do to use the oversight committee to look at how dollars are spent on both sides of the administration. So, uh, and finally I would just say to Mister Vargas, he brought up a lot of visions about taxes. The other party happened to be in power. I I wasn't in office, but I was a history teacher and I used to teach this in the classroom. They had the opportunity to lower taxes exclusively on tips, overtime, and social security. That didn't happen. So, so the the sense of opportunity for tax relief is always there. And the good news is when you put money back in people's pockets, they do wonderful things to do it because they earn it. And so I'm very confident that that we as an as a committee, which is so impressive, we work on a bipartisan basis. And it's just, It's a shame we we have to get in this back and forth today as opposed to working on the policies that the chairman is looking to pursue. And with that with that, Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your thoughtful debate today and I yield back.
The gentleman yields back who seeks uh recognition. Uh the gentlewoman from gentleman from Texas, uh Miss Garcia, you're recognized.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I uh wanna s- speak in support of this resolution and it just completely baffles me that there seems to be so much discussion against this and that Mister Chair, I totally respect you, but for you to urge your your colleagues to vote no makes no sense to me. I think we should do everything humanly possible, especially in this committee, to protect the independence of the Fed. Um, and yes, I agree. Everyone has a a uh uh a chance to voice an opinion. We all can do that as members of Congress and Senators and and even the fellow in the White House can. But what he's doing is not voicing an opinion, he's attacking the chairman of the fed. He's attacking its very independence, which is at the heart of our uh uh keeping our economic uh policies in place. Um, you know, there's constructive criticism and then there's destructive criticism. There's there's there's this uh thing about this president that frankly I don't think should be should be uh condoned. It is not normal. This is not the world we really should be living in. uh hearing the attacks on on uh uh Chairman Powell, hearing the attacks on on our our member Cook, and just getting the Justice Department to do an investigation, it's fine now to say, oh well the Attorney General will decide, well but who urged them to do it, who ordered them to do it, that's the real question. And you know and while I'm at it, you know as a former judge and a lawyer, we need to protect the independence of the Justice Department because it has
Thank you very much, uh, Miss Garcia. Thank you very much, Miss Garcia. I appreciate your yielding. I appreciate your yielding. Let me tell you. When we have the opportunity, we should take it, to talk about the issues in a way that we understand and we know what is going on, share information with the public, and raise questions about anybody in government that we wanna raise questions about. Today, this bill before us is about one of the mandates. Well, I take the opportunity to say, yeah, let's talk about the Fed, but in addition to the mandates, I wanna talk about the attack on the Fed's independence. The Federal Reserve must be independent. The President, a known member of Congress, should be able to undermine uh the Fed chair and tell them what they must should and better do about interest rates. And the President of the United States didn't even talk about public policy as much as he said " I want to run it, I wanna fire you." We were very, very fortunate. that the president of the fed said, you're not firing me, I'm not going anywhere. And he threatened the fed, but because there were enough on the Senate side, and you, even Mister Hill, who stood up for him, uh then the right thing was done while a new fed chair was being nominated and and voted on by the Senate. But in talking about the president of the United States and wanting to take over everything I've pointed out what he's doing with the Justice Department, with IRS. But let's talk about him trying to find something wrong uh with the development and building that the Fed president was doing in order to increase the possibility of the work that has to be done from the Fed. He is now asking us for one billion dollars for the West Wing, is it the West, East Wing,
East East Wing.
East Wing, that he is tearing down. He lied. He said that it was gonna be donations that was gonna build it. He wants a big, beautiful ballroom. He wants us now, after not coming to us, asking or even talking about it, he wants us to come up with a billion dollars because he thinks he's a king. He thinks he can dictate to us. I'm sick and tired of it. And for those members who vote a billion dollars for this president to tear up and rebuild the White House, I know that you're gonna have to take a lot of criticism for that. And so the pr- the Fed must be independent. We must open up what this president is doing to try and run the Fed. It's not only the interest rates, it's not only the mandates, it's everything. He has no respect for Congress whatsoever. And so I bring up the billion dollars because you can't refuse. Uh, what I'm saying is, uh, you can't say that it's wrong, uh, that I don't know what I'm talking about. I know what I'm talking about. You know what he's talking about. And so with that,
The general
I've utilized all of my time,
The general
and I yield back my time,
The general woman yields back to the general woman from Texas,
and you can do whatever you wanna do with it.
and the general woman from Texas yields back.
I yield back my time to you. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman.
Thank you very much. The gentleman f- who seeks recognition? Gentleman from Pennsylvania, you're recognized to strike the last word.
Seek to strike the last word.
You're recognized for five minutes, Mr. Muser.
Mr. Chairman, I I I uh feel compelled just to uh say a couple of things regarding this amendment. First of all, yes, the Fed is independent. They're not independent from criticism, as you you pointed out many times. They're certainly not independent from remarks made by the uh President of the United States. And you know who they're they're not independent from? They're not independent from me or my constituents. They work for the Fed works for the for the taxpayer. They're not independent from the American people. And when things occur, when we have a Fed chairman, who I have respect for, I'll I'll always state I have respect our current chairman, uh, who will no longer be chairman as of tomorrow, states, will not admit that excessive spending and an assault on domestic energy has anything to do. And he'd never have that conversation with the then president, President Biden, uh, while, uh, inflation is running rampant at nine percent, um, and meanwhile, exte- ex- extending QE to nine trillion dollars for the purpose of maintaining uh consumer demand and consumer uh b- uh and keep our economy going okay that was clearly of uh based upon the conditions uh um emanating from the policies of the former president's um administration. Now, and and not would he even admit, in the in this h- in during hearings that that that had anything to do with the inflation that was taking place. Uh, would not consider a holistic view. Never had a conversation. And I asked, wouldn't it be better if we weren't spending at this level? And I'll I'll I I recall pretty well, he said, sure, I'd like some help, but on the same note would would not admit to it. Uh, stating how inflation was transitory. Come on. And then and then interest rates changing, uh uh uh very well, uh uh lower being lowered right right before the presidential election. Look, whether it was done intentionally or not was clearly, you put it on paper, there was a bias there, uh, and that is, that is not independence, okay? That is bias. And i- and bias and independence are, are, are defined um, uh, completely different. So, and, and, and on the Fed building itself, let's face it, please, if, if that was a project that President Trump had initiated, you all would be criticizing it to absolutely no end. And, and we're talking about a big overrun. You know, I ran a business, okay, my my focus was not necessarily building out our our facility, so that was that was just a necessary part of it. But if I had an overrun of a billion and a half dollars, I think somebody might say, " Do you know what you're doing?" You know, b- you you you'd be you'd you'd you're uh all your actions would be uh suspect. And and that that's where where that came in, a billion and a half dollars in excess on a renovation? So and and have no accountability? And and dismiss a DOJ inquiry? And by the way, that's all it was? So so this is this is this is nonsense. The Fed is independent. And by the way, if there's a Fed chairman that that caves to criticism, well, we picked the wrong guy or the wrong woman. So, uh, and, and regarding the security systems, those security systems will be installed after this current president is, is even in office. They're, they're being made for the safety of the president of the United States, perhaps this one for a short time, and many to follow. Uh, and, and, um, we've had three assassination attempts
Mm-hmm.
on the president, uh, as well. So, I think there's, there's a, there's a rational outlook on this. and then an irrational or deliberately irrational bias outlook on these, this, this subject matter and particularly on this amendment. I yield back, Mister Chairman.
Gentleman yields back, is there any further debate? Hearing none, the question now occurs on Miss Waters' amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye. Aye.
All those opposed signify by saying no. No, and the penitentiary of the noes have it, the noes have it, and the amendment is not adopted.
I request a recorded vote.
The general woman requests a recorded vote. All those in favor of recorded vote raise your hands. A sufficient number, having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. Pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules, further proceeding on the amendment are postponed. Are there further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute?
Oh, sorry.
You have an amendment.
Yes, I have an amendment, yes, I do.
Uh, uh, the general woman from Massachusetts has an amendment at the desk, we'll pause while it's distributed. Gemma from Indiana.
Time's up.
Gemma from Indiana reserves a point of order.
Okay, I'll be ready. At the end. Not after each one.
Hmm.
Yeah, that's what I'm saying.
Wow.
They're not rolled.
you got it
ok thank you thank you
i'm not gonna need five minutes for this should i reserve my time you can you can just reserve five minutes you can't reserve it exactly you can't you can't really reserve it so it's not gonna take long you just have to look at it yeah that's what i don't need it i don't wanna use it hmm
Please uh not a substitute clerk.
The clerk will report uh the gentlewoman from Massachusetts amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R fifty three ninety six, offered by Miss Presley of Massachusetts, designated as Presley zero seven six.
The gentlewoman from Massachusetts is now recognized to describe her amendment.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Uh, my amendment is straightforward. It's just one sentence long. It says something that, you know, it's not controversial. I think we, we should all be able to agree upon. Nothing in this act, my amendment reads, may be construed to prevent the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Open Market Committee from taking action to increase employment. Now again, this should be an uncontroversial amendment. It is necessary to improve the strength of our economy and the financial well-being of our constituents. For decades the Fed has studied the labor market and used its research to make physically sound decisions. There are nearly ten thousand documents on the Federal Reserve's web site dealing with unemployment. The economic analysis coming from the Fed is valuable and relied on by Wall Street, state and local governments, international and in fact this very body. But this bill would destroy that infrastructure, stop the research, and weaken our financial system, unless we make it clear that the Fed can continue this work. And my amendment would do just that. Now, I represent the Massachusetts seventh uh congressional district that's uh an institution that boasts many institutions of higher learning, elite institutions of higher learning. We have countless economic scholars and um I also have you know uh almost a dozen high schools in my district and if you whether you were to talk to a high school student or an economic scholar at one of those uh higher ed institutions if you were to ask any of them should the government address the unemployment rate uh if that's something that we should be doing the answer would be uh yeah so you know everyone knows that full employment matters and is essential for the health of our economy. But this bill is an attack on that infrastructure and is also an attack on our common sense. So I urge my colleagues to vote yes on my amendment and insure the Fed can continue its work to lower unemployment. I yield back.
The gentleman yields back. Does the gentleman insist on his point of order? Gentleman withdraws his point of order. Who seeks recognition? Gentleman from Indiana, you seek uh recognition?
Yes, uh, moved to strike the last word.
The gentleman is recognized for five minutes.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chairman. Um, you know, nothing in this legislation forbids the Fed from taking action to increase employment. Um, but it signals to the Fed that Congress wants the Fed's primary focus to be price stability. Financial stability and employment benefits follow price stability. This is because monetary policy is unable to influence maximum employment over the long run, has been confirmed by Fed chairs nominated from presidents of both parties. So I would encourage my colleagues to oppose this amendment. And I'd like to just mention, too, that the new unemployment numbers have come out and it's pretty strong. President Trump is doing what it takes to be sure that there is full employment. It's the policies of this Congress, the big beautiful bill, Republicans, President Trump, even the Fed lowering interest rates has helped, maybe a little slow, in uh doing so to help the economy, but it's the the policies of this body are gonna affect employment more than anything else.
Would the gentleman yield?
I'd be happy to yield.
Does does the gentleman personally support maximum employment?
Yes.
Does the gentleman think that uh regulatory policy and tax policy and policies at our states affect uh that level of maximum employment?
Absolutely.
Do you think every president supports maximum employment?
Most of them.
Uh, so, but there's no one here that's against maximum employment. The gentleman from Indiana I think's been a private sector CEO and leader. He's been a member of this committee now twice. He knows that on both sides of the aisle, we are for maximum employment. The question here is the principal role of the central bank in that debate versus our states, our regular regulatory agencies, our Congress, our fiscal policy, and and and other public policies of the executive and the legislative branch. So I I thank the gentleman for making that point. And uh the Fed has a lot of tools in the case of a financial crisis, as we've witnessed, uh many of us uh here on both sides of the aisle in the a global pandemic, uh, and then many on both sides of the aisle who were here even during the global financial crisis so we're not affecting the Fed's extraordinary powers uh to help uh in the case of that kind of a of crisis. I I think you make a good point, the gentleman, I echo the views and I yield back to you.
Yeah, well thank you, I guess the reason I say most presidents because the last president, President Biden's open border policies is, was a huge detriment to employment in this country. And so, and then you have inflation on top of that. Talk about businesses being uncertain in knowing what to do, uh, and then of course trying to figure out who to hire and making sure that we're not hiring illegals in this country, uh, because of the open border policy. It has made it extremely difficult. Now, I do think that because the economy is strong and that unemployment rates are at low levels because of the policies of Republicans and President Trump that uh this is the this is the right time to do this because we don't have an emergency. And Congress often acts when there's an emergency and then over reacts. And so I appreciate the Chairman's timeliness on this bill because employment is low, we need to focus on price stability, currency, And that's how we're going to help the American people dig out of the hole. I mean, you know, we talk about credit card debt around here a little bit. Um, too many Americans had to live on the credit card because the cost of everything went through the roof uh thanks to uh the uh the COVID response during the Biden administration so again thank you for being thoughtful in doing this at the right time. And uh I'll yield back.
Gentlemen from Indiana yields back. Who seeks recognition on Ms. Presley's amendment? Uh, Miss Beaty from Ohio.
Thank you. Move, distract, the last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Move, distract, the last words. Wow. This, this is really amazing, but let me first go on the record in saying I certainly uh support the amendment from Congresswoman uh Presley. Words matter. I say that every day to people in in business. Uh, we have words that one of my colleagues said that, you know, we probably picked uh the wrong uh federal um reserve chair well we probably definitely picked the wrong president uh we just talked about former presidents uh my colleague just mentioned in relationship to this amendment president uh biden and his open borders and and what that did to employment well well let me just say with this president let's start with tariffs ok and how that affect business and employment. Let's talk about the number one thing that the American people are talking about is affordability. The lack of affordability to purchase a home. Let's talk about gas prices. So if we wanna name one thing that we're gonna try to blame President Biden for, and then we go back to COVID, in financial services committee, we stood united, thanks to chairwoman Maxine Waters for making sure that people didn't lose their homes, making sure that college students were able to go to college. This same author of this amendment took a lead role in making sure that we could work with students. We could talk about the war on Iran and what happens with this precedent and prices. And did I mention food, the price of eggs? And I'm just telling you what the American people said So when we talk about the independence of the Federal Reserve, it was your colleague that said, yes, they're independent, but they report to the people. Well, the people are telling you they're sick and tired of the prices going up and what it's doing. So when we talk about what this amendment says, it simply says that we don't want it to be construed to prevent the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System or the Federal Open Market Committee from taking actions to increase employment. If we go back and we look at uh the responsibility to promote full employment, it means that the feds must make it a priority to ensure that un to ensure unemployment is low. OK, now do we all agree on that? Certainly we agree on that because that's the rules of engagement for what full employment means which you just said, that you and others agree, including the chairman. But let me just tell you this, since we wanna talk about Democrats and Republicans, under Democrat leadership, unemployment remained at a historic low, below four percent. Now, do my colleagues wanna tell me what it is now with this president, with President Trump? It's the highest it's ever been at over four point seven percent. There are seven point four million people who are unemployed. How dare us come here and talk against Congresswoman Presley's amendment that tells us it should not keep us from taking action to increase employment. The American dream is what? To have a job, to be able to buy a house, to prepare for your children, and as my colleague just reminded me, It is on full life support. So, Mister Chairman, uh, I understand what you're doing in asking him the questions about what he believes in and believes most presidents believe in. Words matter. If you believe in it, then you would be supporting this amendment. And I yield back unless the sponsor of the bill would need some more time. And I, OK, I yield back.
Gentleman from, gentleman from Ohio yields back, who seeks recognition on Miss Presley's amendment? If there's no further
Green from Texas.
Uh, Mr. Green from Texas, you're recognized.
Uh, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would ask that I be allowed to strike the last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Thank you. My apologies for being a bit late today and arriving. I have um another committee assignment in homeland security and uh it was quite pressing today. Uh, Mr. Chairman and friends, I think the the dual mandate, as it exists, is not only necessary, but would create great havoc in the country if we uh, if we tamper with it and change it, such that we remove either of the two aspects, because they complement each other. Uh, stable price support is important. Uh, when inflation is stable, businesses can plan ahead and invest, leading to stability with job growth. Maximum employment is important. You have a balanced labor market, it prevents wage inflation, that can occur from extreme labor shortages. And I think that what Miss Ple- Presley's doing is protecting the relationship between price stability and maximum employment. I support what she's doing, but I also wanna thank the uh ranking member for making it possible for us to have these opportunities to express our concerns, because this is this is something that um exceeds what I thought we would have to deal with, to be very honest, at this committee level. I just can't imagine eliminating or tampering with the notion of stable, you know, on- employment, maximum employment. Uh, I know there are - there are members who would eliminate the minimum wage if given an opportunity. Um, I would hope that this would not be to come the genesis of something far-reaching. And I support Miss Presley. And the ranking member, and I yield back.
