Latin America After the Fall of Maduro

The subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere will come to order. The purpose of the hearing is to examine the United States' foreign policy in Latin America and the results of the president's decisive action to apprehend Nicolás Maduro on January the third. I ask for unanimous consent the members from Florida, Representative Carlos Jimenez and Representative Weisserman Schultz, be allowed to sit on the dais and participate in today's hearing without objection, so ordered. And I recognize myself for an opening statement of less than five minutes. On January third, after the fall of Maduro, the Western hemisphere changed forever. For the first time in thirty years, Latin Americans breathing the air of liberty. President Trump has done what no other administration has there to do and I'm talking about the last thirty years since Ronald Reagan used American stre- strength to spread freedom and democracy in the Western hemisphere. There's a new Monroe Doctrine now called the Donrow Moctr- uh Doctrine. The results are evident in this hemisphere. In Cuba and in Nicaragua, the people finally have hope. In Colombia, after President Petro allowed coca crops to reach historic levels for the last five years, he visited the White House, met with the president, and all of a sudden, he began fighting the gorillas in his country. In Panama, President Molino and the Supreme Court of that country canceled the Panama Canal concessions held by a Chinese party front called CK Hutchinson. After decades, our neighbors are reclaiming control of their countries, and the awakening is spreading. In Peru, leaders now understand the dangers of China owning a deep-water port at Chiang Kai with the potential of something called dual usage. That doesn't have a nice connotation. Dual usage. That's a direct threat in our hemisphere, right in the country of Peru. For that reason, the new Peruvian government, which will be elected next June, must take it back, that port, take it back and the United States will help them, under the Trump administration. Across the hemisphere, nations are realizing a long ignored truth, that you cannot outsource your sovereignty to the enemies of the United States of America, period. For that reason, the hemisphere is realigning against the dictators And thank God that Cuba is next. Cuba has always been the epicenter of evil in the Western hemisphere, unfortunately. Tyranny is their only export. They wrote the manual on repression. But now, with this new Dunro reality, the Cuban people are full of hope, and so is Miami, the city that I represent in this honorable body. They have taken to the streets in more than two hundred times in the last month alone, I'm talking about the Cubans in on the island. They have even burned down the headquarters of the Communist party in the city, in a city called Moron. Cubans have lost their fear. And even more important, they lost the belief in the invincibility of the Castro regime, which has lived in the soul of every Cuban for the last sixty-five years. That belief of the invincibility has been shattered by knowing that Donald Trump has not forgotten them. And the good news is that when people lose fear, the dictatorship is about to lose everything. Just days ago, the top Cuban figurehead called Diaz-Canel said on television that he was not leaving power that he was not going anywhere. Well, Maduro, a few months ago, said the same thing, and look where he is now. For the first time, the entrenched Castro machine is vulnerable. You cannot reform a system system that was built on repression. You only have to replace it. And when Cuba finally falls, it will not be the end of something, it will be the beginning of everything for the Western hemisphere, will be the last piece of the domino that will unlead to the most consequential expansion of liberty in our hemisphere for many generations to come. The communist regime in Cuba is on life support. Trump just needs to pull the plug. I am going to say a few words now to the Cubans in Spanish. I am gonna say that, I'm gonna say that, can I do that right now? I'm gonna say that right now and then I'm going to allow for the ranking member to um, give his statement. Uh From the Federal Congress of the United States, we thank you very much. who come to participate in this audience and only send a message to the Cubans, that we have not forgotten them, that in the entire hemisphere the the airs of freedom are growing and that thanks to the United States and this new ehm politics of President Donald Trump, has brought airs of freedom to the hemisphere, not only to to Cuba, which everything indicates that it will be next, but also to Nicaragua, we already know what happened in Venezuela, to the Peruvians who have a new president in June, The chair now recognizes um the ranking member from Texas, Representative Castro, for any statements he may have. uh five minutes. Thank you.

Uh thank you, uh and thank you Ambassador Kozak for being here, I understand this is your thirty seventh time testifying before Congress, uh the first time was in July of nineteen eighty one, so uh that must be some kind of record, at least for the State Department. Uh, you have extensive experience in these matters which makes it all the more frustrating to be honest that sixteen months into this administration, this is the first time that we have you appearing before the committee. Uh, uh, let me be clear about how we got here. Uh, regarding Venezuela, for example, the president invaded and overthrew the government of a foreign country, uh, without coming before Congress for a declaration of war, or an authorization for the use of military force. He did not brief Congress before the operation whatsoever. The administration does not get to skip those questions, just because the target was someone that we disliked. This operation was not a democracy agenda. In July, twenty twenty four, the Venezuelan people, against enormous odds, chose Armundo Gonzalez to be their president. Maduro and Delci Rodriguez, who the president struck a deal with, stole that election. This administration did not invade Venezuela because it was outraged by that theft, though. And to be clear, I would not have supported an invasion to enforce the results of the election. We know why the president ordered US service members into harm's way. Venezuela's oil, not democracy. There have been no credible timelines for elections, no meaningful pressure on the Rodriguez government to release political prisoners, or dismantle the repressive security apparatus that remains fully intact. In fact, Delci Rodriguez replaced one Minister of Defense, Vladimir Padrino Lopez, a man with a brutal history of torture and repression, who was sanctioned by multiple governments, including the United States, with Gustavo González López, another man with a brutal history of torture and repression, also sanctioned by multiple governments, including the United States. But the president says that she's doing a great job. The president announced the return of the Monroe doctrine, as the chairwoman mentioned, and let me be clear about what that means. In the early twentieth century, using the Monroe doctrine as justification, American presidents used military force to secure the rights of American businesses across the hemisphere. We occupied Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic for decades to support US business interests and sugar interests. We invaded Colombia, Haiti, and Honduras for similar reasons. For decades, our men and women in uniform, who volunteered to protect our country, became mercenaries ordered to risk their lives to protect the profits of US corporations. Today, President Trump is ordering them to do so again, starting with oil in Venezuela. That is why I, along with Representatives Kasten and Senators Van Hollen and Kane, have requested that the Government Accountability Office audit how Venezuelan oil revenues are being collected and used and also who benefits. Venezuela is not the only country in the Western hemisphere facing credible threats of US invasion under President Trump. The President has threatened Panama, Mexico, Canada, Greenland, and most urgently, Cuba. And I have no illusions about the nature of Cuba's government. But I do wanna say for the record that I suspect after the war in Iran and the embarrassment that the president has suffered, that the president of the United States will likely try to overthrow the Cuban government, for what he would consider a quick win. I hope the Cuban government holds free and fair elections, and they must engage in real economic reforms. All of us, regardless of party, have been pushing for that for years. Its failure to do so continues to harm the Cuban people. But we cannot ignore our own country's role in the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in Cuba. Sixty-five years of maximum pressure has not improved the lives of ordinary Cubans. This policy has failed. The Trump administration's latest round of sanctions and its oil blockade are causing direct harm to civilians across the island. I believe the President went into went into Venezuela because he saw it also as an easy win. And after the embarrassment that he's now facing, as I mentioned, I believe that he will pursue Cuba. And that would be a catastrophe for the Cuban people, for the region, and for the United States, where Americans quite honestly are sick of more war. This is our second hearing this Congress on Latin America with the administration testifying at a time when this administration has put the region front and center. I think it's safe to say that no president in a few generations at least, has focused on Latin America in the way that President Trump is focusing on the region. So there is a lot to discuss. And the administration's naked election interference in Argentina, Honduras, and Guatemala is included in that. The ille- the illegal extrajudicial killings in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific for which there will be accountability at some point. The diversion of hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign assistance to fund DHS deportations. This committee must and will have a full accounting of all these actions before the president's term is up, but also perhaps once he's gone. I yield back.

Thank you, Ranking Member, and other members of the committee are reminded that opening statements may be submitted for their record. Now we are pleased To have the Senior Bureau Official for the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs of the United States Department of State, the Honorable Michael Kozak before us. Ambassador Kozak has more than fifty years of distinguished service as a US diplomat and like you said, like he said, and you're more than thirty times in a position like this one, so I'm sure that you are not nervous and this is nothing new for you. He has served as Ambassador to Belarus, Senior Bureau Office for Western Hemisphere

