Summary
- Cheryl Minter (Mother of Stephanie Minter) testified her daughter was stabbed at a Fairfax bus stop by repeat offender Abdul Jallow after officials ignored warnings.
- Jason Miyares (Partner, Torridon Law PLLC) said Fairfax orders lighter charges to avoid deportation, creating a documented pattern of preventable violent crimes.
- Jim Jordan pressed Stephen Descano (Commonwealth's Attorney, Office of Fairfax County Commonwealth's Attorney) on releasing Morales-Ortiz before an alleged murder.
- Tom McClintock and Jim Jordan blamed sanctuary noncooperation for murders, while Pramila Jayapal and Jamie Raskin defended trust policies and criticized ICE overreach.
- Lawmakers cited the Sanctuary Jurisdiction Shutdown Act and ongoing Justice Department civil rights investigation into Fairfax prosecution policies as next accountability steps.
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Transcript
The subcommittee will come to order. Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a recess at any time. I want to welcome all of you here today, and particularly members of the public who have come to watch this uh hearing. Uh, but please know the public is not allowed to disrupt committee proceedings. If you disrupt today's proceedings, the Capitol Police will have to remove you from the room. and you may be subject to prosecution. Without objection, Mister Klein will be permitted to participate in today's hearing for the purpose of questioning the witnesses, if a member yields him a time for that purpose. I will now begin with opening statements. This subcommittee's become increasingly concerned with so-called sanctuary policies in which local or state law enforcement simply refuses to transfer illegal aliens who are already in their custody to federal authorities for deportation or at the very least notify federal authorities about a criminal's release. Instead, these jurisdictions release these criminals back into our communities, often with devastating consequences. The doctrine of nullification, first propounded by John C. Calhoun, holds that local or state governments may simply ignore federal laws that they disagree with. This doctrine, fatal to a federal republic, was thought to have died with the Confederacy. These nullification or sanctuary jurisdictions now extend to eleven states, coincidentally the same number as the old Confederacy. Fairfax County has become an epicenter of this movement. Its Commonwealth's attorney boasted that he, quote, "will make charging and plea decisions that limit or avoid immigration consequences." He wrote, quote, "if two people commit the same crime but only one's punishment includes deportation, that's a perversion of justice." Thus, an illegal alien would be charged with a lesser crime than an American citizen in order to protect that illegal alien from deportation. That is the true perversion of equal justice under law, and is now prompted an investigation by the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice. Fairfax County Sheriff takes a similar position, that her office, quote, will not detain an individual based on an informal request or detainer. Instead of safely allowing ICE to return that criminal to his own country, as federal law requires, she prefers to release him back onto her community's streets. Ironically, both claim this is to foster trust between residents and law enforcement. This begs the obvious question, can residents trust law enforcement to protect them and their families? A long list of violent crimes perpetrated by criminal illegal aliens that these officials had in their custody, and refused to prosecute and refused to remove from their communities answers this question with poignancy. The most recent case is the tragic and entirely preventable murder of Stephanie Minter. The young lady stabbed to death as she waited for a bus. Her accused murderer is Abdul Jolla, illegally present in the United States. Since twenty twenty-two, Jala's criminal history has included trespass, disorderly conduct, drug possession, theft, larceny, and repeated arrest for malicious wounding. Between January of twenty twenty-three and February of twenty twenty-six, he had been arrested at least eighteen times. Commonwealth's attorney Descarno dismissed almost all of these charges. At least once Sheriff Kincaid, instead of informing ICE that she was in custody so that he could be deported, and despite a detainer request from DHS to do so, deliberately released him back onto Fairfax County streets. Last year, the Fairfax County Police Department became so alarmed at these decisions that they took the extraordinary step of warning Descanso that Jolla had, quote, "stabbed multiple people, sexually assaulted at least one woman, and committed numerous other criminal offenses." The police then issued this grim prophecy. It is not a question of if, but rather when. He will malicious maliciously wound or worse, again. Well, the when came on February twenty third. That's the day this monster is accused of hacking Stephanie Minter to death. She was forty one years old. She leaves behind a grieving family. Now Sheriff Kincaid says she doesn't have the budget to call ICE to pick up such criminals she releases them back onto the streets. Well, that begs the question, how much does a phone call to ICE cost? And what was the cost to the Minter family of not making that call? Nor is this an isolated incident. There's a growing list of other criminal illegal aliens whose these authorities had in custody and released back onto the streets instead of making a simple phone call to ICE to pick this person up. It includes illegal aliens who had their charges reduced or even dropped altogether, despite crimes ranging from s- child sex offenses to murder. Of the seven homicides in Fairfax County last year, three were committed by illegal aliens who could have been deported before they committed these crimes. Mister Descanso's empty claimed to be the safest city of its size, and the country rings hollow against this reality. Justice Stephanie Minter's murder wasn't an isolated event in Fairfax County. Neither is Fairfax County an isolated example in our country. This utter dereliction of duty is rampant across jurisdictions the Democrats control including my state of California, where the Tulare Sheriff recently testified that fully half of the crimes he's dealing with involve illegal aliens. Yet state law forbids him from cooperating with ICE because the Democrats don't want to enforce our immigration laws, even against criminals in custody. To most Americans, these policies seem reckless, dangerous, crazy, wanton, and cruel. Today, this subcommittee seeks to understand how elected officials, entrusted with the sacred responsibility to protect innocent and law-abiding residents, would deliberately act in this manner. We'll soon hear hear their rationale. We'll hear from witnesses the Democrats have chosen in support of these policies. And we'll also hear from the former Attorney General of Virginia and the President of Virginians for Safe Communities who take a very different view. And finally, we'll hear from Stephanie's mother, who has bravely come here today to provide a victim's statement of the toll these policies have taken on her family, and who offers a grim warning to all Americans of what could happen to them at any time where these dangerous policies are practiced. I look forward to hearing from our witnesses and I now yield to the ranking member for her opening statement.