Gentleman yields back who seeks recognition on Miss Presley's amendment. Uh, ranking member.
Thank you very much. I move to strike the last vote.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Right.
I want to thank Miss Presley uh for offering this amendment uh to ensure that this dangerous bill does not stop the Fed, or FOMAC, uh from promoting full employment. Despite what you might hear the President claim, Our job market is worsening. The latest jobs numbers show that seven point four million people are unemployed, and unemployment rates are even higher for black workers at seven point three percent, and Hispanic workers at five percent. In twenty twenty five, black women faced the largest employment losses, especially for college graduates and workers in the public sector. Additionally, five point two percent of workers bear the brunt of multiple jobs just to make ends meet. All of this is what makes HR fifty three ninety-six so reckless. Thankfully, Ms. Presley's amendment would insure the Fed and FOMAC continue to support the workers. So I urge members to support this amendment, and I yield back.
General Wynne yields back. Who seeks recognition on the on the Presley amendment? There's no further debate, the question now occurs on the Presley amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed signify by saying no. No, the pen showed the no's have it, the no's have it, and the amendment is not adopted.
Change of question.
A recorded vote has been requested, all those in favor of a recorded vote raise your hand. Sufficient number of you raise your hand, a recorded vote is awarded pursuant to the sub-section C five of rule three of the committee rules for the proceeding on this amendment are postponed. Are there further amendments to the nature of amendment and nature of a substitute? General woman from Massachusetts.
Yeah, they're going.
The general woman has an amendment at the desk, we'll pause for it to be distributed. The gentleman from Indiana reserves a point of order on Presley amendment number two. i mean
yeah
blue
it's like a movie
Clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R fifty-three ninety-six, offered by Miss Presley of Massachusetts, designated as Presley zero seven seven.
Without objection, amendment's considered read, the gentlewoman from Massachusetts, you're recognized for five minutes to describe your amendment.
Thank you, Mister Chair, my amendment would codify the practice of releasing unemployment data by the Department of Labor and I do think it's uh essential that um, this is a practice that is codified because uh under the Trump Administration uh release of this uh data has been inconsistent, if he's just simply unhappy uh with the numbers. Um this should be easy for bipartisan approval since data collection and publication is really critical to our understanding our national economy. Uh some of my colleagues have argued that the Department of Labor and not the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, again we don't even have a Labor Secretary right now, so I could go on and on about uh the chaos uh in this administration. This is just uh one such example. But some of my colleagues have argued that the Department of Labor and not the Federal Reserve Board of Governors should focus on employment. It's really critical just to note the the difference in these agencies. The Labor Department is run by a partisan political appointee in the executive branch. The Federal Reserve is an independent agency that should not be engaging and partisan decision-making, that's what so much of the debate has been about today, maintaining the independence of the Fed. So they may sound similar, but they are not the same. That is why it is important that the Fed continue its mandate. But for my Republican colleagues who disagree, this amendment is for you. This is the opportunity to have your votes match your rhetoric. My amendment would ensure that the Bureau of Labor Statistics in the Labor Department, publicly shares unemployment data, disaggregated by race, ethnicity, gender and geography. And let me just reiterate, because I do think it it warrants uh bearing repeating that there is a crisis for the black worker. Unless you think that this is a harm that can be contained, it will come for everyone, because black workers and black women have always been the brunt and been the the coal mine. Seventy percent of black women are the primary breadwinners in their households. And under this administration, they took a complete sledgehammer to the infrastructure of our federal government, which is a disservice to the people and the communities that, um, our dedicated public servants serve, but also disrupted the livelihoods. Twelve percent of the federal workforce were black women. Dominating those really essential spaces from HUD to Department of Education, to Health and Human Services, to Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which you all work actively to dismantle and undermine. Consumer protection. Anyway, I digress. The point is, um, this amendment would ensure that the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Labor Department publicly shares unemployment data disaggregated by race and ethnicity, and gender, and geography, It requires the information to be provided every first Friday of each month. Government officials, business economists and the public alike all analyze this data to understand the labor market and economic situation in this nation. Again, there is a crisis for black women, black families and black futures that is coming for everyone. Now if Congress is serious about addressing unemployment, we need unemployment data, because that which gets measured gets done. Now I first introduced this bill because last October Donald Trump did not publish It's why it needs to be codified. That was the first time in the history of BLS that an administration Republican or Democrat skipped a month. Keep making history for all the wrong reasons. Previously, monthly data was published during federal government shutdowns, economic recessions and a global pandemic. With Trump firing government officials when it doesn't when he doesn't like the data they publish, there is an urgent need for legislation to codify transparency of unemployment data. I believe in transparency in this bill, will ensure no president can hide the true state of the economy from the people. Moreover, this amendment codifies the practice of disaggregating the data. It's not enough to simply know how many people are unemployed. We need to know their background, their gender, their geography, and their industry in order to fully understand the picture here. So let's look at the current unemployment crisis. While we have a four point three percent unemployment rate, it is not evenly distributed for all communities. It is disproportionately hurting black families, black workers, the rate is seven point three percent. While for the white worker it is three point seven percent. This is a stark contrast, which is why I've been calling for a plan of action. It is a five alarm fire that cannot be ignored. My amendment will codify my BLS act to ensure transparency of unemployment data, and I urge my colleagues to vote yes.
General Goldman's time has expired. Does the gentleman insist on his point of order?
Uh, Mister Chairman, after reading the amendment, and as much as I'd like to engage in a conversation about it, I just insist on the point of order pursuant to clause seven of rule sixteen of the house rules that this amendment is not germane to the underlying bill.
Sheriff finds the amendment is not germane as it relates to a subject matter different from the subject of our underlying text. Therefore, the point of order is sustained. Is there further uh debate on the amendment in nature of a substitute? or amendment uh on the amendment on the nature in the in nature of a substitute. Miss Presley? Uh, the gentlewoman from Massachusetts has an additional amendment at the desk. We'll pause while that's distributed.
Mister Chairman.
No. No.
Uh, gentlemen?
I reserve a point of order.
Gentleman from Indiana reserves a point of order on uh the Presley amendment.
No one's working since the end of August.
Clerk will report the amendment, please.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R fifty-three, ninety-six, offered by Miss Presley of Massachusetts, designated as H R fifty three ninety six zero three.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read and the gentlewoman from Massachusetts recognized for five minutes to describe her amendment.
Mister Chair, my amendment is straightforward and uncomplicated. Uh, I agree with my my good friend and colleague, Congresswoman Beatty, that that words matter. Um, certainly the titling of bills matter. So it would correct the title of this bill. so that the people who elected us know exactly what we are voting on. Just like you had that fraudulent big beautiful bill which was really big and ugly, a big betrayal of a bill. Let's name these things accurately. Cuz given the data that I just shared, four point three percent unemployment rate, not evenly distributed for all communities, disproportionately hurting black women, black families, black workers. The rate is seven point three percent. While for white workers it's at three point seven percent. I don't want anyone's livelihood disrupted. No one. But we have to acknowledge the disparate impact here. It's a stark contrast. It's a five alarm fire. I do wonder if those numbers were reversed, were white people unemployed at twice the rate of black people, would Republicans care more? But that's a question I know you're all not ready to answer, so let's get to the titling of this bill. This bill is clearly titled to deceive the public. I truly must give it to the Republicans because you all are adept and skilled at branding to make a bad thing sound like something good. We all know about the so-called one big beautiful bill, which is nothing more than an ugly attack on working families and government services, like Snap and Medicaid. It gave large tax breaks to corporations, let the record reflect, while taking money from actual people. It gave billions of dollars for ICE to arrest innocent people, to kill citizens, to terrorize our communities. That law is deeply unpopular. And it is harming every person that calls this country home. but Republicans still call it the one big beautiful bill. Well, this legislation follows that pattern. Currently it is titled the Price Stability Act, but it does nothing to help stabilize prices. Does this bill help the Fed control inflation? No. Does this bill get rid of Trump's tariffs? No. Does this bill confront the affordability crisis? No. This bill is only one sentence long. Republicans are directing the Federal Reserve to stop working towards maximum employment. It's a sad day for our economy where Republicans in Congress are against people having jobs. Again, the best way to support working families is to ensure that they keep working. This bill will force the Federal Reserve to ignore the unemployment rate, which has risen under Trump, the mass firings of government workers and the tariffs stopping businesses from hiring and the Iran war raising costs have created this economic slowdown since taking office, unemployment has increased, economists refer to this moment as low hire. The Fed Chair even just said last week there is effectively no new net job creation. Republicans you wanna close your eyes, you wanna put your fingers in your ears, you wanna ignore the problem, but we need to be honest with the American people and let them know the truth. This bill is not about price stability, it is about ignoring High unemployment. Therefore, my amendment would make a simple but necessary change to the title, so everyone knows exactly what we're voting on. My amendment would correct the title to quote the ignore High Unemployment Act unquote. Let's be transparent and honest with the people who sent us here. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
General Woman yields back. We're gonna pause uh suspend for a moment so we can make sure that the General Woman's text, accurate text is passed out. Uh, Miss Presley, they've passed out an a a different amendment uh than you spoke on, so we're correcting that by making sure everybody has your text, and thank you for your, thank you for your uh comments. oh i i was i i i just i distributed it yeah yeah yeah
great
go ahead Alright, the uh the proper text that uh accompanies Miss Presley's remarks has now been distributed and I ask the gentleman from Indiana, do you insist on your point of order?
Uh, no sir.
The gentleman withdraws his point of order. Uh, who seeks recognition on Miss Presley's? Amen, we'll call on the ranking member from California. You're recognized to strike the last word.
Mm, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the last word.
Recognized for five minutes.
I wanna thank Miss Pavley uh for offering this amendment. This amendment renames the title of this legislation to the Ignore High Unemployment Act. By renaming this legislation, we can be transparent and clear about the intent and goal of this bill,
Gotcha.
which is to ignore the unemployment rate. This legislation does not provide solutions to address rising unemployment in this country. It does not propose workforce training or established recruiting efforts for the most vulnerable families today. It does not offer to members here today a meaningful plan to help people struggling with the affordability crisis the president has created. As a matter of fact, uh, the president has said, and it was recently reported at Think Event today, uh that he does not have time uh to pay attention uh to uh American's um uh concerns about the economy. That's not the exact quote uh but it is essentially what he said and what he meant. Uh he said he's dealing with the Iran war so he doesn't have time uh to deal with this affordability crisis. Instead, HR fifty-three ninety-six directs Fed to ignore unemployment and removes removes the few tools the Fed has to help struggling American. I urge members to support this amendment.
Gentleman yields back, who seeks recognition. Gentleman from Indiana.
I'm going to strike the last word, Mr.
You're recognized for five minutes.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I want to speak on this amendment, um, which I I agree with the gentlelady that words do matter. Uh, but I want to point out a couple things, cuz this this amendment says that this act may be cited as the Ignore High Unemployment Act. And it's true that Congress does put titles on bills that, uh, are meant to explain to the general public what the bill pertains to. And, uh, one that I would point to that, uh, was said one thing but did another was the Affordable Care Act. Um, Mister Chairman, I'll tell you, health care is not affordable. today for the American people, in fact it's one of the biggest complaints I hear about from my constituents back home, that most of them have high deductibles, high premiums, and health care is not affordable. In fact, I'll give you an example. I went to get an MRI done a couple of weeks ago, and I go in to pay my bill, and the lady said, it's seventeen hundred and fifty dollars. I about choked. And then she pointed at another pamphlet and said, But if you use that program, which won't apply to your deductible, it's seven hundred and fifty dollars, which is still, okay, I can, I can handle that. But the Affordable Care Act, that's what was sold to the American people. And it's not the Affordable Care Act. It's in, in reality. So I find it interesting and ironic that we're going to try to rename this bill, the Ignore High Unemployment Act. But if you look at unemployment rates, and and I know the general lady mentioned four point three percent, somebody had said earlier that it was four point seven, but it is four point three, uh but uh you look at the numbers behind it, uh the economy is outperforming the expectations. Uh on the in this last month's report for April twenty twenty six, there were a hundred and fifteen thousand non-farm payroll jobs added exceeding the expectation of sixty-five thousand, almost double what it was expected. And a lot of those were in health care, transportation, uh, retail. The one that's not growing, thankfully, is government jobs. And so when government shrinks, private sector grows. So, uh, I just find it ironic that we're trying to rename this bill, uh, something it just doesn't do. Uh, we've Congress failed once under the Affordable Care Act, and I'm sure there's probably others that were named, you know, in one particular way to try to sell the American people on something that uh just wasn't accurate so I oppose to the chance I I agree.
Well the gentleman uh
Yeah.
Well I appreciate the gentleman's points that that he's made about uh naming bills and both sides certainly have uh some uh some successes and failures on that front. But one thing that uh I heard in the ranking members' comments on Miss Presley's amendment. She says, we're not here today talking about things that would be like, uh, education benefits or other things that really, uh, help lower unemployment. And that's actually the whole point of this debate, that it's not the job of the Federal Reserve to do that. The Federal's job jo- principal job should be making sure inflation doesn't decimate our family's, uh, net income, their savings, their investment opportunities. and take away their choice. That's the jurisdiction of the Fed. That's the jurisdiction of this committee. But I encourage my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, support tax policies that increase real wage growth, like President Trump proposed in the big beautiful bill last year. Support regulatory reforms that lower the cost to increase faster economic growth like members on both sides of the aisle in this committee have done routinely over the last year Join me tomorrow at my press conference with Alma Adams as we talk about
Will the gentleman yield?
Yes, I'd yield to Mister Stel.
Yes.
Uh, I appreciate the gentleman's comment on the richness of this bill on the the, trying to retitle. The the chairman's bill is perfectly named, the Price Stability Act, because it says the Fed should be focused in on price stability. And of course there's a new name suggestion. Uh, but I'm not surprised, the other side of the aisle is quite clever on the doublespeak on naming bills. Uh, my colleague from Indiana references the Affordable Care Act. Uh, but we could think of Build Back Better, which did no such thing. We could think of the Inflation Reduction Act, which unleashed inflation. We could think of the For the People Act, which gutted election integrity. The list goes on. Mr. Chairman, our colleagues on the other side of the aisle are quite clever on doublespeak, on trying to deceive the American people on what's actually in a bill. I I commend your title for this bill because it's actually what it does. The Price Stability Act of twenty twenty five is about price stability uh and making sure that the Fed does that mandate. Uh, I would urge my colleagues to oppose this and, uh, appreciate my colleague, uh, Mr. Sutzman, uh, for pointing out, uh, the laundry list of doublespeak that we have uh, in some of our Democrat bills, uh, unfortunately, many of which have become law. Yield back.
Uh, thank you and thank you for the addition of those titles. Uh, quite ironic, so thank you, Mister Chairman, we yield back.
Gentleman yields back. Uh, who, is there further debate on uh Miss Presley's amendment? Seeks time. If there's no further debate, uh, their question now occurs on the Presley amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed signify by saying no. No, depending on the chair of the no's have it. The noes have it and the amendment is not adopted. Gentlewoman? Gentlewoman requests a recorded vote. Those in favor of recorded vote, raise your hands. A sufficient number. Having raised their hand, a vote is ordered. Pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules, further proceedings on the amendment are postponed. Are there further amendments in the nature of substitute? I have another amendment at the desk. The gentleman from Massachusetts has an amendment at the desk. We'll pause while it is distributed. Mister Chairman. Gentlemen from Indiana, uh, uh, reserve a point of order. Gentlemen reserves a point of order on this, uh, pressfully amendment. Clerk will report the amendment, please.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to HR fifty-three ninety-six offered by Miss Presley of Massachusetts. This is HR fifty-three ninety-six zero three.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read, and Miss Presley, you're recognized for five minutes to describe your amendment.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chair. I hope this is uh something we can uh agree on in a bipartisan fashion. There actually used to be a um a bipartisan uh task force on artificial intelligence that I was appointed to along with um Congressman Lynch, uh that has been uh dissolved. Um but I hope that we can agree on this. My amendment would require the Federal Reserve to study the impacts that artificial intelligence is having on employment. Now, when I'm in my community, when I'm in my district, and I'm sure this is the case for every member of Congress here, uh the impacts of AI are brought up. There are some uh who are excited, but many that are terrified. They're terrified about the way AI is transforming our lives. They're terrified about um its impact on the future of work. So at a time when the unemployment rate is rising, this amendment is critical to ensuring that no worker is left behind by the adoption of AI. Technology advancement should supplement and enhance what workers do, not replace them. People need to be able to make a living and do work that is meaningful to them, but not just that. Real workers play an important role in making sure technology is not discriminatory. Maintaining a human connection to fields like human resources, health care, education, financial services, and much more. We need to be sure that as companies move forward with adoption of AI, there are no unintended consequences of pushing talented workers out of the workforce and having rippling effects on our economy. We can't talk about advancing AI in a vacuum. We know that there is a digital divide. This is true for rural communities, it's true for urban communities. There are people across the country still lacking Broadband access to complete their homework. Remember during the pandemic, uh, how many families, uh, were going to fast food parking lots in order to access WiFi, uh, for, uh, their children to be able to complete their homework. We owe the public quality data on the impacts AI has on the workforce and the economy. The public needs quality data. This common sense amendment makes sure that if this committee wants to move forward with AI advancement, the Federal Reserve must be cognizant of any impacts on employment and report these findings to Congress, so that we can support, again, the people who sent us here, their families, communities, and economy. I hope my colleagues on the other side of the aisle will support this amendment to support our valuable workforce. We need the data. We need quality data on what the implications and impact could be here. Uh, I yield back.