Well, thank you very much, uh, Madam Chairman and, uh, Well, thank you very much, uh, Madam Chairman and, I can remember Castro and distinguished members of the committee. uh, I can remember Castro and distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today on how our engagement in the Western Hemisphere has yielded positive results for the American people. President Trump's national security strategy affirms the critical importance of this region to our national interests. Over the past fourteen months, we've seen tremendous success on a broad agenda. Our agenda includes securing our border and ending illegal immigration, defeating the narco-terrorist groups that traffic drugs to the United States, and de-stabilize their own communities and expanding economic opportunities for Americans. The reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine to eliminate the influence of global adversaries and malign actors in the region is helping protect our homeland. Illegal immigrant encounters at the US Southwest border are down ninety-one percent. Illegal crossings through the Darien Gap were down tw- ninety-nine percent in twenty-twenty-five. These dramatic statistics are a testament of the President's approach. We've worked with partners to enhance control of their own borders. Our partners have imposed new visa requirements and have sanctioned and prosecuted those involved in human smuggling and trafficking. We are also facilitating the highest number of removals and deportations in history. We've negotiated asylum cooperative agreements to reduce the burden on the American asylum system. We've entered into third country national arrangements to remove aliens with no li- right to remain in the United States to other countries in the region. All of this upholds President Trump's commitment to making American citizens safer. For too long, Americans have been poisoned by the flow of fentanyl, cocaine, and other drugs to our open borders. We are taking action to eliminate these threats, and we are already seeing results. Drug flows are disrupted. The CDC estimates that US drug overdose deaths dropped nine seventeen percent in the twelve months through October twenty five. These efforts are saving thousands of American lives. On March seven, twenty twenty six, the president expanded our security efforts through the shield of the America's summit. Leaders who share our resolve to defeat the cartels and foreign terrorist groups operating in the Western Hemisphere are now engaged as never before. Nowhere is our resolve to defeat narco-terrorists clearer than in Venezuela. We are now helping Venezuelan transition from a criminal enabler to a responsible partner. We are doing this through the three-phrased approach to Venezuela's stabilization and democratic transition that the President and Secretary Rubio have laid out. The United States is assisting in safekeeping government of Venezuela funds derived from the sale of Venezuelan oil. or other natural resources. These are being used for the benefit of the Venezuelan people. We see progress in Venezuela's political reconciliation. The in- interim government passed an amnesty law and released hundreds of political prisoners. And I'm advised that just within the last hour or so, another fifty more have been released by the Venezuelan uh interim government. Exiled opposition figures are re-engaging in public life. civil society is rebuilding. These steps are essential to create the conditions for transition to a democratically elected government in Venezuela. Venezuela's interim government has uh enacted significant hydrocarbons reform, treasury-issued general licenses have expanded US commercial engagement. The region is also now safer. On March thirty, we announced the resumption of operations at US embassy in Caracas. This is a new chapter in our diplomatic presence in Venezuela. We are strengthening cooperation on counter-narcotics and and migration. We are building economic ties that benefit America. With Maduro's arrest, Cuba lost one of its last benefactors. The end of massive subsidies at the expense of the Venezuelan people exposed the Cuban Communist regime's economic failings. President Trump has made clear that we will not tolerate this threat. on our doorstep any longer. Now is the time for drastic political and economic reforms in Cuba. Our vision is for a hemisphere that prevents mass migration, counters narco-terrorist groups, remains free of hostile foreign incursion, and generates uh economic opportunity for everyone in the region. As outlined in the national security strategy, we are working to enlist both our established friends and new partners in this endeavor. Over the last year, we've seen countries like Panama, as you mentioned, stand up to the influence of extra-hemispheric powers and defend their sovereignty. We've seen President Paz turn the page on twenty years of anti-U S sentiment in Bolivia. And we've seen partners like Ecuador and Mexico remove violent criminals to the United States to face charges. These historic achievements require our sustained support. Panafa Panama faced economic pressure after its Supreme Court nullified illegally granted port concessions that favored Beijing over Panama. As Secretary Rubio has stated, we will stand firmly with Panama, we will only increase our economic and security operations, uh cooperation with this important partner. Across the hemisphere we are strengthening critical supply chains. At the February critical minerals ministerial, the secretary signed agreements on critical mineral cooperation with Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay and Peru. The linkages created between the United States and our partners in key strategic sectors will benefit both sides and push adversaries out of the region. President Trump has been clear on the critical importance to our national security of U. S. preeminence in the Western hemisphere. In the past, we took our position in the hemisphere for granted, with unfortunate result. We are now intensely focused on building the partnerships necessary throughout the region, to meet our responsibility to the American people, and the benefit of the peoples of the Americas. Thank you, Madam Chair.

Thanks to you, Mister Ambassador, and I recognize myself for five minutes of questioning. Once again, thank you very much for being here. It's my pleasure. Uh, we have uh, we definitely have a very big story happening in the Western hemisphere, like it hasn't happened in the last thirty years since Ronald Reagan. So, I'm as delighted as you are, let me just do, let me just start with Venezuela and then we go to Cuba. Uh Venezuela. I understand what Secretary Rubio says, that we have to stabilize, we have to recover, and then we have to transition. We do not like Delsey. We don't like dealing with Delsey. Delsey is part of Alibaba and the forty thieves. Now, I understand that we have to deal with her. Do we, the Unite the the State Department, do we have a date for the next presidential election with international observers free and fair elections? Have we thought about a date and can you share with us what's happening in that front?

Thanks for the question, uh, Madam Chairman. Uh, we don't have a date. We have conditions that will enable election and bring about a transition to democracy. And so we're looking at the milestones along the way. I mentioned some of them in my statement. Uh, amnesty law, the, uh, Venezuelan interim authorities, uh, claim that uh over eight thousand people have benefitted from that that's not enough there are some uh opposition politicians that uh still are unable to go back and participate and we want to see them able to participate you know holding an election without people uh that would be able to run for it to be able to campaign is not

and i agree with you and then that's my next question maria carina machado she is one of the leaders of the opposition she wants to go back to the country she wants to organize the opposition forces,

Yep.

are we the United States going to give her any type of protection? Are we gonna pick up the phone and call Delsey and her brother and say, do not touch Maria Corina? Not only Maria Corina,

Right.

everybody else that is not part of the ex majority.

Yes, ma'am. Uh, and I think that that's been made very clear to them. We expect

Good.

all the people, including including uh

What have they answered when you have told them that?

uh, Maria Corina Machalo, who I also respect very much, to be able to go back and participate freely in an election. We want election observers. Um, the other milestones along the way, the, I think as you know, the the registry of voters in Venezuela is way out of date, if not completely skewed. That needs to be cleaned up and modernized. The machinery, the election machinery, uh, the election commission and the, uh, supreme, uh, uh judicial counsel that uh supervises it, our you know, Maduro uh appointees that uh nobody has confidence in, so what we want to see is the the opposition and the interim authorities agreeing on a restructuring of those so that that's in place, uh

Well can we do that in tandem, at the same time that we're trying to repair Pedevista, and bring some American investments in the oil industry, is there any way that we can do that in tandem and we can be telling You understand that Delsey is not gonna take any initiatives when it comes to opening up the democratic game, right? It's up to us, it's up to you at the State Department. So can we start seeing more energetic posturing from our government that that is what we want her to start doing?

Yes, Madam Chairman, and I think uh from

You agree, right?

the yes, uh absolutely,

Good.

and I'm gonna quote, I was gonna quote also that I said President Trump and Rubio have agreed too. When we've talked about the three phase plan, phase one was stabilization. We didn't want the security situation to break down and have people not be able to get services to have gangs roaming around, and so on, uh, have a big illegal migration outflow. Basically, we've succeeded at that. N none of those things happened. That was that was phase one done. Phase two, as I've talked about, is uh uh uh recovery and and reconciliation. So those are two things that go together, the recovery of the economy by getting oil and industry revenues flowing back in again, and at the same time, as part of phase two, is the political reconciliation that will allow you to get the steps I just mentioned and then be able to move to elections later.

We have to force them for their reconciliation. They're just trying to buy time. They don't wanna reconcile their Maduro.

Yeah, well,

So it's up to us.

I'd, I would say, yeah, we're not uh uh we, I think we would look at it from the standpoint that we're not trusting, but we're we're trusting in our leverage to be able to do it. We've got uh very significant control over the oil revenues at this point.

And uh we're delighted with that,

And so

but I think that the next step that we should work on is a date for presidential elections at some point whether it's this year or next year. We need a date. So then we can start, we can start working towards that goal. It's, I'm sure that you agree, because the United States is not in the business of occupying, we're in the business of liberating.

Yes, ma'am.

And that is why we have to send that message.

Yeah.

And I'm glad that you, that you respect Maria Corina. I knew her not not long ago, but I do believe that after sixteen months in a tunnel, trying to defend the democracy in her country, she deserves our, at least our respect. Let's go to Cuba. A Russian tanker called Anatoly Golotkin was able to deliver close to seven hundred and fifty thousand barrels of oil to Cuba. Why did we allow for that tanker to break the siege that we had created around Cuba? Why?

Uh, I think, as the president said, he he did it as a one-time uh uh exception as a uh way of helping on the humanitarian front. Uh, I would note that that, while that sounds like a considerable amount of fuel, it's about seven to ten days' worth for a normal usage in Cuba. So it's, it's uh, uh, not a, a deal breaker. We've got very strong control on that. But the main thing with Cuba, uh, and I served there in the late nineties, uh, they've had this problem for a long, long, long time. People talk about the humanitarian situation in hospitals and so on. The lights were out in Cuba for about twenty five percent of the time when I was there thirty years ago.

They're in the business of power. They are not in the business of feeding the Cuban people.

And they and the Cuban the Cuban side generates about forty percent of their their oil needs anyway from their own oil wells. If they're not devoting that towards hospitals and schools and and instead of sending it to uh, you know, Communist Party and things.