Thank you so much, Mister Chairman, and thank you to all of our witnesses for being here today. I want to start by offering my deepest condolences to you, Mrs. Mitner. Uh, as a mother myself, I just cannot imagine the pain that you are experiencing in losing your daughter far, far, far too soon. I'm sorry for your loss. Um, I also understand that we're joined by uh people from the Fairfax community today, and I wanna welcome you. If you're willing, would you please stand up if you're from Fairfax County? Wow, a lot of you, and please remain standing if you support immigrants and support policies that make sure that everyone feels safe in calling nine one one. I wanna note for the record that everyone has remained standing, and it looks to be a crowd of over fifty people, so thank you so much for for being here. Um, you may be seated. This hearing is unfortunately another in a series of hearings that the majority has held that consistently attack trust policies that have upheld the necessary and important division between the enforcement of federal civil immigration law and the enforcement of local criminal laws. This division has proven over and over again in documented research to be essential in keeping all communities and ensuring that people come forward to report crimes. Immigration enforcement is a federal responsibility. And last year, Republicans gave the Department of Homeland Security over a hundred and seventy billion dollars in their big bad betrayal bill to meet the arbitrary immigrant arrest quotas of Stephen Miller and to carry out Donald Trump's cruel mass deportation agenda. Using this funding, ICE doubled in size, DHS officers killed two U. S. citizens in cold blood in Minnesota, beat and detained countless U. S. citizens for exercising their First Amendment rights, and broke down doors of U. S. citizens without a warrant in violation of the Fourth Amendment. We know of at least one U. S. citizen who has been arrested by ICE three times, despite repeatedly informing agents that he is a U. S. citizen. Another eighteen-year-old U. S. citizen with terminal cancer spent the last weeks of his life begging ICE to release his parents so that he could see them before he died. They reunited one day before he died. And that is just what they've done to Americans. ICE is also subjecting hundreds of parents and children to months in immigration prisons, conducted senseless deportations of military veterans, separated families, massively increased immigration detention, resulting in a record forty-eight deaths in ICE detention just since President Trump took office. A recent political analysis revealed that judges have ruled in at least ten thousand cases that the detention was illegal with no due process, no opportunity for detainees to plead their cases. Ten thousand people, including a nursing mother who was separated from her one-year-old child despite active legal refugee status, and a five-year-old boy detained by ICE on his way home from school. More than four hundred and twenty-five judges have heard cases and reached the same conclusions about the illegality of Donald Trump's mass detention policies, including, by the way, a majority of Trump-appointed judges. Three circuit courts have also now ruled the policy illegal. The impact of these illegal policies is not just being felt by immigrants. It's ripping apart entire communities across the country, creating fear and terror and also negatively impacting opportunities for all Americans. A new study by the National Bureau of Economic Research just concluded that Trump's immigration raids are now even weighing on the labor market, leading to fewer jobs for US-born men without a college degree. Despite all of this, Republicans have refused to stop these illegal, unconstitutional and cruel policies. They have refused to address the fact that while their anti-immigrant strategies may have worked before, they don't work anymore. Today, more than sixty percent of Americans disapprove of Trump's immigration policies. Americans want Trump and Republicans to focus on lowering their gas prices, lowering their grocery costs. They want Republicans to stop giving tax breaks to billionaires. while stripping health care from tens of millions of Americans. But Donald Trump said it himself just a few days ago. In his own words, Trump said, quote, "I don't think about the financial situation of Americans." Really? That is exactly why Republicans are now planning to give ICE and Border Patrol an additional seventy billion dollars with no oversight or accountability, and yet having a hearing this morning to complain that Fairfax County will not do ICE's job for them. Give me a break. DHS has plenty of money to hire all the new immigration enforcement agents they want. They don't need to commandeer the local police officers who are hard at work maintaining Fairfax's status as the safest county of its size in the United States. In one of the great ironies, here we are in the immigration subcommittee having a hearing about the prosecutorial decisions of a county attorney and the jail policies of a county sheriff, whatever happened to the Republican party that believed in local government. There are many reasons that you will hear that states and localities choose not to, or un- are unable to conduct immigration enforcement on behalf of the federal government. Numerous court orders have declared immigration detainers unlawful violations of the Fourth Amendment, and state and local officials don't want to spend huge amounts of money on court cases. State constitutions often contain prohibitions, and local police departments want to prioritize their already scarce resources to encourage the trust of people to come forward and report crimes without worrying about their own immigration status. The major cities' chiefs' association has repeatedly reaffirmed that cooperation with the immigration commu- i- immigrant community is essential to solve crime and prevent further criminal activity within the entire community. including ensuring protections for victims of domestic violence and sexual assault. In twenty nineteen, my home state of Washington passed the bipartisan Keep Washington Working Act for all these reasons, as have many states across the country. Courts have ruled multiple times that states have the right to enact laws like the Keep Washington Working Act. These laws do allow information sharing with the federal government when necessary for an ongoing criminal investigation, or pursuant to a court order or judicial warrant. This committee should be holding hearings on the unconstitutionality of these this administration's policies, on the killing of American citizens by ICE and CBP. But instead we're doing yet another hearing, designed to further this administration's anti-immigrant agenda and distract people from the real issues at hand. The American people deserve better. I look forward to hearing from all of our witnesses today, and I yield back.