Gentlewoman from Massachusetts yields back,
Very straightforward, thank you.
who seeks recognition, uh, the gentleman from Indiana.
Uh, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Uh, move to strike the last word.
Gentleman's recognized for five minutes.
Yep. I, you know, I find this amendment really fascinating, uh, because AI is an incredible tool. And, you know, I I understand we're all getting used to how AI is affecting our economy, how, what are the tools that it's useful for, but I I just don't see any need to require the Fed to do a study on employment impacts of AI. In fact, I'm surprised. And one of the gentlemen said earlier on the other side of the aisle that, you know, truck driving jobs are being replaced, uh, we've got driverless cars. Uh, I rode in one, and you know what? I was quite surprised at the technology and the ability that uh is implemented into those cars. And that's gonna actually increase safety, it's gonna increase, it's gonna maybe move jobs from one sector to another, but AI is gonna be an incredible tool for us, and uh the Fed has already been studying AI. So there's already been studies done by the private sector and others, and it's already showing that AI is not disastrous on um on empl- on on employment. In fact, we're already seeing that in employment numbers they keep going up, um, and that's with the wall being built, the border being secure, uh, you know, unemployment rates are lower because of President Trump's policies and Republicans' policies. Um, the research from the International Center for Law and Economics found that there is so far little evidence on economy, uh, wide job loss or wage decline as a direct result of AI. So for a party that generally sees themselves as progressive, they're actually wanting to say no to new technology that is going to increase productivity and help our economy progress going forward. Um, one other thing I found interesting, in fact, they found any labor adjustment was due to a reallocation of tasks, and AI produce productivity within firms. Now, I would say this, I would almost support this amendment. Um, if it would include AI analysis, of government of uh government fraud, wastes and abuse inefficiencies, I think that's what we should be using AI for so if that would be included in the amendment I could probably almost support it but at this time I would oppose this amendment I'll yield back
Gentleman yields back who seeks recognition, the ranking member who seeks recognition on the Presley amendment
Uh I moved to site the last week
You're recognized for five minutes.
at a time when every AI company's CEO is warning uh about massive job displacement from AI. It is absurd to tell the Fed to ignore the plight of workers in this country. So I thank Miss Presley uh for offering this amendment which strikes the bill and directs the Fed to study the impact that AI will have on employment in the United States. Recently many have become alarmed at how the latest AI models would allow bad actors to hack our financial institutions and cause all kinds of unknown harm to consumers. Some companies said that AI has allowed them to lay off thousands of workers. Rather than sticking our heads in the sand, we should be directing our agencies to study the impact AI is going to have on the economy and ensure that monetary policy is being set accordingly. So I thank Miss Presley for this thoughtful amendment, and urge members to support the bet, the amendment. Thank you. You're back.
General Willman yields back, who seeks recognition on the Presley amendment. General from Wisconsin, are you seeking recognition? No, he's not. All right. Anybody seek recognition on the Presley amendment? If there's no further debate on the amendment, Uh, question now occurs on the Presley amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye. Aye.
Aye. All those opposed say no. No. Paying the chair the no's have it. No's have it. Amendment is not adopted. General Willman. General Willman requests recorded vote. All those in favor of recorded vote, raise your hand. A sufficient number of you raise your hand. Recorded vote is ordered. Pursuant to sub-section C five of rule three, the committee rules for the preceding amendment are postponed. Are there further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute? Seeing no further amendments, without objection, the previous question of the substitute is ordered and recorded votes on the pending amendments have been postponed. Once these votes are taken, the committee will immediately vote on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of substitute. And then we will consider the question to report the measure. We'll now move to the next bill. Pursuing to notice, I call up HR twenty-nine seventy-eight, guarding unprotected aging retirees from deception act, the guard act. which was introduced by Representative Nunn. Clerk will report the bill which was distributed in advance.
H R twenty nine seventy eight to permit state, local and tribal law enforcement agencies that receive eligible federal grant funds to use such funds for investigating elder financial fraud, pig butchering and general financial fraud, and to clarify that federal law enforcement agencies may assist state,
Without objection, the first readings
local and tribal An amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R twenty-nine seventy eight, offered by Mister Nunn of Iowa, designated as Nunn one four five.
Without objection, the amendment's considered read, it will serve as the base text for purposes of amendment. The gentleman from Iowa, Mister Nunn, you're now recognized for five minutes to
Well, I wanna thank the chairman uh for this mark-up on my bill to fight fraud, as well as my friend across the aisle, Representative Gottheimer, for his partnership in working on this. Stopping scams and fraud is not a Democrat or a Republican issue, this is an American issue, and one that no party can sit on the sidelines for. As many of you know, there is probably someone in fact you've spoken to, whether it be a neighbor, a parent, a friend, someone at church who has said they've gotten a call from a company claiming that they owe a bill or a text from a toll station saying that they owe money, or a scare or romance scheme that's impacted a loved one. And it pains me that fraud and scams dominate many of my listening sessions just across Iowa, because the problem candidly is only getting worse. When I first introduced this bill a year ago, Mister Chairman, the average Iowa senior was losing nine thousand dollars per case reported. Jump forward to today. That number is now forty four thousand. That is a five times increase in just the last twelve months due to scam and fraud related theft. Now, in my home state of Iowa, we lost nearly a hundred million dollars in twenty twenty five. But nationally, that's added up to over two hundred billion dollars. And this flows directly to criminal organizations, foreign governments, and agents hostile to the United States. Roughly two hundred billion dollars in loss is equivalent to more than fifty billion that the entire US Army's budget is. That is the amount of loss faced by these types of scams. And behind every dollar, there's a real person. It's an Iowan. It's a single mom. It's a farmer. It's a sixty-eight year old uh veteran who lost over a hundred thousand dollars to a pig butchering scam but when he called his local police office to ask for help, they were powerless in not having the tools to be able to execute in helping him solve it. This is not a failure of common sense, Mr. Chair. It is a sophisticated international criminal and foreign intelligence operation, and we do not have the laws to keep up and prevent it. Just this last October, the Department of Justice seized a fifteen billion dollar Bitcoin operation from the Chinese Communist Party-tied Cambodia-based criminal syndicate. it was the largest forfeiture action in DOJ's history. The tools do exist. We can't stop this. So let's take those best practices currently held by our federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies and help disseminate them down to our state and local officers, so that local departments, police stations, sheriff's deputies have the ability to take that first call and take real action. That's why I'm leading the Guard Act. It puts advanced technology and training in the hands of our state and local law enforcement. The GARD Act came directly from good ideas shared with me by local Iowa law enforcement officers at a round table I hosted in Des Moines. And it stated that the tools available to both Treasury and our financial institutions on the private sector can also be used by our local officers. They told us what they needed, and we, working with Treasury, told us that it was possible, and so we built this bill from there. The GARD Act authorizes existing federal grants, this is not new spending, But to invest in investigators, trained officers, acquire block chain tracing tools, and it lets federal agents share those tools and expertise with our local law enforcement's to standardize definitions for these specialized defenses, so cases can be attached with the full weight of our federal resources, as well as married to our local expertise. The coalition of folks who have come on board to help us fight scams is broad and deep. With the support of everyone from the Iowa State Police Association, the Financial Technology Association, the Digital Chamber, the National Police Association, the Crypto Council for Innovation, the American Securities Association, NAIC, NAIF, the US Chamber of Commerce, Iowa's Bankers Association, Google, Ta- I could go on with this all day, Mister Chair, which is a good news story. But the reality is here, I'd like to submit for the record our letters of support, particularly from groups like the Consumer Banking Association,
Without objection.
AARP, International Sheriff's Association, as well as Capital One that have all been leaders in this fight.
So do you.
I also want to thank our champions in the Senate, because it's not enough to just do it in the House alone. We have a companion capability here with Senator Katie Britt of Alabama, as well as Jill Abrams and Scott on Senate banking. We can no longer wait to act. This is clearly a national security crisis, and it's one that is hitting homes across our country most directly. With this legislation we have the opportunity to fight back. I am proud this is not only a bipartisan effort, but this is a real effort. to support financial security for Americans and stop national security threats abroad. With that, I would urge a yes on the GARD Act and thank both the Chair and our partners on this. I yield my time.
I yield yields back as there further debate on the ANS. Uh, Miss Waters, who's the ranking member of the full committee, is recognized for five minutes.
Thank you very much. I move to strike the last word. The GARD Act would clarify the state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies may use certain federal grants to investigate senior financial fraud, romance, uh, scams, and general financial fraud. While I'm supportive of this bill, if my Republicans are serious about addressing fraud and scams, they would start by uh reversing the Trump administration's numerous actions to weaken the rule of law. Under the Trump administration, bank examiners, financial crime investigators and DOJ prosecutors have all been fired or laid off. Inspector generals who investigate corruption inside the government have also been fired allowing illegal and unethical behavior to go unchecked. Additionally, the primary agency that was protecting seniors service members and the public against general financial fraud, was the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the CFPB. Yet the Trump administration entirely gutted the agency. Just last month, committee of Republicans voted for a bill that would repeal reporting requirements under the Corporate Transparency Act allowing bad actors to better hide their schemes. US registered shell companies are often used to facilitate romance schemes, uh, scams and other fraud. The repeal of CTA directly conflicts with the purposes of this bill to protect older Americans and others from fraud and scams. Last year, during the discussion of the clarity bill, a cryptocurrency market structure bill, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle flat out refuse to take any Democratic-led amendments to protect consumers. I want to emphasize that they specifically rejected amendments related to elder fraud. If Republicans cared so much about the frauds and scams listed in the bill, they would reinstate funding to the CFPB and support the Corporate Transparency Act. This bill clarifies that state and local law enforcement can already do and what they can do under the law. So while Democrats support the bill, let's be clear um Let's be clear about that and thank you and and uh before I yield back to time, uh you were not here earlier I don't think uh when uh the uh chair of the committee was here when we had a chance to talk about uh something with the fed in terms of trying to uh reorganize the thread or get rid of a mandate etcetera and i'd just like to point out uh what i thought was a kind of hypocrisy uh in that given some of the things the president had done to the fed in his attempt to take over the bed in his attempt to fire chairman powell and in uh now attempt to uh fire lisa uh so let me just say that what i'm trying to point out here is that while you talk about the locals being able uh to do something about fraud for seniors, et cetera, when the Republicans had the opportunity to do that when we were dealing with cryptocurrency where we think there's gonna be a lot of problems uh your side of the aisle, uh did not uh agree with that and so if we're gonna talk about fraud, uh we better st- understand that not only uh should we be paying attention to cryptocurrency but the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau which many of us worked very hard I was on the conference committee on that uh to deal with fraud and to uh deal with schemes and all kinds of things we're gonna support the bill uh obviously but maybe there will be another opportunity where republics can show if they really care about these issues that they will help us to do something about it uh with that I yield back the balance of my time.
The gentlelady yields. Um, is there further debate on the ANS? I now recognize myself for five minutes. I wanna thank the gentleman from Iowa, Mister Nunn, for authoring this important legislation. The committee's made investigating fraud a priority, uh, both across subcommittees and across Congress. Mister Nunn's bill recognized the gravity of the problem, the scams represent for a growing number of Americans, and his bill takes several important steps. First, it allows state, local and tribal law enforcement to utilize existing federal grant programs. to combat fraud, from unlawful credit card use, to romance scams, to elder fraud, including through DOJ training and technical assistance programs, and the COPS technology and equipment program. The Gardaxt also helps understand how effective or how deficient our federal agencies are in stemming the tide. We see that uh fraud and scams are growing, and a lot of times state and local government uh are left with uh few interfaces with our federal government. until the scope of it is identified as very large. Uh, but collectively on the back-end, uh, there sm- might be one small case in Iowa and another small case in Ohio and another small case in California. And that structures up to a really big transnational criminal organization as Mister Nunn referenced. This bill will help identify that. The bill requires Treasury Secretary to work across departments of justice and homeland security, as well as our banking regulators to pinpoint what the government is doing uh, and evaluate the impact its efforts are having to prevent to protect Americans from scammers. The Guard Act will also require the Treasury to rigorously assess Bank Secrecy Act reports to better understand the state of fraud in America. Vinson must leverage these reports to gain insight into the mechanisms fraudsters are using to obtain and launder funds uh for their crimes. Uh, it provides flexibility uh, the General Lady from California r- r- talked about the importance of countering crypto. Some of our state and local governments haven't built out the infrastructure to stay current on modern techniques like blockchain. And the traceability there, when you put something on a permanent immutable ledger, is amazing, but they don't necessarily have all the tools. The federal government has the tools, FinCEN's using them, and this gives them the funds and the flexibility to be able to implement them at the state and local level. Mister Nunn's been a lead along leader on this critical issue. I'm pleased to see his legislation moving forward today. I urge all of our colleagues to support it, and I yield back. Does anyone else seek recognition on the A and S? Hearing none, we will move to amendments. Does anyone wish to offer an amendment to the A and S?
I have an amendment.
Uh, for what purpose does the General Lady seek recognition?
Uh, I have an amendment at the moment.
We will pause while her amendment is distributed. We reserve a point of order. For what purpose does the gentleman from Iowa seek recognition?
Seek the opportunity to reserve a point of order.
Point of order is reserved. Clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R twenty nine seventy eight, offered by Miss Waters of California, designated as guard amend two.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read. The General Lady from California is recognized on her amendment.
Uh, thank you very much. Um, I alluded to cryptocurrency and some other things. Let me be more specific in this amendment. My amendment would add, mean a coin related scams to the list of scams and frauds that the God Act specifies. This topic also feels appropriate to bring up as our colleagues on the Senate side mark up their version of cryptocurrency market structure. The day before his inauguration, President Trump launched his meme coin. Since then, President Trump has earned three hundred and sixty million dollars. Insiders behind the meme coin also earned nearly six hundred million in trading fees. However, hundreds of thousands of retail investors have lost four point three billion. Let me say that again. Hundreds of thousands of retail investors have lost four point three billion buying the Trump meme coin. This is the exact kind of activity, specifically what's called a quote rug pull, that my Republican colleagues should try to prevent with this bill. I completely agree with my Republican colleagues. We do need to protect Americans from these types of scams. What's also concerning, main cons is that Trump's federal regulators have abdicated their responsibility to protect investors. the Securities and Exchange Commission, under Trump, said that meme coins are not securities, meaning that they now fall into a gray zone without a federal regulator. That is why it is even more important for state, local, and tribal law enforcement to monitor and hold meme coins uh fosters accountable. And so, um, I think this is very important. The bill as it is uh constructed is important. But this uh what I'm advocating in this amendment would make it even more important, given that I've laid out uh the loss uh that those who have been purchasing Maine Corms are from the president so I yield back the balance of my time.
General Lady yields back. Does the gentleman from Iowa insist on his point of order?
I do. I move to strike a last word, Mr. Chair.
Paul.
I move to withdraw the plan.
Gentleman withdraws point of order.
Yep.
Gentleman does withdraw his point of order. There's a further debate on the amendment. Uh, what purposes does the gentleman seek recognition?
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I move to strike a last word.
Middle, gentleman is recognized.
I wanna thank the ranking member for her engagement and the um, you know, bipartisan conversation that we're having on the threat of scams and fraud. Uh, but I would oppose the gentleman, gentlewoman's amendment and here's why. This amendment already seeks to single out scams related to all types of threats, not meme coins specifically. And if we're going to uh narrow the scope of what these funds could be used for, uh, I think we put ourselves at a disservice here. Fraud of this nature is already covered by the underlying legislation, and specifying meme coins would simply create, I believe, confusion when implementing this bill As the executive branch has already um highlighted here, whether certain forms of general financial fraud were not intended by Congress since we did not specifically call them out as well. We know this much is true, that as this continues to be an evolving threat, specifying each one limits us from emerging threats that could potentially arise. Here's what I know we agree on. We know, as we just highlighted, that the scale and the threat that local police are up against is becoming overwhelming. According to the FBI's twenty eight twenty four internet crime report, Americans age sixty and older lost sixty one billion dollars. This is elder loss. It's up nearly forty percent. Something that you and I both agree with here is how we can get after it. We also recognize, as you noted, that Americans, when they face these threats, they're not picking up the phone to call CFPB, they're picking up the phone to call local law enforcement or the fraud uh watch helpline that AARP puts together. These are real tools that we wanna get resourced against a broad array of scam and fraud threats existing today including things like meme coins, but also what tomorrow might bring. Therefore, I think we can also agree on what action needs to be taken. Moving forward with this guard act helps our front-line defenders be able to have the resourcing the training the capabilities and the skill sets we know work at a local level. We want broad coverage of fraud under this legislation. We all want clarity so our law enforcement agencies can go after scammers comprehensively. That is what this bill really achieves, and I would ask the ranking member that her concern, valid as it may be, is already included under existing legislation and is impro- improved upon by this act. For these reasons, I respectfully would ask my members to oppose scoping this narrowly and ask that they move the bill forward without the amendment. I yield back the remainder of my time.