We know that they have destroyed the island. So can we Can we agree that the State Department is not in any type of talks with the Castro brother, I mean, that's s son and grandson. We know that Diaz-Canel is just a figurehead, that the real the real power is someone that has the Castro blood in them. And we're only talking about two people, the son and the grandson. Can you assure us today that there is no way that the United States is going to make any type of deal

No, I would just refer you back to what the President and the Secretary have, have said on that subject, uh, that we're engaged with the regime, but it's with the view towards how do you, how do you, uh, get them to undertake the kinds of dras- what have you said, drastic reforms they need to t- to take. Uh, both when you look at what's wrong with that country, Political, it's economic,

Everything.

it's social, so there's, they gotta start someplace.

So what's the latest you can tell us on that conversation between us and them?

I d- I d- I I can't uh go into it any further than that, but I think, you know, what the secretary and the, what the secretary and the president have said, the goals are very clear. What, you know, what will happen, uh, it remains to be seen.

How attainable are those goals?

I think it's a a estimate of Certainly we have tremendous leverage now that hasn't existed before, and it's it's largely because of the Cuban's own creation. They have had a a system that was always dysfunctional. Uh, they were able to survive because first the Soviets gave them massive amounts of subsidies and then they sort of colonized Venezuela and got massive free oil from them and they sold a lot of that oil on the open market, for hard currency. They don't have that anymore. And I don't see anybody else who's willing to step up and be, you know, sugar daddy to them anymore. So they've got a problem of their own creation that they've gotta get out of. They can talk to us about, uh, you know, if they've got if they've got some good idea that is in line with our our, uh, uh, goals. You know, we might even help them. But but it's not it's not the kind of thing where, uh,

We're not gonna do any business with the Castros.

they're holding many cards.

They need to go and then we need to start all over again.

I agree.

I I wanna have uh courtesy with the rest of my colleagues here on the subcommittee. Just one more question.

That's right.

Um, I am going to ask you about Peru. I'm very concerned about this, this port, which is the largest, biggest Chinese port in the hemisphere. We know that is of dual usage, for those that do not understand what dual usage means, means that you can go from commercial to military in a minute. That means that they could have submarines, aircraft carriers, battleships. right there in Peru. There is gonna be an election in June, and I just would like to hear your thoughts. I am more than willing to reach out to the candidates and ask them to work with us, in order to remove that threat from Chinese hands to Latin American hands. Do you agree with what I'm saying?

Yes, I do. Um, and I think the the Peruvian government would, uh, agree with you as well. When they found out

Good.

When they found out that the uh their own court ruled that the concession that they'd done on that on the Chiang Kai Port meant that the Chinese were free from any kind of regulatory control by the, by the government of Peru, it's, it was pretty shocking.

It's immense.

Yep.

And it can harm us.

And

And it's right there. It's like Secretary Rubio says, the problems that whatever happens in the Western hemisphere is because the proximity to our fatherland, it will harm us first and foremost very rapidly. So I I maybe we'll have another round of of questioning, but now I would like to recognize Representative Camelger Dove of California for five minutes. Thank you.

Thank you, Madam Chair, uh, for your persistence in bringing an administration witness to testify before this committee. And thank you, uh, Mister Kozak, for being here today to answer our questions. So, just like with the war in Iran, it's shameful to see the administration repeat the clear foreign policy mistakes of the past. Reviving a policy of domination and subjugation in the Western hemisphere through the Monroe Doctrine, when we are still recovering from the backlash and mistrust that policy created during the Cold War, is gonna set us back in terms of our relationships with the region by decades. But let's talk about Venezuela. So in January, Trump issued an executive order directing Venezuelan oil revenue to be held in US Treasury accounts where the funds can be used, quote, "for public governmental or diplomatic purposes, determined by the Secretary of State." Uh, so, Mister Kozak, has the State Department authorized the disbursement of any funds from these accounts to date?

Yes, we have. Uh, I think it's total of around three billion dollars have uh moved through,

Three million or three billion?

uh, billion,

Three billion dollars.

within

OK, well that's interesting, because we've only been told that there's one billion. So how much is in the account?

That I will have to get back to you, uh, on, uh,

All right. So you don't know,

because that is

but it as, it is at least three billion dollars,

Has moved,

since three billion has been moved.

has moved through,

OK.

and during the,

And so

uh, time period.

Where has that money, what purposes have those three billion dollars been spent on?

The agreed purposes are things like paying the salaries of government workers in Venezuela, um, buying uh supplies for their oil industry, diluents and so on, um, the other things that that are uh benefit the public. What we've said is they cannot use the money for is things like making payments to the Chinese, to the Cubans, uh to the Iranians, uh or uh putting money in people's uh personal bank accounts, which is what was going on before.

OK, well I I'm cert- I'm glad that you brought some of that up, um because under this executive order, would the secretary of state be prohibited from using the oil revenue to pay cartels in Venezuela, for example?

I don't know if the executive order would prohibit it, but the secretary of state sure is is not gonna do that.

All right, but it's it's the the the executive order is pretty vague, so it's really at the discretion of the secretary of state. So we don't really know if he would or wouldn't, um, since the there is no guardrails. So under this executive order, for example, Would the secretary of state be prohibited from using the funds to pay the regime, to accept deported Venezuelans from the United States?

Look, I'm I'm not gonna speculate on anything that could or could well, especially if it's an issue of what what is not prohibited versus what we are doing or plan to do. I on on the latter, I can tell you we have no plan to use money to pay them to take people. They already were taking people deported from the United States.

So would the under

Uh, they, in fact, they're welcoming, uh, people who wanna come back voluntarily.

Well, under the executive order, would the secretary of state be prohibited from using the funds to pay Trump donors?

Uh, I, thi- this is a theoretical legal question that it, it, t- t- I, I'm just not going to go down that road.

Well, as the

I mean, would it stop them from paying me, would it stop them from paying you, would it stop, i- i- it's not a,

Well, I think that's what, I mean,

it's not a

those are legitimate questions. You are the senior bureau official for the western hemisphere affairs.

I can tell you what we what we have agreed to spend it on and what we have not agreed to spend it on but you're asking me whether a a legal document prohibits you know, discretionary uh ideas I you know if the at the same

Well, sir, I am asking you that because the American people do deserve to know how dollars are being spent.

The people deserve to know how the administration is how the administration

I mean, the whole idea around the doughs is about being transparent. and accountable.

authorizing the money to be spent, not not a a law school exam on whether subsection three would

This is a law school exam? We're talking about money.

do that.

But OK, so you wanna go there. Has the administration set up an independent audit system for the treasury account, holding the Venezuelan oil funds?

Yes.

OK. So can we access it?

It it's uh it's KPMG,

Mm-hmm.

a very well-respected audit firm. And they will be providing uh reports, I mean these are these are after the fact,

So when are they gonna provide the reports?

these audits are, it's

When are they gonna repri when will they provide the reports?

I think prov I I'll have to ask my colleagues in the Economic Bureau, but I think it's like quarterly that they'll be doing that.

So when will the next one be released?

I I will have to get back to you on that.

OK, well please do.

But yeah but but it's in place now and uh and it will be retrospective too, so even though it took a little while to set up, it will go back and audit from the

And then we can see

And you can see.

how much has been spent, and we can see exactly where the three billion dollars were spent.

You can see what the auditors find, yeah.

OK. Well, thank you. Thank you for sharing a little bit of information with that I yield back.

Thank you.

Thank you. And now recognize Representative Jackson of Illinois for five minutes. Thank you.

Thank you, Chairwoman. Thank you for uh convening us. Uh, Chairwoman, in your opening statements you celebrated the fact that quote, the Cuban regime is on life support. Uh, Madam Chairwoman, I would say that Cuba, I was in Cuba less than a week ago, and that the Cuban people are on life support, not the Cuban government. Uh, it's time to abandon a six decade old failed policy that inflicts disproportionate harm on the Cuban people. The Trump administration policy towards Cuba is not new. This is now the going on the fourth generation of people in our hemisphere, ninety miles off of our shore, that know nothing about the generosity of the American people. We have engaged in collective punishment. What we are seeing is a doubling down on a failed policy of deliberately depriving the Cuban people of access to basic life necessities, like fuel, imports, with the hope that they will rise up and overthrow their government out of discontent. This hasn't worked for sixty-four years, and it is magical thinking to believe that it will work now. I will say to you that the revolution happened in nineteen sixty-two. Think about it. Eighty percent of Americans were not born since they have been born since nineteen sixty-two. This is a new world, a new America. They have suffered long off of our very shore. They have a very similar history to that of Haiti, as you know. At what point do we recognize? There are now eighty countries around the world that we have recognized since nineteen sixty-two. I'm asking you, what is the pathway forward? What did I see when I was in Cuba last week? I met with dissidents. I met with people that had been released from jail. I met with the president. I went to the hospitals. I went to the mat- to the maternity wards. I do not believe that the American people would sit here and appreciate the administration's efforts to continue to punish the children that have just been born. I saw a child in the maternity ward named Alessandro. This child needed a ventilator, needed an incubator, uh the uh the incubator and the ventilator machines. A low birth weight baby, born less than a thousand grams, and the lights were flickering on and off. I saw women walking up and down the stairs at the hospital that were in their last trimester of pregnancy because they could not access the elevator in the maternity ward I saw a person that were trying to do surgeries doctors that had to after the blackout in the hospital had to turn on their flashlights and their uh cell phones to finish a surgery it was one of the most cruel things I had ever seen in my life. I wanna ask you, mister Koze, do you agree with the current policy of starving this island nation of the essential resources they need in fuel so they can farm, and have transportation, and operate their hospitals?