Thank you. I now recognize the Chairman of the full Judiciary Committee, Mister Jordan, for his opening statement.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. First, they let in ten million illegal migrants during the Biden administration. Second step, create sanctuary jurisdictions, which makes it tough to remove those illegal migrants, even when they commit another crime. And then third, the Democrats say, " We're not gonna fund the guys that do the removing. We're not gonna fund ICE. They shut down the government for seventy-some days." And to understand this, sanctuary jurisdiction policy in simple terms is politicians tell local law enforcement don't work with federal law enforcement when it comes to enforcing federal law and that is a situation in eighteen states eleven cities actually the other way around eighteen cities eleven states three counties and the District of Columbia but because those are big cities big states that's almost a third of the population lives in a jurisdiction where again Local law enforcement is not allowed to work with federal law enforcement to enforce federal law. Let in ten million, create sanctuary jurisdictions so it's tough to remove them, even when they commit a crime, defund ICE, but Mister Descanno takes it even a step further. He takes it a step further and says, I'm not even gonna prosecute the guys who do terrible things. I'm not gonna prosecute them, we're not gonna honor detainers, we're gonna let them out on the street. And of course, what happens when you do that? Miss Minner's gonna talk about that in a few minutes. That's what happens. Take the example, take another example, Marvin Morales Ortiz had this long rap sheet, but on September twelfth, twenty twenty five, he's arrested for malicious assault and brandishing a gun. Mister Descano says, " We're not gonna prosecute this guy." Sheriff Kincaid says, " We're not gonna honor the detainer." And they release him on December sixteenth, twenty twenty five. And what happens on December seventeenth, twenty twenty five? He kills someone. That's the consequences of this dumb, stupid, crazy policy. And again, Miss Minner's gonna talk about Stephanie Minner, the chairman talked about Abdul Jala who had this forty past charges, had all kinds of things. This this guy had been arrested and charged with multiple crimes, malicious wounding, stealing property, larceny, malicious wounding, a hundred involvements with the local police. And as the chairman pointed out, the local law enforcement told Mr. Descano's office, if you let this guy out, he's going to do something bad. It's going to be bad. And sure enough, they were right. And he stabbed and killed someone. That's the consequence. Now, here's the craziest part of all. Here's the craziest part of all. And the chairman mentioned this. Mr. Descano told us he was going to do it. He told us he was gonna do this. Statement I think the chairman read, Mister Descano's office will take immigration consequences into account when making charging and plea dec decision, excuse me. This is unbelievable. So I wanna thank the chairman. The Democrats can say all they want, and well, why don't we have another hearing? They we're having a hearing on this because this is dumbest thing we've ever heard. So I wanna thank the chairman for this hearing, and I wanna thank him for the legislation that he sponsored this committee's already passed. Sanctuary Jurisdiction Shutdown Act of twenty twenty six. And hopefully that's gonna be passed in the full house soon. Love to get that into law so we can stop what's going on in Fairfax County. With that, I yield back.
Thank you. I now recognize the ranking member of the full committee, Mister Raskin, for his opening statement.