Gentleman yields back. I recognize myself to strike the last word. I do strike the last word. Um, I think Mister Nunn made out laid out a a good rebuttal to the General Lady's amendment. Uh, I would just add that the Clarity Act that the General Lady did reference the House and Senate have passed that. And even putting a definition around what is a meme coin, uh, needs done at the federal level. So, uh, I've tried to counter pump and dump scams, uh, in crypto since Twenty seventeen, it's been a long road. I'm glad to see the Senate Banking Committee marking up the Clarity Act this week, and I hope it does just that, it provides the clarity we need. And you'll let the federal let regulators have more power to deal with a federal problem. But I think Mister Nunn stated it well, when people are the victims of scams, they call law enforcement. And his bill, the Guard Act, uh, that this seeks to amend, uh, is rightly focused on equipping equipping them with the flexibility to deal with that. So, Uh, I I oppose this amendment and encourage our colleagues to oppose it. And uh, I yield back. Is there further debate on the amendment? Uh, hear hearing no further debate, uh, all those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed by sh- shall signify by saying no. No. And the opinion of the chair, the no's have it.
Recorded vote requested.
Um, the no's uh, have it amendment's not adopted. The ch recorded vote has been requested. Are there further amendments? Uh,
Uh-huh.
I gotta say votes are rolled till some there you go. Recorded vote is requested. All those uh in favor of a recorded vote raise your hand, sufficient number having raised their hand. A recorded vote is ordered pursuant to subsection C five of rule three, the committee rules. Further proceedings on the amendment are postponed. Are there further amendments uh to the amendment in the nature of substitute?
Um.
Nothing on lunch? All right. Seeing no further amendments, without objection, the previous question on the substitute is ordered and the recorded votes on the preceding amendments have been postponed. Once those votes are taken, the committee will immediately vote on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute, and then will consider the question to report the measure. We will now move on to the next bill. Pursuant to notice, I call up H R twenty-one fifty-two, the AI practices, logistics, actions and necessities AI plan, uh, which was introduced by Representative Nunn. The clerk will report the bill, which was distributed in advance.
H R twenty-one fifty-two, to require a strategy to to defend against the economic and national security risks posed by the use of artificial intelligence in the commission of financial crimes including fraud and the dissemination of mis- information and for other purposes.
Without objection, the first reading is dispensed with. Without objection, the bill is considered read and open to amendment. At any point, Representative Nunn has an amendment in the nature of a substitute, copies of which have been distributed in advance. The clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R twenty-one fifty two.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read and will serve as a base text for the purposes of the amendment. Uh, the gentleman from Iowa, Mister Nunn, is recognized for five minutes.
Well, thank you, Mister Chair, and thank you for your work on national security, particularly when it comes to this legislation. artificial intelligence and how we at the national level need to have both a strategy and an approach. I wanna thank my friend, uh the ranking member on the house intelligence committee, mister Haims, for helping me lead this bill and its great impact on an emerging technology that will quickly impact all of our lives. As we know this, artificial intelligence is already transforming how businesses grow, how markets move, and how information is spread. An analyst project that AI will generate over fifteen trillion, that's T with a capital T, in a new global wealth over the next decade. This is exciting. At the same time, American companies lead in the field today. But foreign adversaries are racing to write the rules of this new age, and some are already turning that very technology against us. Five years ago, an adversary who wanted to drain an American's retirement account needed a, a phone bank, a convincing script, and hours of deception campaigns. Today, that same adversary clones the voice of a victim's own grandchild and uses it to drain their account by threatening that same artificial avatar. A single overseas operator now spins up to thousands of s- synthetic identities from names that include social security numbers to employment histories to open fraudulent accounts at American banks faster than our institutions can flag them. And these are stories that should keep all of us up at night. But the good news is, the same American ingenuity that built this technology is helping us defend against its misuse. The challenge is on the coordination piece. Treasury sees the financial perspective, Department of Homeland Security sees the defense perspective, Commerce sees the technology perspective, and the federal government at large has a hard time knowing who's in control. The SEC, the Federal Reserve, NIST, the Attorney General, and the US Trade Representative each hold a different piece of the puzzle, and Congress has never asked them to put it together in one page, or one comprehensive playbook. What the AI Plan Act does is it bring r- it brings regulators to the same table to keep our market safe and our data protected. It charts a strategic road map for the United States and leads in artificial intelligence development by defending our financial systems and letting our private partners be part of the success story here. It does five things that I think are key. First and foremost, combating financial crimes and fraud, it directs the Department of Treasury, Homeland Security and the Department of Commerce to develop a strategy to combat artificial intelligence driven fraud and the use of AI in financial crimes, such as voice cloning and deep fakes that we just highlighted. Two, it protects national security, it focuses on defending against artificial intelligence generated misinformation from foreign intelligence threats and their efforts to manipulate US markets or spread propaganda that hurt all of us. Three, it develops a new security framework, implementing new and cross-jurisdictional techniques to defend against cyber threats and artificial intelligence powered attacks. Four, it promotes responsible innovation, encouraging the development of American-led AI innovation while establishing necessary guardrails. And five, it brings a whole of nation approach in a strategic vision for how AI can be both helpful, but that we can counteract those bad actors who would come against our institutions, bringing both our private sector and our public sector to bear in addressing this threat. We are not slowing down in AI here in the United States. We are making sure our local businesses in places like my home state of Iowa and across this country can grow confident in an AI-powered economy that grows both our GDP as well as our workforce. And that when Americans use AI to build, our adversaries cannot use that same IA to break us. I would urge a yes vote on the AI plan act and I thank the bipartisan leaders who have helped move this forward. With that, Mr. Chair, I yield my time.
Gentleman yields back. Is there further debate?
I move to strike the last word.
Yes.
The General Lady uh from California's uh moves to strike the last word. Recognized.
Thank you very much. This bill represents a critical first step in addressing the risk posed by AI These efforts are especially important as we respond to newer and advanced cyber security models like mythos which in the hands of bad actors and foreign adversaries, pose a major threat to the national security of our country and the stability of our financial system. This legislation requires agencies to gather information and submit recommendations on how to defend against risk, like misinformation, fraud, and financial crime. The agencies must consider challenges arising from deep fakes, voice cloning, foreign election interference, potential market disruptions, and more. We're already witnessing the devastating impact these technologies have on families across the country, when they're used by bad actors, for example, through voice Cloning fraudsters, uh impersonate, though they do, impersonate a victim's loved one to try to demand money from them. For example, in twenty twenty five, Americans lost more than five million to AI voice cloning scams. While this legislation is necessary to better allow agencies to build our defenses ahead of the weaponization of advanced AI models, This measured and cautious approach is at odds with the goals of another Republican bill proposed today the Unleashing AI Act. The Unleashing AI Act lifts a wide range of regulatory requirements without consideration for many of the risks to Americans that are considered in this bill the AI Plan Act and so I would encourage members to take these diverging approaches into account and support the best course of action for protecting children and families across the country. Thank you and I yield back.
Thank you, General Leidy. For further debate on the ANS, Mister Himes.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, I move to strike the last word, gentlemen's recognized. Uh, thank you, Mister Chairman, and uh thank you to the ranking member, and I particularly thank my friend from Iowa, Mister Nunn, for introducing this bill. Um, as Mister Nunn said and as the ranking member said, the bill recognizes a simple reality. AI is lowering the barrier to entry for sophisticated fraud operations. What once required an organized criminal network can increasingly be done by a single actor with commercially available tools. Government coordination must evolve accordingly. AI threats move across sectors faster than government jurisdictions do. Fraud, cybercrime, market manipulation, and foreign influence campaigns no longer fit neatly inside one agency's lane. Right now, federal agencies are often responding to AI-enabled threats independently. The AI plan act creates a shared operating picture so we can identify patterns earlier and respond faster. Recent reporting and oversight done by various committees underscores how quickly these risks are accelerating. The mythos model by Anthropic reportedly identified several hundred thousands of software vulnerabilities across major US banking systems, with some institutions forced to patch weaknesses in days rather than weeks, because AI-enabled cyber threats are now operating at machine speeds. The AI plan act sends a message that the US intends to lead not only in developing advanced AI systems, but also in building the safeguards that allow those systems to be deployed res- e- e- responsibly and at scale. This is ultimately a preparedness bill. We cannot be caught sleepwalking into the next next financial crisis. The cost of planning and coordination today is far lower than the cost of responding to a major AI-enabled financial calamity tomorrow. The bill reinforces public-private partnership. Many of the most important signals, threat indicators, and defensive innovations come from the private sector, and this framework helps ensure government can engage constructively with industry experts. Finally, this legislation reflects a bipartisan understanding that technological leadership and national security are no longer separate conversations. In the AI era, they are one and the same. I'm proud to co-lead in this bipartisan bill and I urge my colleagues to support it. I'd like to again to thank thank the chair and the ranking member for considering the bill today and I yield back.
Uh, the gentleman yields back to further debate on the ANS, I now recognize myself for five minutes. As I've said before, AI technology has enormous potential to make Americans' lives easier and our financial system safer, stronger, and more efficient. But the same technology can also be weaponized, enabling more sophisticated financial crime that threatens consumers investors and the stability of our financial system. From deepfake impersonation schemes to AI generated financial fraud, bad actors, including those operating abroad, are gaining access to increasingly powerful tools. The United States cannot afford to fall behind. We need a coordinated national strategy to detect, prevent, and respond to AI-enabled financial crime. That's why I'm pleased to support the AI Plan Act. This bipartisan legislation, led by Representative Zach Nunn and Jim Himes, uh, directs the Department of Treasury, Homeland Security, and Commerce to examine the evolving threat landscape and develop a comprehensive strategy to combat AI driven financial crimes. Uh, just as importantly, the bill draws on the expertise of federal agencies to provide Congress with actionable recommendations and establish best practices that industry can implement immediately to better protect consumers and our financial system. This is a common sense, straightforward looking approach uh to ensuring that we harness the benefits of AI while defending against risks. I urge all of our colleagues to support it and I yield back. Does anyone else seek recognition on the ANS? Hearing none, we will move to amendments. Does anyone wish to offer an amendment to the ANS?
There's this amendment. I have an amendment at the desk.
Okay. There we go. Ooh. General Lady has an amendment at the desk. We will pause while the amendment is distributed.
I know, I know,
Point of order has been reserved. Clerk will report.
Uh, just hold hold for a second. So, it's
Clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R twenty one fifty two offered by Miss Waters of California designated as H R twenty one fifty two zero two.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read. The General Lady of California, Miss Waters.
Thank you very much. As written, this legislation directs agencies to assess and recommend a defensive strategy against national and economic security risk posed by AI. My amendment would simply expand this defensive strategy uh to also consider consumer protection risk and include the consumer Financial Protection Bureau in the agency's evaluating these changes. As we all know, the CFPB is the only federal agency solely dedicated to protecting consumers from scams, uh, financial fraud, and unfair, deceptive, and abusive products and practices in financial services marketplace. Some of the major challenges this bill tries to tackle are deep fakes, voice cloning, number spoofing, and other kinds of uh uh kinds of digital fraud and scams. Addressing these challenges is at the center of the CFPB's mission. Without a dedicated consumer, financial agency, to contribute to the goals of this bill, this legislation may miss out on necessary solutions for the greatest problems faced in America today. So I urge members to support this amendment. And I uh yield back.
Uh, does the gentleman insist on his point of order? Uh, point of order is withdrawn as there's further debate on the amendment. Uh, for what purposes, Mister Nunn?
Uh, thank you, Mister Chair. I I think as we've all highlighted here, artificial intelligence has been used for decades in several forms, from machine learning and algorithms, both in the government and the private sector side. All technology has risks. But the committee's work on encouraging AI innovation adoption has always focused on ensuring proper guardrails and safeguards are implemented alongside new technology. What we don't want is a federal government mandate in this innovation space. The AI the AI Plan Act that we're discussing here today recognizes that the guardrails are necessary and directs agencies to assess limitations, capabilities, tradeoffs of AI's use in combating financial crime. The amendment before us, therefore, I believe is redundant. Uh, as part of the bill, the report must also evaluate specific threats, including deepfakes, voice cloning, synthetic identities, false flags, general digital fraud, and scams to do both public and private entities. Importantly, the bill also requires recommendations for legislative action, as well as best best practices on both our private sector as well as our public sector side. I believe these in- i- entities can work together to mitigate and respond to these emerging threats, not layer another level of bureaucratic requirement on top of them. And for those reasons, while I respect and agree with the ranking members' intent to go after AI threats, let's do it in a clear way that provides the best possible guidance. And so, therefore, I would urge opposition to this amendment, Mister Chair. I yield my time.
Gentleman yields. Uh, is there further debate on the amendment? No further debate. The question now occurs on the amendment. All those in favor of the amendment? All
No, I don't.
Oh.
Uh.
All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed, signify by saying no. No. In the opinion of the chair, the no is habit. The no is habit and the amendment is
Recorded vote is recorded.
Gentlelady has requested a recorded vote. Um, a recorded vote is requested, all those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised their hand. A recorded vote is ordered pursuant to subsection C five of rule three, the committee rules Further proceedings on the amendment are postponed. Are there any further amendments to the amendment in the nature of substitute? Mister Foster.
Yes, I have an amendment at the desk.
Uh, let's see. Uh, well, gentleman has a amendment at the desk. We'll pause while the amendment is distributed. For what purpose does uh Mister Nunn seek recognition? Yeah, point of order uh, Mister Stile reserves a point of order, point of order is reserved.
Hmm.
Good.
No.
Uh, the clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R twenty one fifty two, offered by Mister Foster of Illinois designated as Foster zero eight two.
With that objection, the amendment is considered read.
Um, the gentleman from Illinois, Mister Foster is recognized for his amendment.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Um, I support the underlying bill and I believe this is a friendly amendment. Uh, my amendment would add artificial intelligence driven market response to the risk to be examined by regulators as they develop their strategy to respond to misinformation, fraud, financial crime, perpetrated with artificial intelligence. By many accounts, the financial system is about to be transformed by agentic AI. Many business transactions will occur at the agent-to-agent level. Consumer facing us operations will no longer be facing a customer, but a customer's AI agent. Uh, this change will be generally positive. Personal AI agents will be able to evaluate more options, investigate products more deeply. and bargain more effectively than their human principles uh that they work for could. This should result in a more efficient financial services marketplace. Uh, consumer protections may also be simplified since there will be fewer unsophisticated consumers to take advantage of antigenic interactions can be logged under well-defined privacy regimes. However, there are risks, including AI driven flash crashes and AI driven bank runs. During the twenty twenty three regional banking crisis, Silicon Valley Bank saw outflows of more than forty billion dollars in less than forty-eight hours, driven mainly by the speed of internet gossip among a closely-knit number of depositors. Uh, these rumors, many of which turned out to have merit, spread across financial markets, causing depositors to flee the Silicon Valley Bank, and then the contagion spread to other banks who, on the surface, seemingly presented a similar profile. Artificial intelligence will supercharge this kind of behavior, particularly as more consumers uh in businesses start using AI agents to help manage their finances. As these technologies develop, regulators must be ready for bank runs that can take place not in hours or days but in minutes. Hurting behavior driven by AI models, justified by facts or not, will also be a major concern as consumers order their agents to flee any uncertainty or simply to pursue higher returns. Regulators have tools to calm market panic that occurs on a human time scale, as they did by guaranteeing the deposits of Silicon Valley Bank and signature banks, although they and and through the rollout of the uh bank term funding program. Um however, it remains to be seen whether AI models and agents will respond similarly to similar regulatory signals, or whether they will uh just simply seek a first mover advantage and rapidly pull out of banks and financial products in times of stress. In the banking system, the only entity with the power to stop a run on a significant sized bank is the Banks must be ready to provide the collateral and ass access the discount window at a moment's notice. And regulators will have to have the information they need and and the access they need to determine whether a bank should be saved and can be saved. Now, financial markets, particularly in light of the push for twenty-four hour trading, will also be susceptible. A I driven traders, misinformation from bots, which are effectively A I agents already, a potential hurting activity by A models will in increased market movement and risk destabilizing markets. So as I said, a a agentic AI tools present many opportunities to improve the financial service system, but these risks are real and the regulators should be thinking about these risks and necessary safeguards now. I believe that this is a common sense and friendly amendment that will be appropriately expanding the scope of the financial regulator's response to the financial risks of artificial intelligence. and to better prepare our economy for the turbulent decade to come. I encourage my colleagues to support this amendment. And thank you, Mr. Chairman. Yield back.