Representative Jackson, first, let me thank you for meeting with the distance and with the others in Cuba. That uh very important. But second, I have to challenge the premises of uh of some of the of the assertions that you made. Uh The Cuban government imports medicine and food from the United States has for some time. They get hundreds of millions of dollars of food imports and medicine imports from the US every year. Uh, after the recent hurricane in Cuba, the US ha- government has been supplying assistance to the victims of the hurricane. Uh, we've done it through the Catholic Church, not through the Cuban government.

Well, excuse me,

Now, now on the, on the

Mr. Coles, I appreciate it, in the interest of my time, I wanna share one other things. that they have purchased equipment from European corporations for ventilators, incubators, and because those corporations have now been acquired by US conglomerates and now they're subsidiaries of US corporations, they can no longer get their equipment serviced, for example. So there's a long list of corporations that continue to inflict those sort of punishments on them. I saw the roads that were empty. I saw children not being able to go to school. I saw the grocery store shelves going empty. and bear with my own eyes, and this was less than two weeks ago. Madam Chairwoman, I would invite you to come along with me, that we go down to Cuba so that we can see this uh suffering of the Cuban people, children that had not been born since this uh government had its change. And I would ask that we have mercy upon these people, that we show them the generosity of the American people, that we not engage in this hostility. To this day we are trying to open the straight of our moons. Why? Because we say there needs to be a free flow of oil and fuel around the world for air conditioning, for for uh food.

Representative Jackson, I'm going to interrupt you and give you more time.

But now, and then at this time, let me finish, gentlemen,

Since you're inviting me to go to Cuba,

and now at this time we have cut them off.

I would love to go with you.

Chema, I would love to invite you, please.

Yeah, I mean, I would love to go with you,

When would you like to go?

and then we can definitely have a an exchange of ideas, and I am delighted that you've given me the opportunity. You know, I represent the Cuban exile community in Miami.

Yes.

The Cuban exile community has been sending eight billion dollars for the last ten years to Cuba. The Cubans on the island live off the work of my constituents. The Cuban regime is in the business of power, not in the business of feeding the Cubans. The Cubans, Fidel Castro has borrowed more money from Canada, from Mexico, from the Europeans,

Madam Chairwoman,

from the everybody.

Fidel Castro is dead,

The Cubans have been able to

and he's been dead for almost a decade. I'm talking about the living, not the dead.

You know, but look, look. The Cubans, the Cuban, Fidel Castro, who was a genius,

And who is now dead?

was able to ex- extract.

Can we let him rest in peace?

No, I I I'm sh- I wouldn't want him to be burning in hell,

I'm laughing at the business of resurrection.

not in peace.

We've already finished Easter.

What do you mean, peace?

If we will,

But,

I wanna deal with the living,

but, but besides that,

the Alexandros that are dying right now.

besides that, let's talk about Alexandra that you were talking, Alexandra. Poor boy. He has, he fell into the hands of the regime.

Say that with contempt. I don't think that's really appreciated.

All we're trying to do, let me, let me just

If it was your child and everybody else's child,

Let me t-

We should be standing up for a low birth weight child.

Thirty seconds. Who's the president like, five years ago? These are the facts. The Cuban regime is not in the business of feeding.

Regime or government.

It's an- it has been an election in the last sixty five years. I'm the first one who would say have the Cubans decide who do they wanna be governed by. But the Cubans unfortunately have fallen into the hands of the most evil revolution since the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Western hemisphere. We're talking about someone that don't care about anything.

Woah, since Pinochet,

Oh yeah, they are they are the masterfuls of evil.

since there's a host of people that we can do,

And I'm so happy,

we've done quite a few invasions ourselves.

Mister Jackson, I would love to go with you to Havana.

I would be honored.

And if but if you ask them, I mean they I'm sure that they will let me in with you. But at the at the at the end at the end I know who I'm representing.

I'm I'm sure they would.

And I have heard the story since I was born. I wish Fidel Castro would have taken a different road, and he would have allowed for prosperity. We could be Taiwan, Singapore. only nighly miles away from the United States. But he chose evil, and he chose to be in the business power over feeding his people. For that reason, the United States has been wanting to enclose them. Look what Obama did.

But if we are marking denying them the access to have fuel so that they can feed

Obama gave you

themselves,

Listen.

they want to purchase fuel,

You're President Obama.

why do we have a military blockade around them?

And with this we end, because um for out of courtesy for the our witness, President Obama gave the opportunity to the Castro regime

Did it ever.

to give him everything in exchange of nothing. And what did they do to Obama? They spit on him. Because if the Castro regime at this time, if Fidel was alive, if Fidel would have said, OK, let's open up the economy,

Obama,

now these are the facts,

President Obama had saliva on him from Cuba?

Representative Jackson. If Obama,

Come on, that is a hyperbolic imp- language,

you just, the pro- the problem is that

chairwoman, I respect you enormously.

you don't want to be, you don't want to be confused with the facts.

But this is exaggeration, which is first cousin to Fabrication, Madam Chairwoman.

Sir, oh, the story says that an Obama who was an illustrious member of the Democratic Party, wanted to include the Cubans into the international community, and look what the Cuban regime did to him. And at the end, he failed because they don't care about freedom, they only care about themselves. So thank you for the opportunity. I would love to go to Cuba with you.

Thank you, Chairwoman. I look forward to the invitation.

Thank you.

Thank you very much, Chairwoman.

So I think that I think I you're I

Thank you very much.

I can

Perhaps more than a couple of Your time has expires. I think I'm gonna go back to uh be able to. Okay. I think I recognize myself, right? On a ranking, that's right. Recognize, I'm recognizing ranking member Castro of Texas for five minutes. And thank you for coming back.

Thank you so much for recognizing me. Uh, yeah, with respect to Cuba, I think the result that we all want, I believe, is that we want the Cuban people to be able to choose in free and fair elections who they would like to elect. we would like to see a democratic Cuba. And they may choose somebody on the right, like Malay in Argentina, or somebody to the left, uh, like Petro in Colombia.

Left.

Uh, but it's not our job to pick their person for them. Uh, I also don't believe that it's our job to overthrow their government. We have tried one strategy for decades now, and here we are. In Havana, I've not been to Cuba, but The footage I've seen, the pictures I've seen, the stories I've heard, say that they're still living an antiquated life in many ways, from decades past. Uh, and what we're doing right now is making that life, as hard as it was, even harsher. And I do have some questions for you because I believe there is an ongoing negotiation. President Trump on February second said that the United States is negotiating with the highest people in Cuba that was a quote to secure regime change in Cuba. In early March, Cuban leader Miguel Diaz-Canel said that Cuban officials have recently held talks with representatives of the United States government. ABC News reported in March that Secretary Rubio and his top aides met with representatives of the Cuban government at least half a dozen times in recent months. And so, my question is, can you confirm for us, Congress, that Secretary Rubio is leading these talks with Cuba?

As I I mentioned with the uh Chairman uh Chairwoman uh Ranking Member, uh I think what the Secretary and the President have said about it is about as much as I can say that there are talks it obviously it's being uh conducted at that level with the the President and the Secretary talking about it. Um, I also wanted to yes.

But but but let me, cuz I need to get a clear answer, I mean this is the oversight body, as you know, you're an old pro, thirty-seven times now, coming before the committee or at least testify in the congress um you're the head of the bureau of western hemisphere and were a career person at the state department before that for a long time um certainly you know whether

yes

secretary rubio is leading these talks and if you can't tell us why can't you tell us

i'm saying super secretary rubio and the president are certainly supervising talks that that is correct but i i

so the president trump and secretary rubio are supervising the talks with Cuba.

Yes, I think that's what they both uh have said publicly.

Uh, is Secretary Rubio out actually negotiating with Cuba personally?

This this is where I I can't go beyond what what the

Is it classified or

The As you know, if you wanna get anywhere with with talks of this kind, you don't do it in public, you you uh

Well, but I'm not asking about the substance of the conversation, I'm just asking who's representing

Well, I think on on foreign policy, it's the President of the United States and the Secretary of State. That's a that's a lead and that's what they have said uh publicly here.

Uh, can you tell us who in the Cuban government uh or the Castro family are we negotiating with or speaking to?

I think it would be for for the Cuban government to make that statement, not for me.

Well, I I'm I guess I I guess um the the challenge is that at some point like reluctance to answer basic questions becomes not a negotiation on behalf of the United States, but more a secret act by the Trump administration. I mean, as you know, this Congress is the oversight body that's supposed to be briefed on these issues. And the president or the secretary or whoever's negotiating with the Cubans is negotiating on behalf of not just the administration, but the country. And so, that's why I ask, you, you won't confirm that Secretary Rubio is actually doing the negotiations, but I'm asking the other question, well, okay, well who are we negotiating with? Uh, but you're not telling me that either.