Thank you very much, Mister Chairman. Uh, welcome to all of our witnesses. I would especially like to thank Miss Minter for coming today. There's no greater pain than the pain of losing your child. And so I thank you for having the strength, um, and the courage to speak publicly and to appear before us about, um, all of these matters today. I also want to thank the, uh, busy public officials from Virginia, uh, Sheriff Kincaid and Commonwealth's Attorney Descana. We know, uh, how busy your schedules are and we thank you for coming to be part of this, uh, process. Uh, I have family in Virginia. Not everybody in my family is in Maryland. I once spent a summer in Richmond, Virginia, uh and I feel somehow like I'm back in Virginia with all these great Virginians here, uh and we're on a mission of analyzing Virginia law and public policy today. This hearing would probably be better taking place in Richmond before the General Assembly because we're doing a deep dive into the prosecutorial and jail policy decisions of one county, Fairfax County, which was recently ranked, I noted, by the major cities' chiefs' association as the safest county of its size in the entire United States of America. So its people, its elected officials certainly do not deserve the contempt and the derision of this committee. Uh, if we were gonna super intend and scrutinize the actions taking place within the government of Virginia perhaps we should be looking at the recent decision by the Virginia State Supreme Court to overturn the express will of the people of Virginia in redistricting their congressional districts. But that investigation into an episode of extreme judicial activism might not suit the ideological purposes of the majority quite so much. The ranking member has done an excellent job of providing an overview of the problems and limitations with the particular conception of this hearing. What we have on one side is a massively funded federal bureaucracy, which just got a hundred and seventy-five billion dollars last year, accomplished by slashing funds for Medicaid, children's health insurance, rural hospitals, and so on. Uh, DHS now has a quarter of a million employees and a budget larger than that, of a hundred and fifty countries. On Earth, it has over eighty thousand sworn officers, more than the number of police officers, check this out, in New York City, Chicago, Los Angeles, Houston, Washington DC, Las Vegas, and Dallas combined. And yet, despite this massive bureaucracy and this awesome budget, the administration is trying to blame the problems in immigration law and policy over which the people of Fairfax County have no control other than as citizens voting for representatives in Congress. Um, f- trying to blame these local jurisdictions, like the sheriff's office, whose annual budget is not a hundred and seventy-five billion dollars, but if the internet is correct, I just looked it up, is eighty-five million dollars, which is much less than one thousandth of the homeland security budget. And yet the federal government or Congress, rather than actually engaging in the process of studying and passing comprehensive immigration reform, prefers to bully and scapegoat local jurisdictions which are trying to deal with the failures of federal policy. Look, ICE and the Department of Homeland Security have a job to do, and they should do it, and they should do it without violating the law. They should do it without violating the Constitution. They should do it without killing US citizens like Rene Good and Alex Prettie. But they have a job to do, and the government of Fairfax County has a job to do. And these public officials have a job of enforcing the criminal laws of Virginia as chosen by the people of Virginia within all of the constraints of state and federal law. Now, as I understand it, and this is what I'm interested in because I'm not familiar with what is taking place in Fairfax County or in Virginia but as I understand it ICE can come and pick up undocumented prisoners um for a period of days or weeks before they are discharged. And this has happened before and the g- the local and state government contrary to what we just heard cooperates fully with the federal government in these cases. The idea that they don't cooperate is just wrong. Um, ICE can come and pick them up before their point of discharge, and as I understand it, and I wanna hear more about this, they can pick them up at the point of discharge. Um, but Fairfax County, as I understand it, takes the position it cannot hold prisoners beyond the length and duration of their lawful sentence. And I wanna hear about that. But I'm curious, why can ICE not pick up, with its massive resources, why can they not pick up the prisoners while they are still being held? or right before they're about to be released or at the point of discharge. Um, I don't really understand that. And then, uh, again, I understand everybody is eager to beat up on Fairfax County for some reason, but in terms of the specific terrible case we're gonna talk about today, we're gonna hear about this, uh, Abdul Jaloh, the Sierra Leone national who's accused of brutally murdering Ms. Minter's daughter, Stephanie. Um, he was actually in ICE custody from two thousand eighteen through two thousand nineteen during the first Trump administration before they released him back into the public. As I understand it, I wanna get to the bottom of that report. Why was he not removed back to Sierra Leone when the Trump administration held him in two thousand eighteen, in two thousand nineteen. That is a critical question, uh, that I have, um, in terms of trying to define responsibility if all of this is just, uh, a d- a blame game that we're engaged in. It would be far more meaningful for us to be talking about comprehensive immigration reform. I think that's what Americans and Virginians are looking to Congress for. not to be scrutinizing and uh demonizing particular cities or counties around the country, which does not strike me as a very productive exercise. Nonetheless, I'm delighted to hear from all of our witnesses here, and I yield back to you, Mister Chairman.
Thank you. Without objection, all other opening statements will be included in the record, and we'll now hear from today's witnesses. We have with us today uh Miss Cheryl Minter, She's a lifelong Virginia resident. She's the mother of Stephanie Minter, the young woman who was victimized by these sanctuary policies. Uh, we have with us uh the Honorable Stacey Kincaid, who serves as sheriff for Fairfax County, Virginia. She has thirty-five years of experience working for the Fairfax County Sheriff's Office, a graduate of Langley High School in McLean, Virginia. Sheriff Kincaid received her bachelor's degree in political science and criminal justice from the Frostburg State University in nineteen eighty-seven. We have the Honorable Steven Descano, who serves as a Commonwealth's Attorney for Fairfax County, Virginia. He's served in this role since January of twenty twenty. Mister Descano earned his undergraduate degree from West Point and his JD from Temple University. Mister Sean Kennedy is President of Virginians for Safe Communities, a public safety and victims' rights advocacy non-profit, and sits on the Fairfax County Criminal Justice Advisory Board as an appointee of the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors. He's a graduate of the University of California at Berkeley and earned a master's degree in history from the University of Cambridge. Uh, Professor Jane Stover is a professor at the University of California Irvine School of Law where she directs the domestic violence clinic and the UCI initiative to end family violence. Professor Stover earned a bachelor's degree in English from the University of Kansas in two thousand. She completed her JD at Harvard in two thousand three. and earned an LL M from Georgetown University in two thousand eight. Uh, Mister David Beer is the Director of Immigration Studies at the Cato Institute. He has a BA in Political Science from Grove City College in Pennsylvania. We have with us the Honorable Jason Mayores, who served as Virginia Attorney General from twenty twenty one to twenty twenty five, and previously served in the House of Delegates. He earned a bachelor's degree in Business Administration from James Madison University in nineteen ninety eight. and earned his J. D. from the College of William and Mary in two thousand five. I wanna welcome all of today's witnesses, thank them for appearing, and we'll begin by swearing you in. Would you please uh rise and raise your right hand. Do you swear or affirm under penalty of perjury that the testimony you're about to give is true and correct to the best of your knowledge and information, and believe so help you God. Let the record reflect the witnesses have answered in the affirmative.