Thank you, Mr. Foster. Uh, yields back. Uh, does the gentleman insist on his point of order? I do not. Then, uh, point of order is withdrawn. I move to strike last word. Mr. Stiles, uh, is recognized. Thank you very much. Uh, I appreciate, uh, my colleague, Mr. Foster's amendment. Uh, indeed, it is a friendly amendment, uh, and I encourage my colleagues to support it. Uh, the current bi- the current uh list in the bill addresses deceptive AI-enabled um, activities, but does not explicitly address risks from coordinated or automated AI reactions to market information, uh, as the gentleman noted. AI systems can operate uh at a speed and scale that may amplify market volatility or liquidity stress uh before human intervention uh is possible. Uh, in particular adversarial actors could even exploit uh AI driven systems or signals in ways uh that contribute to broader market disruption. The addition uh is intended to ensure the report considers emerging risk associated with AI enabled market dynamics and automated decision making. Uh the provision uh complements existing categories related to false signals and digital fraud uh without duplicating them and so for this reason I I thank the colleague uh for his work on this, his friendly amendment, I encourage my colleagues uh to support the gentleman's uh amendment. I yield back. I thank the gentleman. There's no further debate on the amendment. Uh ranking member Waters uh seeks recognition
I move to strike the last word.
as now recognized.
Mister Foster's amendment would fill a critical gap in the bill and one of the greatest unknowns we are that confront us today, which is the threat of autonomous and agentic AI systems. It was just a few weeks ago that Anthropic, an AI developer, refused to release their latest AI model because it was too dangerous to release to the public. I urge members to support this amendment and I yield back.
Gentleman yields back, so further debate. Question uh is no oh, Mister Nunn is recognized.
Well thank you Mister Chair, I move to strike the last word.
Uh, as long as you recognize him, it's fine.
I wanna I wanna thank my colleague uh from Illinois, Mister Foster, not only do you have the uh best Frank Lloyd Wright tie collection in Congress, you're also a future thinker of where innovation is going in this space, and you've highlighted correctly that this amendment would promote efficiency, not only in our financial market place, but in how we look forward for where our financial markets are going. It supports privacy, for data protection, and it helps us all act at the speed of where AI is going. while also providing a whole of nation approach to getting after these really hard problems. I thank you for your amendment and for the bipartisan effort that we've really been able to move forward as part of the overall AI plan act. I would encourage its adoption. Thank you, Mister Chair. I yield my time.
Chairman yields back. Is there further debate? If there's no further debate, uh, the question now occurs on the foster amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All all those opposed uh shall say no. Paying sure the no's have it.
I see.
Uh, I'm sorry, the ayes have it, and the amendment is adopted. Is there further amendment?
Yeah, requests a requested a recorded vote.
Uh Gentleman requests a recorded vote. All those in favor record a vote, raise your hands. The sufficient number of having raised their hand to record a vote is ordered, pursuant to subsection C five of rule three, committee rules. Further proceedings on the amendment are postponed. Any further amendments to this nature of a s- amendment in the nature of a substitute? Seeing no further amendments, without objection, the previous question on substitute is ordered. And recorded votes on the pending amendments have been postponed. Once those amendments are taken, the committee will immediately vote on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute, and then we'll consider the question and report the measure. We'll now move to the next bill. Soon to notice, I call up HR forty-one zero one, the Unleashing AI Innovation in Financial Services Act, which I introduced. Clerk will report the bill which was distributed in advance.
H R forty eight zero one, to establish AI innovation labs that permit certain person persons to experiment with artificial intelligence without expectation.
Without objection, the first reading is dispensed with, without objection, the bill is considered read and open to amendment at any point. I have an amendment in the nature of the substitute, copies of which were distributed in advance. I'd like to ask the clerk to report that amendment.
An amendment in the nature of a substitute to H R forty eight zero one, offered by Mister Hill of Arkansas.
Without objection, that amendment is considered a ready to serve as base text for the purposes of amendment. I recognize my five, myself for five minutes to describe this amendment. As we've talked about today, artificial intelligence is no longer theoretical. It's reshaping critical sectors across our economy, including in financial services. From detecting fraud in real time, to helping patch cyber security vulnerabilities, to expanding access to capital. AI tools are helping institutions better serve individuals and small businesses. Through the committee hearings and our recent AI expo, we've seen firsthand how artificial intelligence is poised to help transform our economy. This committee and the House of Representatives have been engaged on the impact about artificial intelligence and financial services and the housing sector for multiple congresses. Ranking member Waters started a task force. Former Chair McInerney formed a working group led by Congressman Lynch and myself. And the House, under Speaker Johnson and uh Minority Leader Jeffries, established the bipartisan task force on AI. This committee has prioritized the examination of AI's applications in financial services and housing, as well as how regulators themselves are utilizing these cutting edge tools. We've also heard from experts about the regulatory gaps and challenges that must be overcome to ensure that well-governed deployment of AI innovation takes place. While generative and agentic AI present compelling opportunities, they also present new risks. We must be cognizant of these risks to ensure continued investor and consumer protection, and that's why the collaboration between regulators and the private sector is critical. We need a framework that encourages responsible innovation while maintaining strong safeguards and accountability. For the past two conferences, I've championed regulatory sandboxes as a practical common sense solution. Sandboxes allow firms to test AI applications in a controlled environment with clear guardrails and direct regulatory oversight. Under this approach, applicants would undergo a rigorous review process, receive approval from the appropriate regulators and implement safeguards to address risks related to financial stability, cyber security, customer protection, and sheltering of private information, and of course national security. Firms supervised by multiple regulators would be required to notify and receive approval from each of those supervisors. Importantly, all test projects would remain subject to enforcement against fraud, market manipulation, or unsafe and unsound financial practices. We've seen this model work at the state level and we've seen this also work in jurisdictions outside the United States such as in the United Kingdom. It's a proven common sense tool to help regulators and innovators learn together while adopting adapting to a rapidly evolving technology. I've seen it work in my own district, uh where the FIS FinTech Center in Little Rock, Arkansas hosted for many years this exact kind of technological review and innovation screening where bank supervisors met with their uh banking counterparts to look at new forms of technology. And under this kind of a sandbox r- routine, I think this would have really important benefits. The bill is bipartisan, it's bicameral, it has the support of a shared understanding that regulatory sandboxes are an effective way to build expertise, encourage, encourage innovation, and manage risk, both in the private sector and among the supervisors. Advancing this bill is critical to keeping the United States at the forefront of AI innovation while maintaining appropriate safeguards. I want to thank uh Chairman Stile from Wisconsin, Representative Godheimer, and Representative Torres for working with me on creating this legislation, taking comments about it and perfecting it, and I urge everybody on both sides of the aisle to support it. and I yield back the balance of my time. Uh, the ranking member, um
I uh moved to strike the last word.
You're recognized for five minutes.
H R forty eight O one would unleash the potential ality uh catastrophic risk of newer A I models on the public without oversight or accountability. A I companies, financial regulators all around the world, executives of mega banks, and even the White House are urging Congress to do the exact opposite. As written, this legislation would allow companies in uh to experiment with AI without the need to come apply uh with certain regulations to be subject to enforcement. An entity applying under this sandbox would simply propose an alternative method to comply and their preferred terms for the project, which can be both broad and economically significant. As long as the project quote uh makes substantial use of AI end quote entities are allowed to waive or modify regulations on a wide range of activities. Entities participating in this sandbox would get to set the time-line, size, scope and growth of their project at a time of unprecedented risk posed by AI. These AI test projects offer no protections for consumers, institutions, small businesses or financial markets from harm. To make matters worse, especially in light of recent events, This bill fails to grapple with the threats from autonomous or self-directed AI. On April seven, one of those AI companies, Anthropic, announced a new AI model that found quote " thousands of high severity vulnerabilities", including some in every major operating system and web web browsing. The fallout for economies Public safety and national security should be severe." These warnings were followed by urgent meetings with Treasury Secretary Messer, Fed Chair Jerome Powell, and the CEOs of major banks, world leaders, regulators and central banks have continued to express strong concerns about the scale and speed of Methos' capabilities. And now, even the Trump administration is considering acquiring AI companies get approval before releasing new models. Americans agree that we need strong oversight of AI. Polling shows that ninety-seven percent of Americans think that, uh, think just that. Quote, "AI safety and security should be subject to rules and regulations." But this bill will take off those bills for AI used in our financial and housing markets. It's no wonder that ninety civil rights, consumer, labor, technology, and other advocacy groups oppose this bill. They quote H R forty eight O one should allow financial firms to profit by capturing most of the benefits of AI but force their consumers and the economy to bear the burdens from the risk and the harms of AI deployment in the financial sector." Quote unquote. Any benefits from AI for consumers, investors, markets, and the financial system can only materialize if people are protected by a consistent application of federal civil rights, consumer protection, investor protection, market integrity, and oversight laws. Mister Hill, why you doing this? This is dangerous. Look at everybody who's taken a look and warning us. I would hope that you would withdraw the bill rather than continue. I urge a no vote on this reckless bill.
The gentlewoman yields back.
You're back.
Uh, does the gentleman from Wisconsin seek recognition?
I do.
The gentleman uh is recognized to strike the last word.
I thank the chairman uh for his work on this bipartisan bill, the unleashing AI innovation in Financial Services Act in Financial Services Act enables responsible experimentation with AI that serves the public interest, improve a improves access to financial services and promotes consumer and investor protection. For two congresses, this committee convened experts, held hearings and advanced legislation to ensure America leads the global AI race. For decades, the financial services sector has been at the forefront of applying machine learning and AI breakthroughs to the real world. We now have an opportunity to build on that foundation, a proven way to enable innovation within the regulatory Uh, Guardrails is through regulatory sandboxes that tailor compliance strategies to the specific risks and opportunities of new AI deployments. A regular, a regulatory sandbox is of course not a blank check. It requires a rigorous application process in which the relevant regulators will impro impose appropriate terms, conditions, and limitations on qualifying projects to ensure effective risk management. This is a bicameral, non-partisan bill with key provisions to protect our markets, protect consumers, and protect our financial system. The bill ensures it requires the following. One, regulators to assess applicants' ability to satisfy core standards. Two, dedicated regulatory personnel for participating projects. Three, full and fair disclosure to consumers regarding their direct interaction with test projects and four, participants to regular sup regularly support their progress and sta- report their progress and status to regulators. Time and again, we brought leading information security and AI experts to testify before our members and brief our staffs. This bill continues that commitment by requiring sandbox applicants to explain to regulators' satisfaction how their AI test project would not present a systemic risk to our financial system, nor a national security risk to the United States. Those regulators would set the appropriate terms, conditions, and limitations on those test projects to manage all relevant risks, including cyber threats. And regulators would maintain their enforcement authority with respect to fraud, market manipulation, and unsafe or unsound practices. The stakes are clear. We must maintain American leadership in AI. This committee has already expressed unanimous support for that goal. To further that very leadership, in March, the White House put forward a national policy framework for AI calling on Congress to establish regulatory sandboxes. Today, this committee stands ready to do just that, and I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this vital piece of legislation. Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Gentleman yields back. Is there further, uh, mister, foster?
Yeah. Thank you, Mister Chairman. Um, I let's say I would have to strike the last word.
Gentleman's recognized for five minutes.
Um, yeah, ma- I I support the idea behind many of the bills being considered today that share the goal of increasing potential regulators' ability to respond to emerging technology and I uh and I I share that that opinion. However, um when I although I believe agencies should uh use techniques, including sandboxes, to be more responsive to innovations, I believe it's that appropriate safeguards are absolutely crucial um when we are considering mechanisms to accelerate AI adoption, uh to make sure they're not simply used as a mechanism to side-step long-standing consumer and investor protections. Uh first, this bill appears to allow any number of firms to request an alternative compliance regime for nearly any regulation, and that those alternatives would not be subject to public notice and comments. And there, while there may be a place for increased speed and flexibility, especially in light of high impactful and transformative technologies, like we've seen reported in recent months, uh, we should fully consider the risk of adopting new tools rapidly across large portions of the marketplace. If this legislation's meant to allow the testing of new technologies, we should consider limitations on the the size of the market share of participants for any specific sandbox project. Um, this sort of approach has been taken, for example, in the UK. And um, didn't seem to damage um, in in other areas different than AI where they do sandboxes, they have limits on market size to make sure it doesn't become just a hole that uh, they that, you know, semi-trucks are driven through. Um, and because if leading players that represent a lion's share of any particular market segment receive regulatory flexibility, it's really no longer a sandbox, it's a new regulatory standard that's come through without notice and comment. Um, and at at that point, um, the regular at the point that a significant market share is an anticipate or achieved by the sandbox, uh, the regulatory change should go through the normal rulemaking process and be subject to notice and comment, uh, by industry, consumer advocates and other interested parties. Um, so I think a limit on market share is a missing crucial component here. Uh, secondly, we should also uh consider whether we want this uh flexibility to last uh indefinitely or sunset. Uh, this legislation does not appear to limit the amount of time any sandbox can operate, potentially allowing for an infinite waiver waiver of regulatory obligations, which I don't believe is the intent. And and finally, this bill depends crucially on appropriate agency oversight. However, several of the agencies that are affected uh by this bill, namely the FDIC, SEC, NCUA, are currently operating without a full board of commission, as laid out in this in statute. Um, democratic l- leaders of of these agencies has eva- either been forced out by this administration or left them um, because of of um, policy discussions. Um, and these these agencies are, the leaderships are left lopsided without any democratic uh, representation. And so that's a very dangerous configuration to um, try to to provide safety and direction to a a concept that I, you know, I basically support. Um, so this is uh also not even mentioning the administration's gutting of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which has significantly reduced its regulatory and enforcement capacity since President Trump took office. Uh, this allows this is really crucial because it allows regulators limited time to review applications with a default that it gets approved. So if there's no one home to e- look critically at the application, um, and the, you know, and the leadership is missing, uh, then you'd, it's just not gonna function as intended. Uh, these bodies must have adequate leadership even to do their normal jobs, and and the adequate staffing if we are expecting them to carry out a robust analysis of the risks that these regulatory waivers will pose to the American public. So, I believe financial regulators need to respond more quickly to emerging technologies, and sandboxes are an important tool there. But, we we just have to do a lot more to make sure that uh this doesn't become a a loophole in regulation that will um ultimately damage investors and consumers. So that's my that's my concerns and it's it's
With the gentleman, you.
expression of regret. Um, yes.
Uh, you bring up some good points and I think the bill uh does address many of those points. I won't have time to use your time to express it, but I'll certainly be happy to respond to each of the points you made and how the bill actually addresses that. I yield back.
Um, thank you, I I do believe more work needs to be done um uh to get this to the point where I'd I will be supporting it and certainly we will will continue to if it this doesn't get through this Congress we'll continue to work on it next Congress as well, cuz the concept is sound but the details matter. And I yield back.
Gentleman yields back. Uh, who seeks recognition?
Four minutes.
Uh, seeing no additional comments on the underlying bill, we'll turn to amendments.
Uh could could I uh strike the last word?
As the gentleman can strike the last word, sure.
Yeah, thank you, and I and I I apologize if I'm intervening here,
Thanks, Dave.
but um
No worries. You're you're you're recognized for five minutes.
Yeah, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, this this this bill uh seems extremely reckless to me. Uh normally when we have a a so-called uh sandbox, there is a deliberate and and and defined effort to protect the innocent, uh to to make sure in a u- usually a sandbox is is taken on in condi- in in circumstances like we have today with AI, uh when there is a new technology that that uh we are allowing to be used or experimented with. Most recently, members of this committee were able to go to Singapore where they had a sandbox on fintech and and fintech and banking in particular. But in that case, they they actually they actually protected the the general public and the markets. Uh, innocent investors, they protected their senior citizens by by tightly regulating uh the parties and the conditions under which they conducted that that sandbox. And uh they limited its duration and they had plenty of warnings to people who were gonna engage with companies within that that that sandbox. They s- they basically said this is a new technology, uh we're gonna try to e- we'll exercise discretion here, uh but but we're gonna take extreme measures to make sure that the public, senior citizens especially, uh, but also the financial markets were protected from any damage, any unforeseen damage. We don't do any of that in this bill. Uh, this basically, this bill basically says if you're an AI company or a company using AI, you can launch an experiment, uh, an AI project And and you're immediately allowed to to waive certain consumer protections, investor protections, market protections, um while you're within this this so-called sandbox. But it it it affords none of the protections that normally would come along with an experiment of this type. And if there's any technology that deserves uh caution, And and and and protections, it's AI. Uh, sometimes we refer to these companies as AI companies. But what we're seeing lately is every company, every company is an AI company, once they once they adopt that that uh that model or or that technology. And uh we we're seeing a number of troubling instances with the use of AI. Uh, we're seeing, uh, hallucinations in some of these large language models that people are using. We're also seeing the effect of herding, where several of these large language models, uh, guide people into the same, uh, problems. And we're seeing a lot of the things, uh, that a lot of the dangers that occurred during the the financial crisis of two thousand and eight. where people made basic assumptions, uh, that were found to be disastrously wrong. And we ended up spending, I didn't vote for it, but we ended up spending eight hundred and twenty seven billion dollars bailing out, bailing out the financial services industry. So, um, I think if we continue on this road, if we pass this bill, uh, we're p- we're putting a lot of people at risk. And I especially worry about our senior citizens who are often uh the targets of some of these scams that are out there that use AI as a way of uh exploiting the the lack of sophistication or the uh the lack of protections that are available to senior citizens. So I I am strongly against this bill and uh this this this technology needs serious and robust regulation. I believe it offers wonderful potential, but but also, as we have seen, it offers the opportunity for for severe violations of uh the right to privacy, and it also offers uh opportunities for those who would uh who would violate the law to use this technology to to exploit the innocent as well. Uh with that, Mister Mister Chairman, I I ask my colleagues to vote against this and I yield back the balance of my time.