No, but and I think it's it's uh up to the Cuban side to decide whether they want to uh

Whether they wanna tell me like, who their negotiators are?

Whether they wanna make public who who and how they are they are going about this. It's

Yeah, sir, but but you know, like you know the answer to that, and you're refusing to tell me and you're refusing to tell the Congress. Like that's your job.

No, I'm I'm saying that as as far as I'm authorized to uh to go, is what what our

Well, I don't I

then our secretary have said. And I, you know, this is certainly not the first time uh that we've had negotiations with other governments that we are private about until they've gelled somewhere and then obviously you come up and talk to congress, uh, particularly if there's anything that's being discussed that would require

i know well uh let me say this and and i and i respect your long tenure obviously you're at state park a lot of years you're very obviously very much familiar with all these issues um but this is a very sensitive situation right now because the president has essentially threatened to overthrow the government of the country and so when i ask a question about hey well who's negotiating or who's on their side negotiating and now my question is what are the administration's goals in the negotiation the reason that's so important for us and for the american people to know is cause the president may launch a war against this country and i wanna know if there's a chance if we're gonna avoid that or not

well i think if you go back to what the president said he was saying that cuba was in a very tough place right now as i mentioned earlier of their own making and that that uh they really should be making a deal. We've uh I think the goals of the United States are are laid out in the Helms-Burton Act, the Libertad Act. They're both it's economic, social, political uh changes in Cuba that that they're

Well, let me let me ask you this.

but that's a wide spectrum.

Sure. I understand the Trump administration wants to use the quote Venezuela model in Cuba. Uh, does that mean you expect the Cuban Communist Party to lead the transition in Cuba,

Think I said that.

just like the Chavistas

You know, I think the goal in Cuba is, I think, as both you and uh and the chairwoman mentioned, is to get to a point where the Cuban people can select their own leadership through a free and fair election.

But that hasn't happened in Venezuela.

It's not I I didn't say that we wanted to follow a Venezuelan model in Cuba. I don't know where that came from, but I that was not my statement. Um, what we are trying to see in Cuba is to get them

Alright, sure.

they need to make fundamental economic, political, social reforms. They need to start somewhere. I think the president has been very clear that, you know, if they if they start down that path,

Sure. Well

they can even get some help from us.

Well And then this, Should we do it? I know I've gone over time, but let me say this, um, uh, about, about Venezuela. I think with the Trump administration, I think the goal was oils, I think the goal was the spoils of the country, I think the goal was setting up cronies to make money off of Venezuela, without real political change, within Venezuela. Everybody except Maduro is still in place. And so, it's making me think that the goal in Cuba is gonna be the same. is who's gonna go over there, that's friends with the president, to make money? And who's gonna profit off of Cuba and the Cuban people? Uh, I wanna see things in Cuba change. I think we all do. Like I said, we wanna see free and fair elections. Um, but, well, I don't believe we should overthrow the government. I especially don't believe we th- we should overthrow the government, so that a group of six or ten or twelve people can make a bunch of money off of it. With that, sir, I yield back. Thank you.

Thank you, Ranking Member, I now recognize Representative Stanton of Arizona for five minutes.

Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Thank you, Mister Kozak, for taking time to testify at this important hearing. The United States' relationship with our allies in the Western Hemisphere, from Mexico to Canada and beyond, is crucial. Instead, unfortunately, this administration has abandoned the rule-based order. Trump has ousted foreign leaders, threatened our allies, levied tariffs, thought to the implications at home or abroad. Trump's quote " Donro doctrine" unquote claimed to put the spotlight back on the Western hemisphere. But now unfortunately we are bogged down in a war in Iran with no seeming end. Our North American allies are critical to our economic and national security. The USMCA has made our economies more interdependent. The USMCA review is currently underway. But our relationships with our North American Neighbors could not be more strained. President has threatened unilateral military action against Mexico, continues to make jokes about annexing Canada, completely unacceptable. We should be doubling down on our investments in our North American allies, not backing away or taking these critical partnerships for granted. Semiconductors are a clear example of how this all fits together. My home state of Arizona is ground zero for our semiconductor industry. TSMC is there. Intel is there. Chips and siphons. historic investment into domestic manufacturing, Arizona is at the center. But we solved part of the equation and left the rest unfinished. Most critical minerals are used in semiconductors, are still processed in China. Chips manufactured here are still sent to China for packaging. That means that even our domestic manufacturing has choke points that an adversary can control. And of course it's essential that we win the economic and security battle with China. China has become a top trade top trading partner for Latin American economies, exerting influence over critical infrastructure like ports, telecommunication networks, and access to natural resources. We have to take this threat seriously and match the CCP's economic might with our own. That's why I've been leading efforts in Congress to work with our allies in Mexico and Latin America to near-shore industries like critical mineral processing and advanced semiconductor packaging which Kozak's State Department has only just started to reactivate projects intended to diversify semiconductor supply chains by developing the talent we need in countries like Mexico or Costa Rica. We can't afford any delays. Can we expect the department's full and continuous support for all ITSE-funded projects in the Western hemisphere?

Yes, I mean, certainly all the problems that you just well laid out, uh, representative, is one that that we're trying to get a a move on. We've gone way too far behind in be in letting China take over critical uh supply chains in the region. Uh we've we have refining capacity issues that uh are quite challenging. Um so it's a it's a huge priority for us. That's what the critical minerals mineral summit that uh the secretary uh had recently was all about. Um the exact funding for the TITSI thing, I I'm not sure what the the respective levels are, but I know this is something that's really high on the secretary and the president's list,

Yeah.

so I would be

Yep.

surprised if we are able to

We look i- we think the funding should be more, but certainly the delays that are going on, we're hoping that we can get through that and start funding these important projects. We need your continued attention and commitment to expanding and strengthening semiconductor supply chains across the region, but nearshoring semiconductor capabilities to friendly countries in the Western hemisphere must be paired with security strategy that makes investment viable. You cannot build a reliable, secure, semiconductor supply chain in regions where cartel violence creates operational risk, corrupts institutions, undermines rule of law. I've pushed for deeper security cooperations with Mexico and introduced a congressional resolution expressing deep concerns with the constitutional reforms that radically reformed Mexico's judicial system. I expect this administration is extremely concerned by these developments as well. We know it's a limiting factor for American investment in Mexico. Mexico judicial reforms will leave judges open to influence from the PRC or transnational crime organizations. Since you became the SBO for Western Hemisphere Affairs, how many times has a Trump administration official spoken publicly about the judicial reforms in Mexico?

I cannot count up times publicly, but we have engaged uh repeatedly with Mexico on this topic. I think, as you know, we can't say that having elected judges is uh ipso facto uh contrary to good rule of law, since we have them in many states in the United States. But what we are saying, and we've been uh doing so in conjunction with the uh American investment community in Mexico, is that you need to have qualified judges that are independent, that that are uh not uh in the pocket of uh i the cartels or or the Chinese or anybody else. And it so it is an i it's an issue of concern. We've made that that clear, but I think the main uh push on the on the Mexican side is that if they want to attract investment, they need to they need to do the things even within the framework they've adopted to make people have confidence in their judicial system that it's not gonna be, you know, misused against against investors. So it's a it's a work in progress. That that's for sure.

Madam Chair, I have additional questions. I'll submit them for the record and hopefully get a written response from uh Mr. Kozak. Thank you for your uh time.

Thank you, sir.

I yield back.

Thank you to you. And now I recognize Representative Titus of Nevada for five minutes.

Thank you, Madam Chairman. Uh, I know this hearing is focused on Latin America, but what, since you cover all the western hemisphere. I'd be remiss if I didn't mention our northern neighbor and some of the challenges there. Uh, Madam Chairman, could I please uh ask unanimous consent to enter this article in the record. It says Canadian tourism in down in Las Vegas on a downward trend meets two thousand six levels, two thousand six.

Sure.

Thank you.

Accepted.

Uh, it this highlights that tourism data shows that Tour Canadians are not coming to Las Vegas. Now, it would have we'd have thought we'd never insult Canadians. They're our best friends and our neighbors, but we have managed to do that, and tourism by Canadians has fallen twenty percent. And it's a trend that can last for several years. The rhetoric has been terrible. We've called Canada our fifty first state. We've said Canadians are nasty. They're about the nicest people on the planet. We've imposed disastrous tariffs. We've said they're freeloading off of our defense uh assistance. It's so uh, you know, we've seen that we've pushed them away, and the Prime Minister has signed a trade deal with Canada just in January, and says that Canada's uh stopping its reliance on US defense procurement. Now, today, Mister Trump is in my district talking about uh tourism and his big, beautiful bill and how it's supposed to help us, but I I don't see how it addresses this issue. So what I would ask you, Ambassador, as Trump continues to refer to Canada as our fifty-first state, do you do that? Have you ever called Canada our fifty-first state in your dealings with the country? Or have you ever referred to the Prime Minister Carney or Trudeau as governors, like the President has?