Good morning. Good morning. Chairman McClintock, Chairman McClintock, Ranking Member Jay Appel and distinguished members of the subcommittee, Ranking Member Jay Appel and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. My name is Stacey Ann Kincaid, and I am the Sheriff of Fairfax County, Virginia. I was sworn in as a Deputy Sheriff in nineteen eighty seven, and I worked my way through the ranks of my agency, serving in every division with distinction. After achieving the rank of Captain, I ran for Sheriff in twenty thirteen and have since been re-elected three times with overwhelming majorities. As Sheriff, it's been an honor to serve Fairfax County. The safety and security of Fairfax County has been my absolute priority for the past thirty-eight years. I entered law enforcement to save, to serve my community and to help protect the vulnerable. I believe all those that commit crimes should be held accountable, and I sympathize with all victims of crimes. I am proud of the role my agency plays in the Fairfax County criminal justice system by ensuring the safe and orderly administration of justice. Simply put, the justice system comes to a halt without Fairfax County Sheriff's Office. We are tasked with serving every document issued by our court system, including protective orders and subpoenas. We are responsible for providing security to a courthouse and ensuring the safety of hundreds of thousands of courthouse visitors every year, including judges, victims, and witnesses. We operate a secure and humane adult detention center, and we hold certifications from the American Correctional Association, the Virginia Law Enforcement Professional Standards Commission, the Virginia Department of Corrections, and the National Commission on Correctional Healthcare. In addition to our accreditation, I am proud of the groundbreaking nationally recognized programs that run daily in my jail. These efforts are critical to reducing recidivism and making our community safer. The functions of my agency are carried out daily to ensure the safe and orderly administration of justice in Fairfax County. My agency is not staffed for, budgeted for, or mandated to perform the duties of the federal government. My operating budget is approved by state and local government and is allotted specifically to carry out state and local mandated functions, maintaining a safe and secure detention center, serving the civil process, and ensuring the safety of the courthouse. It is simply not the job of the Fairfax County Sheriff's Office to engage in federal immigration enforcement. Despite this, we work with ICE in significant ways. We treat them like every other law enforcement agency we interact with. They are allowed into our facility at any time. They are notified of every undocumented immigrant booked into our jail and they know their location. If there is an individual they want to take custody of, they can do so by obtaining a judicial warrant, calling to ask when the individual will be released, tracking the invid- individual's court date, or taking custody of the individual up to five days prior to their release. When ICE does call, we even coordinate high-risk transfers with ICE to ensure their safety. We have no problem with ICE conducting its lawful business, but it is their business to conduct, not ours. Fairfax County is one of the top fifty most diverse counties in the entire nation. Over thirty percent of Fairfax County's population is foreign-born, and over forty percent speaks a language other than English at home. I am the sheriff for each one of these residents of Fairfax County, no matter their national origin, native language and citizenship status, ensuring trust between the community and my agency, is a key component of effective law enforcement. To encourage all victims to put their faith in law enforcement and report crimes, a clear separation between local law enforcement and federal immigration authorities is of vital importance. Local law enforcement must offer a safe place for victims and witnesses to cooperate without fear of consequences. This is the only way to hold violators accountable of the law. Any violent crime or crime against children is a tragedy. Unfortunately, we live in a time when such tragedies are used for political gain. It is easy to point fingers at a time of sadness and crisis, and to look for blame for a terrible outcome. Even when everyone in the criminal justice system does their job, terrible people will do terrible things. We are doing our job by following the law and will continue to do so. Hopefully, the other agencies involved will do their jobs as well. I look forward to continuing this conversation with anyone who wishes to find real solutions devoid of politics. Thank you.
Thank you for your testimony, Mr. Disconnell.