Gentlemen. Gentlemen, time has expired. Who seeks recognition? Is there any other uh We're ready for amendments.
Have an amendment.
Uh, the ranking member has an amendment uh at the desk. We'll pause for it to be distributed.
this is the obvious result of my work
the has reserved a point of order on the waters amendment
cause i think it's a lot more easier to get a new one so i think it's a lot more easier to get a new one
hmm
The clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read. Uh, the gentlewoman is recognized on her amendment.
Thank you very much. My amendment will stop this bill from taking effect until there is a study by treasury in consultation with all regulators in the bill that confirms that the light touch oversight of projects using AI models like mythos will not harm our economy. Reporting indicates that on April seventh, twenty twenty six, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessette and Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, summoned the CEOs of big banks, including Morgan Stanley. Goldman Sachs, Citi, Bank of America and Wells Fargo to an urgent meeting where they warned the banks about mythos, capabilities to detect and exploit potential cyber security weaknesses. Anthropic, an AI company that created mythos established project GlassWing to allow major banks tech companies and other firms to use the model to identify and fix vulnerabilities in their systems. Notably, we had to rely on Anthropic to restrain itself, as it appears the Treasury, Fed, and White House were completely caught off guard by how powerful this AI tool is. Yet, despite these developments, Republicans are pushing forward with a bill that only ignores the important work that needs to be done to ensure AI is properly regulated. They would also allow companies to pick and choose which laws they want to comply with. Committee Republicans should follow the Trump administration's pivot to emphasize AI safety. So, my amendment would ensure that this bill does not let advanced models like mythos, increase risk to consumers, investors, small businesses, cyber security, national security, and financial stabi- sta- stability. So I urge members to support this amendment and I yield back.
The gentlewoman yields back, uh I remove my point of order, is there further debate on the amendment? I recognize myself to strike the last word. Um first I wanna go back uh to the uh the the previous amendment Mr. Foster uh or the the discussion that took place with Mr. Foster as it relates. uh to termin termination date if I can, cuz he brings up a a broadly uh a good point on the termination date, but I think uh it it's worthy of a quick clarification here. Uh the the required alternative compliance strategies in the bill uh already require proposed limitations on the size scope, uh and growth of the AI test project as well as a termination date. Uh the regulators can then tailor these limitations uh to achieve effective risk management. Uh, so to achieve risk-based compliance strategies, these timings and scoped questions should be tailored to the specific benefit profile of the relevant project. So the tailoring will enable responsible experimentation within appropriate guardrails, uh, and enable our regulators to learn best practices from a diversity of market participants uh in ideas. So I just wanted to let it go that there is no termination date. It's not a set termination date, but it's a a termination date as decided uh, in each given instance.
Yeah, and would the gentleman yield for a moment?
Um.
That
Yeah, I'll I'll yield.
Yeah, that that answers the first two points. There is a mechanism to terminate the the thing, but leaving it up to the discretion of regulators when the regulators have been driven out by this administration is a sticking point right now. If we had, you know, a good faith, uh, uh, effort to keep the relevant commissions and so on fully staffed, uh with the bipartisan thing then it would be much easier for us to support this legislation at this point in time.
Uh appreciate the gentleman's comments, we'll we'll we'll agree to disagree on the point, but but broadly speaking there there is termination dates, it's just where that termination date uh would come from. Let me let me jump back uh to to the amendment in question here uh from Ms. Waters. Uh I'd note the amendment uh is unnecessary, the bill we're marking up today uh already requires alternative compliance strategies to effectively manage risks. associated with AI test projects. Uh, and the regulators decide what the alternative comp- compliance will look like, and how firms will meet their obligations under the strategy. More importantly, this framework is risk-based, so successful applicants are required to effectively manage the specific risks of their own projects, not every risk enumerated, even when, or even where, uh, that's non-relevant to their own work. This ANS already delays implementation by one year to give those regulators ample opportunity to to develop the implementing regulations, delaying implementation until an additional study is done, risk counter counter-productive being counter-productive in delaying the regulations and assessments uh in regulatory oversight. So ultimately we want to incentivize responsible innovation uh within fit for purpose sandboxes and part of that is making sure regulators making sure regulators implement uh those rules so i encourage my colleagues to vote no uh and i yield back is there further debate um or questions on the amendment seeing none uh all those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye
uh aye
all those opposed signify by saying no no in the opinion of the chairs the no's have it the no's have it and the amendment is not Adopted.
A recorded vote is requested.
A recorded vote is requested. Um, all those in favor of a recorded vote raise your hand, a sufficient number having raised their hand. A recorded vote is order pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules further proceedings on the amendment are postponed. Are there any further amendment to the amendment and the nature of a substitute?
That's a sure thing.
We will pause briefly. For what purpose does the gentleman seek recognition?
I believe I have an amendment at the desk.
Indeed you do.
I just need a minute.
We will pause while the amendment is distributed.
Okay. Mr. Chairman.
The gentleman's recognized.
I I request a point of order.
A point of order is requested.
Reserved.
Or is reserved.
i'm just trying to track down the text of my
oh ok there you go ok
just a sec they're moving together
no worries ok thank you we're good good to go
you're
The clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of substitute.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read. Uh, the gentleman is recognized on his amendment.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Uh, this amendment would strengthen the baseline standards that an AI system must meet before it can be approved for a test project under HR forty eight O one. Now, specifically, it adds two new eligibility criteria for for what would become a project. The AI system must be readily explainable to human end users and consumers, and it must not be detrimental to the reliability and fairness of data, decision making, or recommendations. This this goes to a couple of the weaknesses in in the the current AI uh models that are that are in use. These are minimum conditions necessary to ensure that AI is deployed in final in financial services on real consumers with real consequences. A financial institution should be able to explain to a customer why an AI system denied their loan application for example or flagged their account or recommended a particular product. If it cannot, that system has no business being tested on the public under a federal regulatory waiver. It's as simple as that. The fairness criterion is equally important.
Yes.
More than sixty civil rights, consumer, labor and technology and advocacy groups have opposed this bill in part because its regulatory waiver waiver framework includes no restrictions on waiving anti-discrimination laws or consumer protection laws. a system that produces biased outputs, and that happens all the time, in its in its credit decisions, its insurance pricing, or fraud detection can cause serious harm to communities that have historically borne the brunt of discriminatory financial practices. So my amendment would ensure that any AI AI system seeking a federal sandbox approval cannot as a threshold matter be shown to undermine the reliability and fairness of the decisions it is making. And for that r- those reasons I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this amendment. And and I I just wanna just take for a minute, try to try to point out the the problem, the underlying problem with with this legislation and what I'm trying to correct. AI systems and and in particular, a gentic AI actually creates contract content and and and changes itself as it takes in data from the environment. So a company could have an agentic AI LLM model, large language uh model, and that that system is not static. It's not like you insert technology and it sits there and you can repair it once in a while. No, this is a learning machine. This is a a technology. What it does is it it takes in data from the outside world, and it constantly changes. It constantly changes. So so it's never completely contained, nor is it nor nor is it static. It's always learning. It's changing. And we don't have a good sense or a predictable sense of how it will change. So it is inherently not containable, nor nor is it, nor are we able to anticipate the ways in which it may grow based on the the the information it brings in. It is it is transformative, and it is being transformed as it brings in new data. So it makes the ext makes it extremely difficult for us to protect people who might otherwise be harmed by this this technology. What what the bill does is it waives the consumer protections uh that that exist right now in a number of of of different context uh for for uh the SCC for the uh you know the Financial Protection Bureau uh many uh the FDIC many of our agencies have regulations that protect consumers. What this bill does is if a company that is meaningfully involved in AI sets up a project, so-called project, then they are exempt. They are exempt from the protections. They are outside of the compliance requirements that those regulations would normally provide. for seniors and to consumers. So for those reasons, I ask that uh people support my amendment and uh reject the underlying bill if it is if my amendment is not adopted. Thank you.
The gentleman yields. Uh, does the gentleman insist on his point of order? The gentleman does not insist on his point of order. Is there further debate on the amendment? I recognize myself uh for five minutes to strike the last word. Um, I oppose this amendment, uh, as I believe it's redundant. Uh, the conditions for approval include that the applicant must explain to the regulator's satisfaction of core requirements including how the project would not present a systemic financial risk or national security risk to the United States. Uh, further, the legislation requires that all data from test projects is stored and maintained in a secure manner, consistent with all applicable data security standards. The regulators at all times retain their enforcement authorities with respect to unsafe or unsound practices. It's also important to note that federal and state law, including applicable data privacy and cyber security standards, would still apply. Uh, because of this, I believe the amendment is offered as duplicative, uh, and I would encourage my colleagues to vote no. I yield back. Is there further debate, uh, on the amendment? If there's no further debate, the question now occurs on the amendment. All those in favor of the amendment shall sh shall signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed signify by saying no, no. In the opinion of the chairs, the noes have it, the noes have it, and the amendment is not adopted.
Request a recorded vote.
Request a recorded vote.
A recorded vote is requested. All those in favor of a recorded vote uh raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules further proceedings on the amendment are postponed are there further amendments or debate are there further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute
Mr. Chairman, I believe I have a an amendment another amendment at the desk.
the we'll pause while the amendment is distributed
I think the AI type projects are the most valuable thing.
alright good
the clerk will report the amendment
we're just waiting for the circulation
uh we're circulating still The clerk will pause.
I'm recognized, I was meant to be a residential manager.
Mister Chairman.
Uh, Mr. Sussman is recognized.
I reserve a point of order.
The point of order has been reserved. The clerk will report the amendment now.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read, the gentleman is recognized on his amendment.
I thank the gentleman. Mister Chairman, uh in the interest of consumer protection and regulatory accountability, this amendment would require that any regulated entity seeking approval for an AI so-called test project under the legislation, they would require be required to explain how that project will reduce the cost to consumers and require regulated entities to file regular reports with the appropriate financial regulatory agency containing both a description of the AI test project's usage and outcomes and and the data on actual consumer costs. If the project does increase costs, the agency must terminate any AI test project that increases consumer costs. There is currently no established clearinghouse or single responsible singly responsible entity to observe and maintain reports and data on these projects. This amendment would require the financial regulatory agencies to join jointly establish a clearinghouse to collect and share all such reports across agencies, ensuring coordinated cross-agency oversight of AI activity in financial services. Proponents of this bill have argued that AI-powered innovation in financial services will benefit consumers by lowering costs, improving efficiency, and expanding access to products and services. If that is truly the goal, then companies applying for these AI test project approvals should have no objection to demonstrating that their projects actually deliver on that promise. Americans remain skeptical of AI, with recent surveys showing that over half of American adults are concerned about the increased use of AI in their daily lives. Fin financial services companies have consistently deployed new technologies to reduce their own operational costs without passing those savings on to consumers, and in fact are likely harming them. Across the United States, the energy demands of AI infrastructure are already driving up electricity prices in communities across the country. A Bloomberg report found that areas with the highest concentration of data centers saw electricity prices jump two hundred and sixty-seven percent over the past five years. Thank you, AI. Moreover, companies continue to announce mass layoffs attributing workforce reductions to AI gains, including Coinbase cutting for fourteen percent of its workforce, and PayPal planning to cut twenty percent of its staff. The cost savings from automation are accruing to shareholders and not to customers or employees. This amendment would introduce a basic accountability and transparency mechanism, requiring companies to report on what their AI test projects actually do and what they are costing consumers, sharing that data across regulators and pulling the plug on any project that raises costs rather than lowers them. If an AI test project cannot demonstrate that it's operating as described and benefiting not harming consumers on cost, it should not be allowed to proceed. That is a reasonable condition for a regulatory waiver that the underlying bill would grant to these companies at the public's expense. Regulators should not have to act on a company's word alone. They should have the data, and they should share it. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The gentleman yields back. Um, does the gentleman insist on his point of order? Point of order is withdrawn. Is there further debate on the amendment? I recognize myself for five minutes to strike the last word. Um, I oppose this amendment uh as I did the previous one as it's also uh redundant. Uh, the ANS before us includes a rulemaking on disclosure requirements for regulated entities to inform consumers with all reasonably appropriate information regarding their direct interaction with an AI test project. They must describe the project in the sandbox itself, including the applicable terms, limitations, and conditions imposed on the test project. This provision is based on our continuous process to refine this product, including input from our colleagues across the aisle. Again, our focus is on addressing a variety of risks. This amendment goes further and essentially puts the regulator in charge of deciding what goes to market on the basis of costs. It's not a recipe for good, safe. innovation and competition and because i believe the underlying amendment uh the the amendment is offered uh is duplicative i encourage my colleagues to vote no i yield back is there further debate on the amendment if there is no further if there is no further debate the question now occurs on the amendment all those in favor of the amendment shall signify by saying aye all those opposed signify by saying no no in the
aye
opinion of the chairs the no's have it then those have it and the amendment is not adopted. Are there any further amendments in the nature of a substitute?
Mr. Chairman, I believe I have another amendment at the desk. Uh, do you have a recorded vote for us?
The
Do you want a recorded vote for your last meeting? Oh yeah. I can I get a recorded vote on that previous
Sure, we'll go we'll go back in time.
Thank you.
There's a re a recorded vote uh is requested.
Thank you.
Um, all those in favor of a recorded vote uh raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered pursuant to subsection C five of rule three on the committee rules further proceedings and the amendment are postponed.
Thank you for your courtesy.
You're welcome.
Appreciate that.
Uh, are there any further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute?
Uh, yes, Mister Chairman, I believe I have an amendment at the desk.
The gentleman has an amendment at the desk, we'll pause all the amendments distributed.
Mister Chairman.
Gentleman is recognized.
I reserve a point of order.
A point of order is reserved.
Thank you.
The clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute.
The objection, the amendment is considered read. The gentleman is recognized on his amendment.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Uh, Mr. Chairman, this amendment addresses one of the most serious gaps, I believe that exist in forty-eight O one as currently written. It restores full government enforcement and penalty authority, including under any regulation that was waived or modified as part of an AI test project, whenever a person is actually harmed, uh, financially or otherwise as a result of that project. The bill as introduced provides a regulatory enforcement shield uh to participate in companies. If a regulation is waived uh as part of an approved AI test project, the government cannot bring an enforcement action on behalf of a victim uh against any action or imposed penalties for violating that regulation. That shield is overly broad. It applies even if the conduct in question causes real harm to a person. This amendment corrects that if someone is hurt by AI, uh is hurt by one of these AI test projects, the enforcement shield should come down. Regulators get their full toolkit back, including authority under any regulation that was otherwise waived. The regulatory sandbox this bill creates is it not a consequence-free environment. Um, it is open to the public. And folks will have argued that AI-powered innovation in financial services will will benefit consumers by lowering costs or by improving efficiency and expanding access to products and services. That may be so, but innovation does on occasion uh cause harm. It does not immuni immunize institutions from accountability when things go wrong. A regulatory waiver is not a license. to harm. The underlying bill gives participant companies significant latitude, regulatory waivers, protections from enforcement actions, and they allow them in some cases to escape liability for for harm in giving them their ability to deploy. These AI systems may harm consumers before these systems face full legal scrutiny. That latitude is already substantial. This amendment simply ensures it has a floor and that American consumers maintain their right to seek recourse when they are unduly harmed by these AI test projects. A regulatory sandbox should be a space to test and learn, not a space to harm without consequences. And this amendment draws that line. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman yields back to the gentleman insist on his point of order. The gentleman withdraws his point of order. Is there further debate on the amendment? I recognize myself for five minutes and strike the last word. Um, I oppose this amendment, uh, as this amendment is unnecessary. Um, the bill creates a framework for responsibly testing AI innovation in financial services. Let me just take a moment to restate a few key provisions in the bill. It requires sandbox applicants to demonstrate to regulators' satisfaction that a proposed test does not pose systemic risk to the financial system, or national security risks to the United States. Regulators retain full authority to establish terms, conditions, and limitations on test projects, including requirements to manage cyber security and other operational risks. Regulators maintain their existing enforcement authority with respect to fraud, market manipulation, and unsafe or unsound practices. This is not a framework that gives companies free reign to experiment without oversight. Quite the contrary. It's a structured regulatory process in which agencies set boundaries, monitor activities, and retain full enforcement authority. Our financial firms are some of the most highly regulated and supervised entities in the world. They're subject to requirements that affect every aspect of their business and operations. The bill is clear. Fraud and manipulation and unsafe and unsound practices are absolutely never acceptable. The bill provides responsible innovation with firms working under the strict guardrails, approved by regulators. Because the amendment as offered uh is unnecessary, I encourage my colleagues to oppose this amendment. I yield back. Is there further debate on the amendment? If there's no further debate, the question now occurs on the amendment. All those in favor of the amendment, they'll signify signify by saying aye.