Well, I, no, I have not, uh, used those words. And I think, you know, the president, you, you have to go back and look at context and his, his words speak for himself in that, in that context. What I would say, though, is we do engage with Canada quite a bit. Uh, I wou had just last two weeks had a delegation down from Canada. We worked together on a lot of the problems in the region. So the relationship is there's still a lot there that that that we work together. The concern about defense spending, though, both in Canada and Mexico, is a real one. Uh, Mexico w- has terrible security problems and they still are spending less than one percent of their GDP on, on security. So we're pushing them as well as Canada to, to step up to the plate and uh, and put more money into those uh, those activities, before you get into a problem where, where cartels or others get out of, out of control. So, you know, that that's the the policy there is we are we are still very close partners with, with uh with Canada, we're working closely with them, but they're, we're also are urging them to take some steps that that may be uncomfortable for them, but but uh we want them to uh to do uh because it will it will be better for both of us if they do so.

Well, and we should come to my district and tell those businesses that are hurting that you're trying to make nice with Canada, so they'll come back to see us and send their tourists and buy our products, but I doubt if that is gonna be much consolation to them. Uh, shifting back to Cuba, uh, you know, the the Cuban people are suffering one of the worst, uh, humanitarian and energy crisis in decades, if ev- not ever, with blackouts that last twenty hours a day and little food and no sources of energy. Uh, one in five Cubans has left the country. Uh, we've been doing this same policy over and over. You've been there for fifty years. You've been involved in this almost the entire time. Uh, I think it's time for a recalibration or - or maybe if you don't, you could tell us what policy change has occurred during that time as a result of this policy, and why it should be continued.

Well, let me give you a little bit of a policy change that happened just recently. on the uh on the fuel oil front. Uh, for some time under the US regulations, suppliers, private uh, fuel suppliers in the United States could supply fuel to private businesses in Cuba, and have done so. Just like we sell hundreds of millions of dollars of uh food and and medicine to Cuba every year. Uh, we this administration just expanded that out to say that the the suppliers uh fuel here, we've expanded the range of suppliers so that it isn't just a few companies, but anybody who wants to get in that business can do it. And that second, the recipients can be not only private businesses in Cuba, but humanitarian organizations, diplomatic establishments, um, you know, churches, uh, and this would be the way if uh they wanted hospitals to to uh get fuel for their generators and so on, they would be able to do it that way. What we've seen over the years, even thirty years ago when I lived in Cuba, uh, power was out a great deal at the time. It's not just fuel, uh, it's it's there the state of uh, disrepair. The generators in in Havana when I was there had been installed during the American occupation in nineteen O two. And they were still trying to milk a little bit of electricity out of them. So we we wanna see that change. We're not trying to keep food and medicine or supplies going in to to help people in Cuba. But what we were seeing before, Venezuela was sending them like a a seventy thousand barrels a day of oil, essentially for free. And the Cubans, instead of uh using it to run generators, were selling like sixty percent of that on the open market to get hard currency. That then goes into their overseas bank accounts

I I guess my point is that we've been doing the same thing over and over for fifty years,

for their military. So

with some goal in mind, I I guess to get rid of Castro, and yet the policy and the government has changed very little during that time. So apparently this policy isn't working. And you ma- mentioned this energy change, but what we're seeing in the paper is uh telling the military to get ready to move into Cuba and do you think that kind of military invasion is really the way

I'm not, I'm not uh

Well, maybe that reporting's not accurate,

talking. Yeah.

but that's what we're seeing. Thank you, and I yield back.

And I just uh wanna follow up on what my colleague is saying, is that Cuba has been the center of uh the hemisphere for the last sixty-five years. And I'm sure that all my colleagues, the DEMs and the the Cubans in Miami, and the Cubans on the island, they all want the same thing, is how do we get there?

Yep.

And I just want to re-emphasize, and I remember I was a journalist when Obama had this illusion or this desire, noble desire, to give the Cubans what my other colleagues have been mentioning, including the ranking member, we all want the same thing. But unfortunately, with the Castro regime, realizes and understands that they are being threatened, they promise and they say anything in order just to buy more time, which is what happened with President Obama. If the Cuban, if the Cuban regime would have given Obama what they promised, right now Cuba would be would be having the Chinese model. But the Cuban regime was so afraid of the Miami Cubans that they did not even allow for that to happen at the expense of the Cuban population. I just wanna hear few more thoughts about um I understand that it's it you cannot share a lot of the information of what's going on, but if there's anything else that you can tell my constituents and the rest of the committee, the committee will be holding a classified briefing for members on Venezuela and Cuba on Monday night for any questions that cannot be addressed in this form. But uh the Miami uh the Miami uh news outlets are listening to you. Uh this is the glorious moment for my community. Is there anything else you can share um to the Cubans and to this committee that you have not said before?

Yeah. Well I think one thing I would note in response to the representative's point about the same policy for all these years, other countries have had the opposite policy and that hasn't changed anything either. Um, I think the, the, you know, the, the Cuban regime gets a vote in this too. It, uh, the problems in Cuba are not something that anything we are, could, could do or stop doing would change.

Asian.

The, the, they don't have the money to buy fuel because they don't produce anything. And they,

Only repression.

they were dependent on others giving them free f- uh, fuel. And and, you know, unless we start doing that, it isn't going to, uh, they're not gonna get out of the woods. So they need, we're, what we're trying to do is get them to face up to the fact that they've gotta come into the real world and deal with some of these problems. Now, how, how they decide to d-

But stop right there. But you understand that their willingness has never been to deal with any of those problems.

Yep.

Their only concern has been to stay in power.

Yes, ma'am.

At all costs, with no vulnerable points, regardless of look at what's happening in Cuba right now. No food, no electricity, no water, no medicine, no clothes, no freedom, nothing. There's zombies being fed by people that I represent in Miami. Do you see, uh for what of you, the information you have, right now Fidel is dead. Thank God.

Yep.

Raul is ninety. five years old at that age you don't make too many that many decisions because biologically you are not fit we're talking to the son and the grandson those are those are new generation that they are my generation can you share with us is the do these people have a different type of mentality now that they are gen z or millennials they are not people from la sierra they did not fight in nineteen fifty nine

Yeah, no, I think

I would have to have to I would like to imagine that

ye without going in

there's gonna be a Prince Juan Carlos in in in that family.

Yeah. No, I I without getting into who exactly, but but speaking on the the generational point that you're making,

Yes.

I think that is a significant difference, that you don't have people who you know, grew up uh thinking about nothing but the the revolution and all of its great ideas. Now you have people who are kind of looking around, even from within the regime, saying, why are we so poor and and uh uh and and backward? Uh, why why do we not have internet access? Why do we not have investment in our country? Why do we have the same buildings we had uh seventy five years ago? Um, why do we have the same electric plants we had for a hundred years? It's because they haven't been able to do anything. So there are some people,

But they don't have the resources right now to continue their repressive, and the invincibility of the regime in the minds of the Cubans is collapsing.

Yes.

Thank God that is, that psychologically speaking, The Cuban, the average Cuban understands now that the regime is not so invincible, because Donald Trump is at the White House. I want, but I'm saying, let's go back to the people that hold the real power, the Castros. There are two Castros, and they're young. And one of them is the the grandson who I have seen videos of him saying, dancing, cuz everyone wants to dance, consume, drink, travel, live, right? The American way. Everyone wants the abundance.

Well, I think what I'm saying is that sentiment is certainly out there even within the the younger generation of the regime.

Mm.

The question is, can they figure out a way within that system that was designed to stultify any kind of initiative or creativity or anything, can they figure out a way to move from that to uh get to their aspiration of having something like Miami where they can

They have to open up the democratic game and have the Cubans allow for them to vote,

Yeah, and that is that is

whomever they want they want to be governed by.

Yeah. And that's where, you know, if if they can come to that realization, And and make real changes, not just promises that that you don't own.

Do you feel any inclination that they may, whomever we're talking to, that they may be seeing that light?

Yeah. I see indications within the society, including the people in the regime, that that there are people who who at least think that they need to modernize in some way, whether whether they're ready to bring themselves to putting their own power and influence at at risk. I don't know, but I think they realize also that their own power and influence is at risk, simply because they're not able to produce anything anymore. They aren't able to produce outside supporters. I mean, what's really interesting is when you look around the region, nobody is running to, uh, try to bail the regime out. And our main point with, uh, the other countries has been, you know, it this is like trying to get somebody to quit smoking. You know, you you don't help them when they're suffering by saying, oh here I'll give you a a cigarette. That all that does is postpone them the day of reckoning for them, but it doesn't it doesn't change the the ultimate outcome. So we're saying to everybody keep driving home to them that they they are at a point where they've gotta make some really fundamental decisions about their political and and economic and social orientation and you know if they if they make the right choices, there are lots of things that all of us can do to help them. If they make the wrong choices, There's nothing we can do to help them.