Chairman McClintock, Ranking Member Jayapal, Chairman Jordan, Ranking Member Raskin, and distinguished members of this subcommittee. As a West Point graduate, federal prosecutor, and now the Commonwealth's Attorney for Fairfax County, Virginia, I have devoted my life to public service and public safety. I was the first in my family to graduate from college, and I was inspired by West Point's credo, of providing a lifetime of selfless service to the nation. I was first elected as Commonwealth's Attorney in twenty nineteen on a promise to adopt smart on-crime policies that prioritize the prosecution of violent crime. I'm proud of what we have accomplished. Fairfax County is one of the safest large communities anywhere in the country. The public safety of Fairfax County motivates all my work. Our office has successfully prosecuted thousands of cases, including high profile murders, sexual assaults, and other serious offenses. We've worked with our law enforcement partners to more effectively prosecute gun crimes. We expanded a diversion program for struggling veterans. And we spearheaded bipartisan statewide reforms to better protect child victims and witnesses in partnership with the Republican governor. Even in safe communities, though, crime does happen. Like the tragic murder of Stephanie Minter, whose mother, Cheryl, is here today. Miss Minter, I am deeply sorry for your loss, and I say that not only as a prosecutor, but as a parent of a daughter, I am sorry for what you are having to endure. And I promise that my office is doing everything we can to prosecute the man responsible. I've been asked to testify today about my office's policies. I welcome any conversation about how to reduce and prevent violence. Unfortunately, I expect some will instead promote a false narrative. that gets us no closer to real solutions that Americans deserve. Let me be absolutely clear. My office does not provide sanctuary or safe harbor to undocumented immigrants. In fact, we routinely prosecute immigrants who commit crimes, and we will continue to do so. Our approach to prosecution of crime has helped make Fairfax County one of the safest jurisdictions of its size in the country. Last year, we had far fewer homicides than in almost any other major jurisdiction in the United States. including in states that many members of this subcommittee represent. Serious violent crime in Fairfax County is also lower than that of most other large jurisdictions. And Fairfax residents know it's safe. A Washington Post poll found that ninety-four percent of Northern Virginia residents reported feeling safe from crime in their neighborhood. And the citizens of Fairfax County have weighed in by re-electing me with seventy-seven percent of the vote. My office also works with our federal partners to prosecute crimes. And, like many state and local prosecutors, my office has a policy of not assisting ICE with federal civil immigration enforcement. We do not have the budget or personnel to enforce federal civil immigration law, and it is simply not our job. We handle fifteen thousand criminal cases each year, with just fifty-two full-time attorneys and a limited budget. Our policy of not diverting our resources to federal immigration enforcement also makes our community safer. three in ten residents in Fairfax County are immigrants. When crimes occur, we need victims and witnesses, including members of our immigrant communities, to report those crimes and come to court to testify. If victims and witnesses believe my office will report them or their neighbors to ICE, they will not trust us. And they will not provide the testimony we need to obtain convictions and get justice. It is justice that my office is now seeking by prosecuting the defendant Abdul Jallow. in the tragic murder of Stephanie Minter. The system failed Miss Minter, and we should all look for ways we can prevent tragedies like this in the future. That starts with understanding the facts. The defendant was well known by ICE as early as twenty eighteen, when ICE held him in custody for nearly two years during the first Trump administration, only to release him into the community. After that, my office worked closely w- with law enforcement to prosecute him and obtain convictions for his crime wherever possible and despite challenges in those cases. We are fully committed to holding the defendant accountable in this case. As a local prosecutor, I will continue to focus on my job prosecuting defendants who commit crimes in Fairfax County. In carrying out that role, my office makes case decisions based on the law, the evidence in the case, the interests of the victim, and in service of seeking justice and keeping our community safe. Thank you for having me, and I welcome your questions.
Thank you for your testimony. Uh, we'll next hear from the former
Mr. Chairman, ranking member, members of the subcommittee, before I say anything else, I want to acknowledge the woman seated with us today, Miss Cheryl Mentor, the mother of Stephanie. She has agreed to share her story with this committee and there is no one braver in this room. I will let her speak to what she has lost. But what I want to give you is the context Because what happened to Stephanie did not have to happen in this vacuum. Now, I come to the immigration issue personally. My mother fled Communist Cuba, literally penniless and homeless, and not knowing where her next meal was going to come from. She came to this country legally, stood in line, filled out the forms, and did everything the right way because she believed in the rule of law and the promise of America. She left behind everything because she knew she wanted to come here the right way. That's what legal immigration looks like. I'm the son of a legal immigrant. I believe in immigration deeply. But what I do not believe in, what I cannot accept, is a system that extends preferential treatment to those who break our laws at the direct expense of the American citizens whose laws are supposed to protect. And in Fairfax County, Virginia, that is precisely what happened, not once, not twice, repeatedly. Cheryl will tell you about Stephanie. And members of this committee, I want you to understand that Stephanie Minter is not an isolated tragedy. She is the most recent and visible name in a documented and ongoing pattern of preventable crimes, a pattern with a single common cause, the sanctuary policies of Fairfax County. In December two thousand twenty-five, a man was shot and killed inside his own home in Reston one day after Marvin Fernando Morales-Ortiz a criminal illegal alien from El Salvador was released from jail despite an active ICE detainer. He had prior arrest for aggravated assault of a police officer. Fairfax refused to hold him. He killed a man the very next day. A single phone call from Fairfax to ICE would have saved this man's life. In November two thousand twenty-four, a woman was raped on a hiking trail in Herden, Virginia, just days after her attacker was released from jail following a felony assault charge reduction. made without ever consulting the police. The ICE detainer was ignored. She became the next victim. A four-year-old girl was nearly abducted in the middle of the night by an illegal alien who broke into her bedroom. Charges were reduced progressively over eighteen months down to a misdemeanor, then dropped entirely. In July two thousand twenty-four, two illegal aliens stabbed a man to death at a park in Oakton. ICE had lodged multiple detainers on one of the suspects that Fairfax County had refused to honor. he was released back to