Aye.
All those opposed, they'll signify by saying no. No. In the opinion of the chair, the no's have it, the no's have it, and the amendment is not adopted.
Almost to the chairman, may I have a voice vote? I mean a
A r- a recorded vote is requested.
it's recorded.
All those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. Pursuant to subsection C five of rule three, the committee rules further proceedings and the amendment are postponed. Are there any further amendments to the amendment in the nature of a substitute? Seeing no further amendments, without objection, the previous question on the substitute is ordered. and recorded votes on the pending amendments have been postponed. Once those votes are taken, the committee will immediately vote on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute, and then will consider the question to report the measure. We will now move on to the next bill. Pursuant to notice, I call up H R eighty-two seventy-eight, the fostering the use of technology to uphold regulatory effectiveness in supervision, futures act, uh, which was introduced by representative Stutzman. Uh, the clerk will report the bill which was distributed in advance.
H R eighty-two seventy-eight, to require
Without objection, the first reading is dispensed with. Without objection, the bill is considered read and open to amendment at any point. Representative Stutzman has an amendment in the nature of a substitute, copies of which have been distributed in advance. The clerk will report the amendment.
An amendment in the nature of a substitute.
Without objection, the amendment is considered read and will serve as base text for purposes of amendment. The gentleman from Indiana, Mister Stutzman, is recognized for five minutes.
Uh, thank you, uh, Mister Chairman. Appreciate the, uh, chairman of the committee, uh, giving this bill of hearing, uh, the Futures Act, uh, which is fostering the use of
Submitted without objection.
Uh, whether you're on Main Street or Wall Street, American financial institutions are on the leading edge of technological development and innovation. Every day I hear more about how institutions are harnessing artificial intelligence, and real-time data analytics to manage risk, detect fraud, and serve customers faster than ever before. And yet their regulators often lag behind, still relying on outdated IT infrastructure from a pre-digital era. This gap poses significant risks, not just for our financial markets but for the entire economy that depends on effective supervision. As the private sector continues to innovate at a record pace, our regulators must have the tools to keep up. That's where my bipartisan Futures Act comes in. My bill requires federal prudential regulators to assess the techn- the technology systems they use for supervision, evaluate their procurement practices, and report to Congress on current deficiencies and areas for improvement. Simply put, We cannot help our regulators modernize their technology for the digital age if we don't know the challenges that they face. Whether it's talent gaps, procurement barriers, or technological blind spots, Congress needs to understand the red tape that is keeping supervision in the past while the financial systems uh financial system races into the future. In fact, we already require this kind of information from the institutions our regulators supervise. Depository institutions must undergo quarterly technology reviews, internal and external penetration testing, and rigorous due diligence on every vendor that they use. If we require that of them, we ought to hold their regulators to that same standard. The Futures Act is a straightforward, common sense, and bipartisan step to address the critical technology challenges facing our regulators. A very similar version of this bill advanced out of this committee unanimously in the hundred and eighteenth Congress, thanks to the hard work of my friend and fellow Hoosier, Mrs. Houchen. So I'm proud to carry this bill forward in an even stronger form today, and I hope that this bill will again receive the broad support of my colleagues here on this committee. I want to thank my distinguished colleague, Doctor Bill Foster, uh not only for his thoughtfulness, but also once again for co-leading this legislation and for his commitment to ensuring that supervision keeps pace with innovation. I also wanna thank Chairman Hill for his continued support of this measure, and I would urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this common sense bill, and I'll yield back.
The gentleman yields back. Is there further debate on the ANS? Uh, the gentleman from Illinois, Mister Foster, is recognized to strike the last word.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chairman, and I'd first like to thank Representative Sussman for his partnership on this bill, uh, and for to you for including it in today's mark-up. The Futures Act will require federal banking regulators and Consumer Financial Protection Bureau to regularly review their technology systems and procurement practices to ensure that they are well equipped to address emerging threats to the financial system. This review will determine whether agency's current technology systems are up to the task of monitoring vulnerabilities of the modern financial system. Uh, banking is moving to real-time, twenty-four seven operations as consumer demand and for faster payments and the increased use of digital banking tools. uh, you know, takes over big parts of the market. Now, this bill will require agencies to determine whether they have access to the right information when they need it, and whether they have systems in place to identify risk and to take informed actions on the necessary time scale when the data calls for it. Regularity will submit a report to Congress identifying any obsolete systems or procurement processes that are inhibiting their ability to supervise modern financial institutions. As uh we uh saw in the collapse of regional banks back in twenty twenty three, twenty four our our banking tools and social media fueled panic and I intensify bank runs and and increase the risk of contagion. And this will only be amplified uh when uh AI apps are dominating the financial landscape. Um, financial institutions and regulators must be ready to respond to new opportunities and challenges stemming from these iner emerging technologies. Artificial intelligence and AI agents have the potential to supercharge cyber security risk, contagion and fraud, which can de-stabilize our financial system more quickly than in years past. At the same time, these technologies represent tools to regulators and financial institutions that they can use to improve bank supervision, identify suspicious activity, and improve the quality of customer service. The maintenance of a well-regulated financial system requires investment in new tools, hiring of a workforce with the necessary technical skills and streamlined procurement rules that allow regulators to keep up with the rapid developments in private industry uh one timely example of this is through the increased use of open source collaboratively maintained software packages uh something that i jamie diamond of j p morgan cannot seem to open his mouth without mentioning these days and a trend that should allow us to um really make the entire uh banking and financial system um, industry much more cyber secure, uh, to put all of our our eggs in a small number of baskets and guard those baskets carefully. Uh, so this legislation will task regulators with reviewing the current state of their internal systems, to ensure they're ready to meet the challenges of the day, uh, shedding light on new tools that can improve their ability to oversee a changing financial system. So I support this common sense bill, encourage my colleagues to vote yes, and I yield back.
The gentleman yields back as there's further debate on the ANS. The gentleman is the ranking member, Mister Lynch is recognized, to strike the last word.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, uh moved to strike the last word, uh I I want to congratulate both the gentleman from Indiana and the gentleman from Illinois on the improvements on this bill. I I do recall uh in the last last uh one hundred and eighteen Congress uh we even though we approved it uh in committee, there were some concerns that were raised and I think uh the gentleman from Indiana and and and Mister Foster from Illinois have have uh adeptly I think addressed many of those concerns so uh a as they have stated it'll compel agencies to submit a joint report on internal supervisory technology including procurement practices workforce market developments and information sharing, which is uh very important. Uh so I congratulate my colleagues on uh the the improvements made to this bill, and I call upon my colleagues to support this bill and I yield back.
The gentleman yields back, is there further debate on the ANS? I recognize myself uh to strike the last word for five minutes. Today we're considering several bills that address how we adjust to changing technologies and its opportunities and risks. We're addressing the rise of AI powered financial crime. fraud and scams and ensuring the federal agencies have the tools they need to protect our national and economic security from these threats, uh, we're considering how federal financial regulatory agencies can work with industry stakeholders to responsibly test new AI applications through a controlled sandbox environment. And now with the Futures Act, we're taking a critical step to modernize financial supervision. The bill directs the federal financial regulatory agencies to assess whether they have the technology and infrastructure needed to supervise our markets and institutions in real time, and where they fall short of that goal. With today's pace of innovation, real-time supervision is no longer simply aspirational. It is achievable and it is necessary to strengthen market integrity and protect participants. Where barriers exist, the Futures Act requires agencies to identify them so we can address them. The bill also ensures the agencies are equipped with the right talent and expertise to oversee increasingly complex technology-driven markets. Taken together, these efforts reflect a clear approach, embrace innovation, manage risk, and modernize oversight. I urge my colleagues to support this critical common sense legislation, and I yield back. Is there further debate on the ANS? Hearing none, we'll move to amendments. Does anyone wish to offer an amendment to the NS? There being no further discussion or amendments on the bill, the question now occurs on adoption of the amendment and the nature of a substitute. All those in favor, so I'll signify by saying aye,
Aye.
aye, all those opposed, nay, in the opinion of the chairs, the ayes have it, and the amendment is adopted. The question now occurs on ordering the bill as amended to be reported to the house with a favorable recommendation. Those in favor shall shall signify by saying aye. Aye. Those opposed, no. The opinion, chair, the ayes have it. Does the gentleman request a recorded vote?
Mr. Chairman, I request a recorded vote.
A recorded vote is requested. All those in favor of a recorded vote shall raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules. The vote on the question is postponed. We'll now move on to the next bill. Pursuant to notice, I call up H R eighty-six seventy-one, the Bank Fraud Technology Advancement Act of twenty twenty-six, which was introduced by Representative Flood. The clerk will report the bill which was distributed in advance.
H R eighty six seven one.
Without objection, the first reading is dispensed with, without objection the bill is considered read and open to amendment at any point. Representative Flood has an amendment in the nature of a substitute, copies of which have been distributed in advance. The clerk will report the amendment.
Amendment in the nature of substitute.
Without objection the amendment is considered read and will serve as base text for purposes of amendment. The gentleman from Nebraska, Mister Flood. is recognized for five minutes.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. I also want to thank my co-lead in this legislation, Congresswoman Pedersen. We have collaborated for years on issues relating to the intersection of advanced technology and fraud both with this piece of legislation and the preventing deepfake scams act so appreciate her. The Bank Fraud Technology Advancement Act of twenty twenty six directs the federal banking agencies along with FinCEN, Treasury, the FTC, the CFPB, and the FCC to conduct a study on the advanced on the uh use of advanced fraud technology by insured depository institutions and credit unions. Following completion of that study, the regulators would issue a report to Congress with legislative recommendations that promote fraud detection and prevention. Then, a year after the report is sent to Congress, the federal banking regulators would be able to jointly establish a pilot program to facilitate community financial institutions and credit unions with access to advanced fraud detection tools. We know that scammers and fraudsters are utilizing technology like AI to target consumers and steal their money. Just today, I met with the uh special agent in charge of the FBI in Nebraska and Iowa, and we spent the entire meeting talking about financial crimes and financial fraud. Deep fakes can mimic a family member's face or voice, convincing a loved one, to transfer money or a fraudster. Generative AI can be used to supercharge existing scam methods, like email phishing, even to dupe more people. In an environment where the scammers and fraudsters are using technology to target customers and consumers, we need to make sure community financial institutions, including community banks, can keep up. While larger institutions are already widely using some of this technology, it's important that institutions of every size have the same tools to track fraud. This legislation lays out a thoughtful approach to providing access to smaller financial institutions with the technology they need to combat fraud. We are going to study the problem, we're gonna s- get a report sent to Congress, and then we're going to take action with a pilot specifically tailored to the problem we're trying to solve. I do believe that this act will put our community financial institutions in a better position to fight fraud with the best technology possible. I urge everybody to support it. And I will leave you with this. Imagine you are an eighty four year old widow. Your husband has predeceased you. You have a grandson who you know and love. You get a call from someone that sounds exactly like your grandson. And he says that he's been kidnapped or he's in jail or he's uh in imminent danger. You love him with all of your being. You run to the bank. You wire five thousand dollars to wherever you're told to do it. And you do it because you love him. And that money is gone forever. This is going to be what happens with generative AI. This is bigger than any of all of us. And it's going to take people's hard-earned money. And it's gonna get it wasted. And so with that, I wanna thank Congresswoman Pedersen for her co-lead on this. And with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
The gentleman yields back, is there further debate on the ANS? The gentlewoman from Colorado is recognized to strike the last word.
Thank you, I move to strike the last word. I guess I can just keep going. Um, thank you, Mister Chairman. I I wanna thank my friend from Nebraska for partnering with me on this important issue, and so many others. I'm so grateful for you. I wanna highlight some sobering statistics about how AI has supercharged the fraud threats facing banks credit unions and other financial institutions. and why Bank Fraud Technology Advancement Act is an important step forward. Last year, US companies saw an estimated hundred and fourteen billion in fraud losses in twenty twenty five while AI powered scams surged by over twelve hundred percent, including more than twenty one hundred percent increase in deep fakes over the last few years. Additionally, social media scams in the US resulted in over two point one billion in losses in twenty twenty five, largely driven by AI powered tactics and in eight hundred percent increase since twenty twenty. In April of twenty twenty five, the Pew Research Study Center found that seventy three percent of US adults have experienced some kind of online scam or attack, and most get c- scam, calls, texts, and emails at least weekly. And actually seventy three percent seems low. If there's anyone out there who doesn't get these, we'd like all like to know your secrets. The only way to guard against the efficiency and relentless nature of AI fueled cyber attacks is to help financial institutions harness AI, distributed ledger tools and other emerging technologies for defense. As my colleagues have described, this bill would task the banking regulators and the FTC with reviewing how these technologies are currently being used by banks and credit unions to detect and prevent financial fraud with a focus on challenges faced by community banks and credit unions. Additionally, regulators would have the discretion to jointly establish a voluntary pilot program to facilitate community bank and credit union access to advanced fraud detection tools. By increasing coordination and pooling resources among small financial institutions we can help ensure that tools driving innovation and the strongest defensive measures are tools that can be utilized by large and small financial institutions alike which is critical for all of us. Finally, I wanna thank the staff of both ranking member Waters and Chairman Hill for working together to approve this bill through the substitute amendment. The changes that were made ensure this legislation stays focused on helping small banks and credit unions, and also requires that the regulators issue a report following the conclusion of the pilot program, which will be helpful to policymakers in understanding what works best in this program for further action. And with that, I yield back.
The general woman yields back. Is there a further debate on the ANS? The gen- the ranking member is recognized, uh, to strike the last word.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me start by thanking the sponsors of this bill, Mr. Flood and and Miss Pedersen, for their bipartisan work to to help our community banks and credit unions prevent fraud. I want to further commend Miss Miss Pedersen, who's been a vocal advocate in the fight against fraud and so-called deep fake scams, including through her other bill, the Prevent Deep Fake Scam Act. I want to thank Chairman Hill and his staff who've worked with our side on this, on a number of improvements that have been made to the bill. This bill would require our federal regulators to study how advanced technologies like artificial intelligence machine learning and predictive an- analytics, and more are being used by banks and credit unions to detect and prevent financial fraud. I also support the limited pilot program in this bill to help small community banks and credit unions access the fraud detection tools and better protect their institutions and their customers as As Pedersen pointed out, fraud is on the rise all over this country, particularly against our seniors. And far too many have lost a lot of money, in many cases their life savings, to bad actors who defraud them. So it's not surprising as the president continues to pardon some of these worst fraudsters ev- even ones who admitted to ripping off Americans. Committee Democrats have been hard at work on this. Ranking member Waters introduced the Protect Protecting Consumers from Payment Scams Act. which would modernize our laws to protect consumers who get harmed through these schemes. We need a comprehensive approach to stop this epidemic of fraud, which is being enhanced by AI. I hope my Republican colleagues will join together in supporting this legislation. I'm glad that the bill's sponsor, Mister Flood, was at least willing to acknowledge that the bank regulators should consult the CFPB in working on this issue. But again, CFPB needs to play a central role in this fight to combat fraud, combat fraud. I urge my colleagues to support this bill and I yield back my time.
The gentleman yields back. Is there further debate on the ANS? Gentleman, Mister Foster from Illinois is recognized to strike the last word.