But there is one message that we need to send to the State Department to. Marco Rubio, I don't have to tell you, he is part of my community, he is Cuban-American first generation, just like I am, that my community, the Cuban exile community, is not gonna be willing to negotiate with anything that has to do with that regime. As my colleague was saying, the Venezuelan model, it cannot be possible in Cuba. It will not happen, because my community will completely and absolutely repudiate the uh the fact of dealing with anybody that has to do with the Castro regime. And that is just my message as a congressman district number twenty seven, knowing my community very well, that that and I'm sure that you know that too, sir. Uh one more question and then I if uh if the ranking member would like to ask uh, make a couple of more comments about Colombia. Uh Colombia, we know that there is gonna be very soon presidential elections, two of the two of the top contenders Abelardo de la Espriella and Paloma Valencia, they have received uh death threats, and we are concerned for their safety, Colombia being one of our most important allies in the Western hemisphere. What can we say, you, the State Department and the United States Congress, to those who may be thinking about harming these two people?

Yeah, they mean they if for the people who are thinking about harming them, they they will face uh terrible retribution if they should even try it, but we're our objective is that nobody gets near enough to even try. We've we've uh have a very serious concern about those threats, we after we saw Senator Uribe uh be killed, we've we've uh gone and talked with the Colombian authorities, particularly the Colombian uh National Police, who put more people on it, uh We've worked with them over the years on, you know, how to run a protective detail and that kind of thing. So we're we're cooperating with the protective authorities to guard all the candidates, uh, against any kind of of threats. But it's, uh, it's very concerning. Colombia, you know, had enough years of political violence that they don't need to go back to that anymore.

Thank you. And the last question is, do you know uh, well, you you're aware that uh the the forces surrounding Maduro, when we went to him were Cubans. Thirty-two of them died, cuz we know the Maduro did not trust their own Venezuelan guards. They needed to go to the the big concho, the repressive Cuban regime. Can you confirm that all the Cuban agents in Venezuela have left the country and they are not cooperating with the Delci transition government?

Yeah, uh the information I've seen is that hundreds and hundreds of the Cubans have left, and uh I I think the I I can't say that every last one is out of there yet, but uh they're they're leaving in droves basically, uh being withdrawn back to the United States. And that's a good thing for the Venezuelans. Uh the Cubans had were put in all the security forces to watch after the security forces to keep them from doing anything against Maduro. And we saw that when Maduro would come to the UN, all of his bodyguards were Cubans. Um, so it was unfortunate for the Cubans that they were

Course.

in the way there, but uh yeah, I think that's been a that's been a a major uh positive move in Venezuela is the Cubans getting out, Iranians um we a lot of the more uh malicious Ira Iranians that were there are also out.

We need to see more progress towards democracy. From Delci Rodriguez we need to see more contracts being signed, American companies wanting to invest in the oil sector in Venezuela, that Delci Rodriguez is just not signing. So we need to see from the State Department, our State Department, forcefully, more actions towards the democra dem democracy and towards the uh free market economy openness. And uh when it comes to the oil sector. And I'm sure you agree with me, Ambassador.

Thank you. Very much agree. Uh, we, I mean, we know where we wanna end up. The only observation I would make is if, you know, six months ago if we'd said we would be where we are now, everybody would have thought it was unbelievable. So, you know, we we'd like to be able to do it in an instant, but, you know, we've had three months, we've made a lot of progress, but our our sort of metric on this is to look, are we everyday making more progress, not If we get stalled, that's not where we wanna be. We want and as I mentioned in my in my opening statement, you know, just today another fifty uh uh political prisoners got released. That's great, but there's still another, you know, two hundred and fifty or so that that also need to be released.

All right. And we're here to help you. Thank you. You're back. Now I recognize ranking member Castro of Texas.

Uh, thank you, Chairwoman. And just to circle back here, you know i was asking earlier about the negotiations and you know i think the chairwoman just said that she hopes that the trump administration does not negotiate directly with the cuban government uh yet that's exactly what i believe secretary rubio may be doing in the trump administration i think that's what's going on right um

yeah yes yes sir

it it is right so

yeah i'm i'm i'm the secretary and the president have both

yeah

Such that publicly

No, you are you are negotiating directly with Cuba.

Yeah, yeah.

Yes, OK.

Yeah. And and

Uh, just but but uh but here's the thing, I

and we've had relationships with Cuba f uh I mean we at all kinds of different levels. We have an embassy there,

Right.

they have one here, we had interest sections before that that that I headed up at one time. Um, so so it's not that we don't have contact.

But I mean I get part of part of I got it. Part of the part of I guess the irony here is that a lot of the criticism and much of it well-founded in terms of what the Kaustral government that for decades was basically a dictatorship, they weren't free and fair elections, uh, what abused its people, was repressive of its people, and also was a communist country. But so is China. So is Vietnam. Those are some of our largest trading partners. Those are two of our largest trading partners for the United States. So I want you to tell me what the difference is between China and Vietnam and Cuba, except for geography.

Yeah, well, geography does matter, uh, but, but also

Well, but Cuba's also a fraction of the size of China,

Hmm.

uh, doesn't have anywhere near the military. Nobody's gonna argue that Cuba would overpower the United States military.

No, none of that.

So,

But

since we're having a wide-ranging discussion that has gone well beyond are five minutes for each member of Congress, please tell me what the difference is between those countries in Cuba.

Yeah, I, I would note though that both, both Vietnam and China have made, even though they still have dictatorial governments, communist governments, they, they've made major changes in their societies and in their economies that have, have made it possible to have trading relations.

Oh, you believe that there's a Uighur genocide going on, don't you?

S- excuse me.

Are the, are the Chinese committing a genocide against the Uighurs?

Yes, yes.

So what kind of changes have they made that are significant?

I mean,

Uh.

but in terms of on the economic front, uh, they have privately owned businesses, peopl- and, which have turned out to be very subversive, too, uh, in our, in our region. But, but, uh, there, there's something there to trade with. In Cuba, they don't produce anything anybody wants anymore. They don't produce sugar anymore.

Well, but, but let me, but, but there it is,

They don't, they're importing food from us.

right? Like, so, but, but, but here's the point. But so is it about whether we can make money off of a country? Is that the standard? Like, I need to understand, cuz my concern is that the Venezuela model will become what happens in Cuba, and you don't actually replace the government. There's no free and fair elections. But what has happened now is that there's a group of folks that the president favors, in his circle, that is able to commence commerce and make money off of, whether it's valuable minerals, oil, anything else in Venezuela. And so now that's considered an important change that's worthy of trading and being friends with this new country. Is that what's going on?

No, sir. Uh, not in Venezuela and not in Cuba. In in Venezuela, what's going on is, I think, as we've said before, we've been able to get from a an illegitimate government that we couldn't work with because it was headed by a criminal who was doing everything to thwart us to one that we have tremendous leverage over now. It's still uh an illegitimate, non-nondemocratically elected government. And we're trying to work with those people to move from where they're where they were to where we have a free and fair election in Venezuela. Now, if i- if uh you're saying is the goal the same in Cuba,

But

absolutely.

let me let me ask you on Venezuela, because you said that there have been important changes. On February twelfth, the president said that Delcy Rodriguez had, quote, " has done a very, very good job, excellent." On March fourth, the president again said that Miss Rodriguez, quote, " is doing a great job." He repeated that claim again on March seventh, that quote, " she's doing a great job." Do you agree with the president that Delcy Rodriguez, who has continued to attain over five hundred political prisoners, has done a very, very good job, an excellent job.

Yeah. I think if if if if if if you're saying did she do a good job of starting

Do you stand behind the President's statement?

to move from where we were with Maduro to where we wanna go, yes, she's she's done things like release, uh, six hundred or so political prisoners, more today. She's got more to go. She passed the amnesty law, Hyde-Ricardance law, all of those things, there, are those by themselves good enough? What are we gonna say? problem solved, we we love the way it is in Venezuela, no. But we, what but what we're saying is that those those steps or steps in the right direction, she's she's done a good job of bringing that about in a fairly short period of time. We wanna see the the rest of the steps to get to the final stage where there's a free and fair election so that includes uh getting a new electoral tribunal and and uh setting up that that proper machinery. We'd love to see that in Cuba, too. Um,

Sure.

the those are I think that's one, as you said, we all share that those goals, but it's how do you get from here to there.

Thank you. We got one more member who's joined us for questions,

Sure.

so I'm gonna stop.

Yes, I now thank you.

Thanks.

Thank you, ranking member, and I recognize representative Weisserman-Schultze, Florida, for five minutes or more. Thank you.

Thank you so much. Th thank you, Madam Chair and Mister Ranking Member. uh my both my dear friends uh and thank you for the extended time and allowing me to make it back as well as wave on. Um Madam Chair I I I first want to associate myself with your remarks and your exchange with Mister Jackson. Um it is absolutely not hyperbole uh the repression that ex- that exists against the Cuban people by their own regime leadership and it is a regime Uh, it is an unelected regime that imposes horrific human rights abuses, prohibits free speech, has no free and fair elections, imprisons people for speaking their mind, uh deprives their people of, you know, vital nutrition and resources. Um, this is a a place that for many is hell on earth. And so I I I just wanna make sure that that bipartisan sentiment and and uh and statement of facts is is on your your very important record. Um, so thank you. Uh, Ambassador Kozak, thank you very much for the opportunity to uh to be able to engage with you. Um, I know you served as the Deputy Special Representative for Venezuela in twenty nineteen, correct?

Yes.

Um, and do you recall the rationale for President Trump's decision then to cease diplomatic recognition of the Venezuelan regime and to impose broad sanctions?