the community. Then he killed. In the last several weeks, girls as young as thirteen were groped repeatedly in the hallways of a Fairfax County high school by an illegal alien enrolled as a student at age nineteen. ICE asked that he be held, Fairfax refused. Same county, same prosecutor, same policy, over and over again. Members, this is not incompetence, this is not coincidence, this is policy. Commonwealth's Attorney Descarno publishes it on his own website. His office's formal written policy states that prosecutors prosecutors shall, whenever possible, make charging and plea decisions that, quote, " limit or avoid immigration consequences." That's not prosecutorial discretion. That is discrimination against American citizens in favor of those here illegally who commit additional crime. That is why the Law Enforcement Legal Defense Fund petitioned the Department of Justice which earlier this month has opened a civil rights investigation to Mister Descano's office, arguing that his policies violate the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment. Let me be clear about the law. Immigration is not a shared power with states, it belongs exclusively to the federal government. And federal law expressly prohibits state and local governments from restricting communication with federal immigration authorities. Fairfax County's policies do exactly that. This is not non-cooperation, this is a deliberate choice to put a violent criminal back on the street. We know what works because Virginia approved it under Governor Glenn Youngkin. His executive order forty-seven established a state immigration task force. And within eight weeks, over a hundred and thirty gang members were picked up, including the East Coast leader of MS thirteen, living freely in Prince William County. He was captured. He, Virginia was called the national model. Our new governor, Spanberger, dismantled it. Her first day in office, she signed executive order one, ending state cooperation with ICE, just nineteen days before Stephanie Minter was killed. She now has a bill on her desk that would prohibit every jurisdiction in Virginia from cooperating with ICE. I think we all know what she will do. Government's first and most fundamental duty is to protect the people it governs. Sanctuary policies represent a catastrophic and willful failure of that duty. My mother came to this country because she believed the law would protect her. Cheryl Minter believed the same thing. Stephanie Minter deserved. The same thing. And Virginians are paying the price. I'm asking this committee to make this stop. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome the committee's questions.
Thank you for your testimony. We'll next hear from Professor Stover.
Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members, thank you for the opportunity to testify. My name is Jane Stover and I'm a Law Professor at the University of California, Irvine School of Law. first taught at Georgetown in American, directing domestic violence clinics for over twenty years now. Today's hearing was prompted by an unthinkable tragedy, and I extend my deepest condolences to Miss Sheryl Minter for the loss of her daughter, Stephanie Minter. All victims deserve safety and justice, and many have been failed by the systems that purport to help them. I'll be direct, though. Focusing on immigration enforcement as the solution to violence against women, is rooted in false narratives, not facts. Contrary to the premise of this hearing, sanctuary policies aren't obstacles to public safety; they're essential to it. Study after study, including by criminologist Shares Kubrin, shows that immigrants commit fewer crimes. And law enforcement leaders have warned that when survivors fear the police, crimes go unreported and communities become less safe. As co-chair of my county's domestic Violence Death Review team, I can assure you, preventing abuse prevents fatalities. Policies that allow survivors to seek help without fear, to call the police without fear, save lives, and improve community safety. I urge this committee to focus on the real solutions to preventing and responding to violence against women, because I see my clients' safety further jeopardized now. Immigrant women in the United States face a lifetime risk of domestic violence as high as forty-nine point eight percent. That's three times the national average. And sixty percent of immigrant women married to US citizens experience immigration-related abuse. Survivors need protection but face a catch-twenty-two, remain in danger, or risk deportation. Immigration enforcement has exponentially increased as Congress has allocated one hundred and seventy billion dollars in plans to add seventy billion more ICE agents have daily arrest targets and are now empowered to stop, arrest, and detain people on the basis of race, language, location, and employment. And immigrant survivors are being swept up. In this context, the Alliance for Immigrant Survivors surveyed over one hundred and seventy advocates and attorneys nationwide. Their findings are alarming. Over three quarters of immigrant survivors have concerns about contacting the police. Seventy percent fear attending any court hearings, and half ultimately chose not to contact the police or to go to court for abuse. In Virginia, Fairfax County law enforcement report rising numbers of victims withdrawing complaints. Survivors are avoiding courthouses, food banks, prenatal care, and shelters due to ICE raids, and are arranging for third parties to take custody of their children, should they be deported. At the same time, legal protections are being dismantled. Over thirty years ago, Congress enshrined protections for immigrants in the Violence Against Women Act with bipartisan support, and then passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Prevention Act, Protection Act. But today, survivors with pending and even approved petitions are being detained and removed. USCIS backlogs of VALIS self-petitions and lifesaving TNU visas compound the crisis, with U visas taking over a decade to grant now. One of my clients married a US citizen, but fled life-threatening abuse during pregnancy, only to be ordered removed unless she could prove successful adjudication of her vow of self-petition in one month's time. But USCIS processing times are over four years currently. We expedited her case and await the decision on appeal. She is not the danger this administration or this hearing purport to address, yet she has been made a target. And I shudder to think what would happen if she didn't have an attorney. To seriously address crime victim safety, I respectfully urge Congress to one, reject section two eighty-seven G agreements, which harmfully entangle local police with federal immigration enforcement. To prohibit enforcement actions at courthouses, abuse shelters, and medical facilities, the places we want people to seek help. Three, to bar ICE from detaining or removing individuals with pending survivor-based claims, as was c- Congress's original intent, for to restore VAWA, UN TV_s, and protections, and public benefits to fund USCIS staffing and increase the annual caps. Finally, in contrast to the hundreds of billions of dollars for immigration enforcement, two hundred million in federal victim services grants is sitting unspent, which should be immediately distributed to provide life-saving services to survivors and those organizations including in Virginia. Please stay focused on survivor safety and act with urgency to restore and strengthen vital safeguards. Thank you.