Uh, thank you, Mister Chairman. Uh, well, I support this bill and I thank Reps Flood and Pedersen for highlighting the benefits that uh artificial m- intelligence, machine learning and other analytic tools can bring to the fight against fraud. Uh, software costs are also one of the largest expenses that community banks face, and it's appropriate to consider the specific obstacles and challenges that they face in adaption of this new anti-fraud technology. Uh, as our committee continues to work to help small institutions address fraud risks, I hope that we will look beyond just artificial intelligence and towards other tools that can fight fraud including digital identity technology. We should also consider ways to make the ecosystem as a whole more responsive to new forms of fraud and cyber security risk. Digital identity tools were examined by the Treasury Department as part of its implementation of the Genius Act and determined that they hold great promise, specifically in curbing identity fraud. In twenty twenty four, the FinCEN uh published a report identifying more than one point six million suspicious activity reports, SIRs, uh implicating more than uh two hundred and twelve billion dollars in transactions, as to concerns with identity verification. Now because if you look at almost any kind of fraud, at some point it is identity fraud. And if we can stop the identity fraud, we can we can stop large classes of fraud in its tracks. Um, digital identity systems uh significantly increase the confidence that the person you're dealing with, is who they claim to be, especially in on-line transactions that are increasingly becoming an attack vector for scammers. But we do not have to wait uh to take action. To address this problem, Congressman Sessions and I introduced the Stopping Identity Fraud and Identity Theft Act, which would provide money to states that wish to develop their own mobile driver's license systems, which currently underpin identity technology in the United States, and where US technology is being adopted by countries all around the world. When designed properly and used on secure hardware, digital identity tools can preserve privacy, by limiting the information shared only to what is necessary to complete a transaction or to fulfill compliance obligations. So Congress should also work to bring down the cost of software uh for small financial institutions broadly. And one way to do this is to incentivize the development of open source tools that can be collectively maintained and offered uh to a large number of financial institutions. Uh these would have, for example, the uh the s as a standard feature, the ability to onboard customers using digital driver's license. to satisfy KYC requirements. And if this was a standard feature available for zero cost to small community banks, then it would really ease their anti-fraud responsibilities as well. Open-source software can reduce the cost and complexity of adoption, uh, colla- and collaborative efforts like those for from through banks big and small, uh, can really spur this development. So I hope to build on this legislation by encouraging larger players in the financial system to share aspects of their systems with these uh collaborations, and to develop standardized software stacks to aid in the compliance and anti-fraud pr- prevention. Um, well, with an appropriate degree of federal support, open-source software systems can reduce cost and level the playing field for smaller firms that do not have the resources to develop these systems in-house. I support Congressman Flood's bill and hope that we can continue to work on these issues. Thank you, Mister Chairman, and I yield back.
The gentleman yields back. Is there further debate on the ANS? I'll recognize myself for five minutes and strike the last word. I support uh HR eighty-six seventy-one and thank our Housing Insurance Subcommittee Chairman uh Mister Flood for his leadership on this legislation, uh as well as well as uh Miss Pedersen uh for her work. Financial fraud and scams in the United States are not just growing, they're rapidly evolving. Criminal networks today are faster, more coordinated, and more technologically sophisticated than ever before. They're leveraging emerging technologies and cross-border schemes to target hard-working American consumers and businesses at an unprecedented scale. Why, while most of these scams begin outside the walls of our banks and credit unions, through social media, text messages, or phone calls, our financial ins- institutions find themselves on the front lines of this fight. They've stepped up by investing in advanced technology tools like machine learning, real-time monitoring, and behavior analytics. In a testimony before this committee, one of the community bankers described how some institutions are utilizing AI-powered check verification tools to help detect fraudulent checks before losses occur. While these tools are not perfect, they're helping banks stay ahead of the increasingly sophisticated fraud schemes. But for many commu- community banks and credit unions, the cost of deploying these technology technologies remains a significant challenge. Limited resources can make it difficult to determine which tools are most effective and worth the investment. And yet, in today's financial system, these technologies are no longer optional, they're essential. We now live in a world where payments move instantly and fraudsters are using the very latest technologies to stay one step ahead. But policymakers and regulators don't have a full picture of what's working, what challenges remain and where gaps exist across our financial system. H. R. eighty-six seventy-one helps close the gap by directing our federal banking regulators along with the NCUA to conduct a comprehensive inter-agency study on how advanced technologies are being used to detect and prevent fraud. It also requires regulators to examine specific challenges facing community banks and credit unions in accessing these tools. High costs, limited access to quality data, and regulatory uncertainty can all stand in the way of widespread adoption. By identifying these barriers and providing recommendations to address them, we can help ensure that community institutions are not left behind in the fight against fraud. Importantly, the Bank Fraud Technology Advancement Act of twenty twenty six also creates a pathway for action by an by authorizing a pilot program to help community banks and credit unions test and adopt these technologies while fostering better information sharing across the financial system. It's a thoughtful approach, forward-looking approach, one that equips Congress and our regulators with the insight needed to make smarter decisions to promote innovation, that fights f- fights fraud, and better protects Americans who we serve. Fraudsters and scammers are not standing still. And neither can we. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I yield back. Does anyone else seek recognition on the ANS? Hearing none, we'll move to amendments. Does anyone wish to offer an amendment to the ANS? There being no further discussion and no amendments to the bill, the question now occurs on the adoption of the amendment and the nature of a substitute. All those in favor, so I'll signify by saying aye,
Aye.
all those opposed, I'll signify by saying nay, in opinion of the chairs, the ayes have it, and the amendment is adopted.
Mr. Chairman, I would request a recorded vote.
The question
No, not, not now.
Does It is withdrawn. The question now occurs on ordering the bill as amendment to be reported to the House with a favorable recommendation. Those in favor, so I'll signify by saying aye. Aye. Those opposed, no, nay. In the opinion of the chairs, the ayes have it.
Mr. Chairman, now I would request a recorded vote.
There we go. For what purposes do you seek recognition? It's a recorded vote. A recorded vote is requested. All those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hand. A sufficient number having raised in their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. Pursuant to subsection C five of rule three of the committee rules, the vote on the question is postponed. Pursuant to the previous order, the chair declares the committee in recess, subject to the call of the chair. Uh, we will uh immediately reconvene following floor votes. The committee stands in recess.
Oh.
The committee will reconvene. Before we turn to uh the business at hand, voting on the measures that we marked up today in committee. I'd like to recognize the gentleman from Florida, Mister Herodopolis, for a point of personal privilege.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. If I could just complete that and get attention, if you don't mind. Mister Chairman and members, before we start today's hearing, I'd like to take a moment to recognize the passing of a former member of Congress, a sixteen year member of this very committee, my good friend Bill Posey. We mourn his loss for a person who dedicated their life and he served with integrity, humility, and an unwavering conviction in the idea and belief of America. Bill served Florida with distinction for decades at both the local, state, and of course the federal levels, including eight terms in the United States Congress. For those of us who knew Bill, his impact reaches well beyond the halls of Congress. He was a tireless champion of Florida's Space Coast, for America's space program, and for the hard-working families in his community. Beyond the accomplishments and titles, Bill was simply a good guy. Grounded, deeply loyal, and devoted to his family. In fact, he was married to his high school sweetheart for over sixty years. For those who know him, they know that he really cared about the community, and Washington never changed him. My wife Steph and I are heartbroken by his loss, and our prayers remain with his wife Katie and their two wonderful children, Cathy and Pamela. So I'd I'd ask if it wouldn't be too much for the committee to uh give a moment of silence from our good friend Bill Posey for his incredible public service and his devotion to this amazing country that we call America.
Members will recognize a moment of silence.
Thank you, Mister Chairman.
Thank you. I'd like to recognize myself for a, uh, prompt, uh, point of personal privilege as well. I wanna thank two staffers who've done an outstanding job for the House Financial Services Committee, who are planning on moving to new opportunities, and we want to thank them for their service. First, the Director of our Member Services and Coalitions team, Dylan Frost. Give him a wave, Dylan. I've had the pleasure of knowing uh my fellow Arkansan, Dylan Frost, for over a decade. He started out in my personal office as a senior legislative assistant and eventually served as Deputy Chief of Staff and my Legislative Director. Once I was elected Chairman of the committee, I asked Dylan to come over and help lead our member services and coalition's team. During his time with the committee, Dylan's been an essential part of ensuring that members and staff have the support, coordination, and resources they need to carry out the important work of our committee. While much of the role of member services' work takes place behind the scenes, anyone who's worked closely with this committee understands how critical the work is to keep the committee functioning smoothly each and every day. Well, we're certainly sorry to see him leave. We're grateful for the service he provided for his time here on the committee, and most importantly for the citizens of the second district of Arkansas. Secondly, I'd like to recognize our Chief Economist and my fellow monetary policy wonk, Joey. Joey is watching on television, O'Neal. Joey's been a tremendous asset to our task force.
Like any good economist.
Yeah, he's too shy to be here during a voting session. Uh, he's helped lead and drive the work on our task force on monetary policy, treasury market resilience and economic prosperity that Mr. Lucas and Mr. Vargas have worked on so diligently. He's brought his expertise on these issues and strong commitment to public service in everything that he's done. I want to thank him for his service over the last year and for the steady counsel that he's provided and for his continued to dedicate be dedicated to a stronger, US economy and a stable financial system. We wish him continued success. Help me congratulate and thank Joey and Dylan, please. Pursuant to the chair's previous order, we'll now take the postponed votes on the pending amendments to HR fifty-three ninety-six. The first question is on the amendment offered by the ranking member, Mrs. Waters. This is HR fifty-three ninety-six. O one, the clerk will open the vote.
Barbarian is fatal, it's interfused and Over ten.
Aim lower down.
I got it.
Towards towards the quirks.
It's just like It's just like
Lace attack.
Yeah, I I think it has to bounce off your head, hit the ceiling, Yeah, zero, you can bounce your head too. go over it.
Yeah, not sure. There you go. You got it.
yeah between fitz and you man it's like you you're the the the loser it's like el capitan and fitz eric is the hope and the white flips and it's over let's go let's cheer up the cheer here you go
is emmer down there no ok i'm smakes mister makes Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mister Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are twenty-eight.
A majority have voted against the amendment, the amendment has not agreed to. The question now is on the amendment offered by Representative Presley. This is Press MA zero seven six. Clerk will open the vote. I'm gonna go with the clerk. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? I'm gonna go with the clerk. I'm gonna go with the clerk. Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are twenty-nine.
A majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. Questions now on the third amendment offered by Representative Presley. This is Press MA zero seven five. Clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk, we'll close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty and the nays are thirty-one.
Majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment has not agreed to. Questions now on the fourth amendment offered by Representative Presley. This is HR fifty-three ninety-six, zero, three. Clerk will open the vote.
the cantonese yeah
aim it a little lower see if right
right over there the lower
towards yeah towards this clerk
yeah this one right here
this one right here
yeah the middle mmm
yeah
yeah that's where i'm gonna do this
hmm
your second doll
miss
over there
there you go you got it alright
ok
Is there any member who has not voted, would like to change their vote, clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are twenty-nine.
A majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. The question now occurs on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute. All those in favor shall signify by saying aye. Aye.
Aye.
All those opposed signify by saying no. In the opinion chair the ayes have it, the ayes have it, and the amendment in the nature of a No. We have all the recorded votes. A recorded vote is requested. All those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hand. A sufficient number, having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. will now take the vote on ordering the bill as amended favorably reported. The clerk will open the vote.
they just didn't want anybody to know that I was on the meeting.
Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are thirty and the nays are twenty-one.
A majority having voted in favor of H R fifty-three ninety-six as amended, the bill is ordered favorably reported to the House. Without objection, a motion to reconsider is laid on the table. We'll now take the postponed votes on the pending amendment to H R twenty-nine, seventy-eight. The question is now on the second amendment offered by ranking member Waters. This is guard, amend two. The clerk will open the vote. There you go. Got it? Is there any member who has not voted? Would like to change their vote. Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are thirty.
A majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. Question now occurs on the adoption of the amendment and the nature of a substitute. All those in favor shall signify by saying aye. Aye. All those opposed, signify by saying no. And the opinion chair, the ayes have it. The ayes have it and the amendment in the nature of a substitute is adopted. Question now occurs on ordering the bill as amended reported to the house with a favorable recommendation. Those in favor, so signify by saying aye. Aye.
Aye.
All those opposed, signify by saying no. And the opinion chair, the ayes have it. Mister Nunn? Mister Nunn requests a recorded vote. All those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hands. A sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. When I'll take that vote on ordering the bill as amended, favorably reported, the clerk will open the vote.
Give me that water.
My way up.
Yeah, oh good.
Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are fifty-two and the nays are zero.
Majority having voted in favor of H R twenty-nine seventy-eight as amended, the bill is ordered favorably reported to the House without objection to motion to reconsider as laid on the table. We now take the postponed vote on the pending amendments to H R twenty-one fifty-five, the questions on the third amendment offered by ranking member Waters
Twenty-two, twenty-two.
two I'm sorry, twenty-one fifty-two Questions on the third amendment offered by ranking member Waters. This is H R twenty one fifty two zero two. Clerk will open the vote. As I say, twenty one fifty five too many times a year. So, old story, right? Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Stand by for skipper. OK. Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are thirty.
Majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. Question now is on the amendment offered by Representative Foster. This is Foster zero eight two. Clerk will open that vote.
Am I a yes or am I not a yes? Got it. Let me know if it's not obvious. Yes, I'll be on the one. Yeah, OK.
Is there any member who hasn't voted? A Mister, a Mister Green? Oh, he's got it, good. Is there any member who hasn't voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are fifty-two and the nays are zero.
A majority having voted in favor of the amendment, the amendment is agreed to. The question now occurs on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute. All those in favor shall signify by saying aye, aye. All those opposed signify by saying no. In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The ayes have it and the amendment in the nature of a substitute is adopted. The question now occurs on ordering the bill, as amended, reported to the house with a favorable recommendation. Those in favor shall signify by saying aye. Aye. All those opposed, send your file by saying no. In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. For what purpose does uh representative Nunn s seek recognition? Mister Nunn reco- uh requests a recorded vote. All those in favor of a recorded vote, raise your hands, a sufficient number having raised their hand, a recorded vote is ordered. We'll now take that vote on ordering the bill, as amended, favorably reported. The clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are fifty-two and the nays are zero.
A majority having voted in favor of H R twenty-one fifty-two, as amended, the bill is ordered favorably reported to the Without objection, a motion to reconsider is laid on the table. We will now take the postponed votes on the pending amendments to H R forty-eight, zero, one. The question on the is on the fourth amendment offered by ranking member Waters. This is H R forty-eight, zero, one, zero, one. The clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? The clerk will close the vote and report. Mister Himes. Mr. Himes. Are we still open, clerk?
Still open.
Still open. Vote away, Jim Himes.
Mm-hmm.
Vote early, often, and once. Hey.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-three and the nays are thirty.
The majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. The question now is on the amendment offered by Representative Lynch. This is Lynch zero five eight. The clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-one and the nays are thirty-two.
A majority of them voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. Question now is on the second amendment offered by Representative Lynch. This is Lynch zero six zero. Clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-two and the nays are thirty-one.
A majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. Question now occurs on the third amendment offered by Representative Lynch. This is Lynch, zero six one. Clerk will open the vote. Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are twenty-three and the nays are thirty.
A majority having voted against the amendment, the amendment is not agreed to. The question now occurs on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a in the nature of a All those in favor, signify by saying aye, aye, all those opposed, signify by saying no. In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it, the ayes have it, and the amendment in the nature of a substitute is adopted. Question now occurs on ordering the bill as amended, reported to the house with a favorable recommendation. Those in favor, so signify by saying aye,
Aye.
aye, all those opposed, signify by saying no.
Oh, no.
In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it.
Mr. Chairman, I request a recorded vote.
Gentlemen Uh, Mr. uh, Stile requests a recorded vote. A recorded vote is requested. All in favor raise your hands. A sufficient number having raised their hands, a recorded vote is so ordered, will now take that vote on ordering the bill as amended, favorably reported. Clerk will open the vote. A majority having voted in favor of H R forty eight zero one as amended. The bill is ordered favorably reported to the house. Oh, sorry. Uh, close the voting report, sorry. Don't distract.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are thirty three and the nays are nineteen.
Thank you. A majority having voted in favor of H R forty eight. O one is amended, the bill is ordered favorably reported to the house without objection, motion to reconsider is laid on the table. We now take the vote pending on ordering H R eighty-two seventy-eight as amended, favorably reported, members will vote electronically, clerk will open the vote.
I see.
Is there any member who has not voted or would like to change their vote? Clerk will close the vote and report.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are fifty-two and the nays are zero.
A majority having voted in favor of H R eighty-two seventy-eight is amended. The bill is ordered favorably reported to the House without objection to motion to reconsider as laid on the table. We'll now take the vote pending on ordering H R eighty-six seventy-one as amended, favorably reported.
Okay.
Members will vote electronically, the clerk will open the vote.
That's crazy. That's crazy.
Mm? Stingy.
Is there any member who has not voted? Or would like to Clerk will close the vote and report. Shh. You all be quiet. Going out, please. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, on this vote the ayes are fifty-two and the nays are one.
A majority having voted in favor of H. R. eighty-six seventy-one has amended the bills ordered favorably reported to the House. Without objection, the motion reconsider is laid on the table. Without objection, staff were authorized to make necessary and conforming changes to the bills considered today in pursuant to House Rule eleven. Clause two L, I give notice that all members will have the requisite number of days for supplemental, minority, additional or dissenting views. There being no further business pending, this committee meeting is adjourned.
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