Did I

Do you do you recall the rationale then for President Trump's decision to cease diplomatic

Yes, yes.

recognition of the Venezuelan regime and to impose broad sanctions?

Yeah, it was uh I think in terms of diplomat it was

Why did he do why did he do that?

It it the the we

Cease diplomatic relations.

we did not have diplomatic relations with the Maduro regime because we considered it was not the the legitimate uh government of Venezuela. The National Assembly, elected in twenty fifteen, had found the the uh presidency to be vacant and nominated or elected uh uh Juan Guaido as the as the president and we recognized him. So we maintained diplomatic relations with Venezuela. It was just a different government.

Right. Just with a different government. Right. It was because Maduro's regime rigged the election,

Yeah, absolutely. Absolutely.

And and Maduro didn't do that alone. Um he had help from Vladimir Padrino Lopez,

Yes.

Díaz Dato Cabello, and from Delci Rodriguez. Um today that same regime is in power under a new US di- backed dictator. Um free elections have not been held, president-elect Armando González has not been inaugurated, hundreds of political prisoners have not been freed, And corruption has not been punished. There is no evidence, as you've acknowledged, of a democratic transition. Um, some vague reference to some kind of democratic transition in the distant unknown future is, is not progress, not to my Venezuelan constituents. Um, but President Trump decided to lift sanctions on the regime, give up immense leverage, in exchange for zero concessions. Zero. And the chairwoman referenced in the exchange with my, with our colleague, Mister Jackson, earlier, that that's what President Obama did as well, which I opposed by the way, uh at the time, uh because you you a relationship with the United States is earned. That is how I have always thought. And when you give away the store to a brutal regime, either in Cuba or in Venezuela, let them enrich themselves, essentially do what President Trump has done in this situation, which is essentially allow for oil profits to once again flow, um then that that is not progress. We we have different definitions of progress, if if that's if you if you are pointing to anything that takes steps moving forward, because we have the same oil companies that have propped up Maduro for years, and now they can make a profit. So in in You you you I see you're nodding your head. Um, so why have sanctions been lifted?

Uh, sanctions have not been lifted, uh, representative. Let me go back and say how they've been modified to actually, in in our view, give us more leverage than we had before. Before the the the Venezuelans were able to sell oil to China. They were it was at a discount, but they were still making money off that,

OK, if I can just point out what I mean, so I can be specific, cuz sanctions have been lifted. Since the removal of Maduro on January third, the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control, OFAC, has issued a number of broad authorizations, known as general licenses, to loosen sanctions on Venezuela, encourage US investment in the country. Um, on April fourteenth, issued a license authorizing commercial links with the Velen Venezuelan State Central Bank and other major state-run Venezuelan financial institutions. On April ninth, the Venezuelan National Assembly voted unanimously to open mining to foreign investors in an effort to modernize the country's weak mining industry. That law was passed a month after the US Interior Minister, Doug Burgum, visited the country along with dozens of American mining executives to meet with the country's acting president, Delsey Rodriguez. The list goes on. The US Gov- government ins- introduced limited sanctions relief for Venezuela's oil sector in early twenty twenty six through two key permits tied to recent legal reforms. Um, in addition, Assu- even assuming that all of the lifting of these sanctions is to strengthen the Venezuelan economy, which is what the argument is made. It certainly hasn't strengthened the freedom of the Venezuelan people. So I wanna ask You're you're arguing that these were limited sanctions really, this is limited sanctions relief for economic recovery purposes. How was lifting sanctions on Delsey Rodriguez's personal bank accounts an uh how does that help improve Venezuela's economy? Cuz that happened too.

Let me, let me go back uh again. The the key in this was we we squeezed off their oil revenues by blocking the tankers and so on that were illegally moving the oil. And then when we after Maduro left, we've what we're doing now is we gave sanctions relief to in a way to ourselves by saying people can can lift oil and sell it on the open market, but all that money goes into an account that we have control over. So that was very that's very different. That's why those general licenses are there,

But there are transactions that are permitted now with PETAvesa.

is to allow this to work.

And there has been no progress for the Venezuelan people mis- uh uh

But all the, all the, all the revenues that are coming from the mining sector and everything, instead of going into their bank accounts are coming into the treasury accounts. And then we can dole it out as we see fit, including whether we are seeing progress on the, on the political front.

But then,

And

lifting sank- giving them sanctions relief certainly provides a nice cushy landing for oil, barons, and allowing billions to flow to people who are already rich, uh, that are not Venezuelan. Uh, making sure that we have free and fair elections, that we recog- that we recognize the elections that already took place, that we have a transition much, much more quickly than is planned now, now there doesn't appear to be any transition planned. The president keeps saying what a great job Delsey Ro- Rodriguez has done. Um, I have a very different definition of what great job looks like than you, as do my constituents. Delci Rodriguez is responsible for crimes including political imprisonment, torture, state violence, massive corruption. Just because she's on your payroll, doesn't change the facts on the ground. And so my constituents, and I represent a city that is nicknamed West Venezuela, and I live there,

Hmm.

um, uh, we can appreciate that some political prisoners were released. But if the same architecture of repression is still in power, and now that's backed by President Trump's political and economic support and power, then Venezuelans are still imprisoned. And that's how they feel.

Yes, I think, uh, what we're seeing in Venezuela is people are optimistic that this is gonna work. That doesn't mean that that they're gonna be happy forever, unless it is working, and we we've, as I tried to lay out, we we're seeing steps that the amnesty law, the uh release of the political prisoners, uh the ability for example of uh Maria Corina Machado's party was able to retake their their headquarters building and start operating again. There's been some openness in the media. That's, it's a good first step. It's not enough to get from from where we are to where we need to be. And the where we need to be part is we need all those steps, we need all political prisoners released, we need all of the political opposition, including Maria Karina Machado, to be able to go back and campaign.

But see, you're saying that President Trump is not acknowledging Maria Karina Machado. He is not saying that there should be a transition to her party being able to ascend to the presidency and ensure that there is then a transition with a rightfully elected uh government. that we know won the election, uh the, what we're doing here, there is still a culture of fear that is threaded deeply in in and embedded in Venezuelans, and in and in Venezuela. How how are we going to make sure that that culture of fear is lifted and progress, true progress for true freedom occurs?

OK, first I would say President Trump and Secretary Rubio have kept talking about the three phase plan, and step three of the phase, the third phase is transition to a democratically elected government. So, uh, I think they are saying the same thing. Um,

We're hearing very different things out of,

they're

uh, out of the president than, uh, the, uh, apparently, because I, uh, he disrespected Maria Karina Machado. He dismissed her. He said that she, you know, was didn't have the support of people in the country. nothing could be further from the truth.

Well

Can I j- Madam Chair, can I just ask a, I wanna just shift gears, uh and, because I I certainly understand where you're coming from now, and you understand where I am, um about Cuba. So, thank you very much. So What what's important in Cuba is if we are going to engage in any negotiations with them, those negotiations have to result in concessions, in progress, real tangible progress, or it is completely pointless. So, uh, and you didn't really, you weren't willing to answer Mister Castro's question about the nature of the, of the discussions, but certainly we could expect that in negotiations that there would be an expectation that if we soften our relationship with them, take steps on our side, that you know, the the binary result the binary discussions could be then, they would release at least the July twenty first pris- political prisoners that did nothing more than protest in the streets and voice their opinion about their oppression. Ca- can we can we acknowledge that and I i- is that part of the discussions, release of their prisoners?

Uh, I think I think we have been very clear in all po- publicly and privately with the Cubans that we wanna see all the political

Is the model

Um But

is the model for the discussions in Cuba the same as what has what has occurred in Venezuela cuz if cuz if it is replacing Diaz-Canel with just a different head of the same snake is an unexce- an unacceptable outcome.

I would say the the the two countries are very different.

Oh, I agree.

Yeah, I mean,

They are.

Venezuela you have

But but President Trump said that he referenced Venezuela as a good model to to repeat Cuba.

Well if if it if the good model is that a that a a regime that was not elected and has committed all kinds of uh injustices and and abuses over time, I mean they they both have those in common.

Well what we can't do

But if but if but if you can get the uh some people in those regimes to start making real changes in the in the direction that we want that that's a good model.

Well, secret negotiations that result in hand-picking a successor from inside the dictatorship, making a deal with the regime for a cut of their blood money, lifting sanctions on the insiders who have brutally repressed Cubans and robbed them blind and then declare mission accomplished, cannot be the way this plays out. Thank you. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Thank you, Representative Weisserman-Schultz from the wonderful state of Florida, and I thank Ambassador Kozak for the valuable testimony of the members for their questions. The members of the committee may have some additional questioning for Ambassador Kozak and we will s uh and we will ask them to respond these in writings. Pursuant to committee rules, all members may have five days to submit statements, questions and other materials for the record, subject to the length limitations. Without objections, the committee uh stands adjourned, and once again your patience for having stayed a lot longer than we had agreed to and but uh your your uh your this questioning was extremely valuable. So once again thank you and may the Lord help you and long live the United States.

Thank you.

And you're back.

Thank you Madam Chair, thank you members.