Thank you. Next chair for Mr. Beer.
Chairman, uh, Clinton talk, uh, Ranking Member Jayapal, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. For half a century, the Cato Institute's research has shown that people, whatever their ancestry, background, or birthplace, can thrive in a free society. Our research finds that immigrants, legal and illegal, work at higher rates, generate more income and taxes, and have reduced the national debt by fourteen and a half trillion dollars over the last thirty years. Immigrants improve public safety by reducing violent crime rates, meaning that you are less likely to become a victim. Fairfax highlights this reality. About half the county's residents are immigrants or children of immigrants. Its household im- income is double the national average. Its murder rate is less than half the average. If illegal immigrants in Fairfax were their own city, they'd have a lower homicide rate than ninety percent of America's largest cities and lower than the country's homicide rate overall. Nationwide, illegal immigrants are half as likely to commit serious crimes for which they're serving time as US-born Americans. Despite all this, Congress refuses to allow most would-be immigrants to come legally, which leads to illegal immigration. Just three percent of all the people seeking permanent legal status in the United States were approved in twenty twenty four. That was before the current administration banned a majority of the legal immigrants previously allowed to come, including half of all the spouses of US citizens. It has cut legal immigration twice as much as it has cut illegal immigration. At the same time, it terminated legal status for over two million immigrants who were already here, creating four times as many illegal immigrants as it has deported. America's cities must manage the fallout from this sabotaged system. Many have decided not to volunteer their cops, jails, and resources to DHS. DHS doesn't like that. But under our constitution, cities and states don't take orders from the feds. And thank James Madison for that. Because we all know we wouldn't want the feds to dictate environmental policy, gun policy, or COVID policy to the states. If you want Fairfax to change its policies, You gotta convince them. The first step would be to give up on the mass deportation fantasy. About one in five Fairfax residents is someone who could be deported or who lives with them. It would destroy neighborhoods, rip Americans away from their spouses, parents, friends, families, customers, employees, employers, nurses, nannies, and teachers. Let me be clear. Non-citizens who harm Americans should be arrested, convicted, and deported. I think cities can help with that. But deportation is DHS's job. Indeed, you all pa- passed the Lakin-Riley Act in twenty twenty five to require DHS to immediately take custody of people charged with violence or theft. DHS is ignoring that law. It has deprioritized threats to focus on easy targets, They aren't tracking down the serious cr- criminal fugitives, like the monster who killed Stephanie Minter. Instead, DHS agents are racially profiling Americans at home depots, arresting spouses of US citizens at green card interviews, beating parents of US Marines and dragging legal immigrants and US citizens from their homes without warrants. Only six percent of ICE arrests have a violent criminal conviction. ICE has arrested one hundred and fifty thousand people who have no criminal convictions or even charges, and we know it's not because they got everyone with a serious record. Stephanie's case and many others prove that. It's because they care about, as one ICE agent put it, "quantity over quality." How many Stephanees will get murdered before DHS follows the law? and prioritizes serious criminals. How many? Most Americans don't want to wait for the answer. They want to pause the mass deportation fantasy and focus on public safety. That's the only policy that will defend our safety, our prosperity, and our freedom. Thank you.
Thank you. Mister Kennedy.
Thank you, Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this committee. Thank you for inviting me to testify. My name is Sean Kennedy, President of Virginians for Safe Communities, a Fairfax-based public safety and victims' rights advocacy group. And I'm an appointed member of the Fairfax County Criminal Justice Advisory Board. I'm gonna get straight to the point. Anyone who is in the United States without legal status, any violent criminal, should be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law, and if they don't have legal status, they should be deported. Full stop. Those aren't my words. That was Governor Abigail Spanberger yesterday. But in Fairfax County, neither of those things are happening. First, Fairfax Chief Prosecutor Steve Discano does not prosecute to the fullest extent of the law. In fact, one of his former prosecutors told me, " Every time I hear Discano say community values, I cringe." Because we should be following the law, not his values. In fact, he openly flouts the law, ordering his prosecutors to seek lighter sentences for violent criminals and sex offenders including murderers and child rapists. Second, Mister Descanneau boasts that he chooses which charges to bring and what sentences to seek, based on who the offender is. Being illegally present earns an offender preferential treatment. But that grace is not afforded to those who need it the most. Something that, uh, the professor just spoke about, victims, and make no mistake, the vast majority of criminal aliens victims are themselves immigrants. They too deserve justice. They too deserve safety. They too deserve dignity. But Mister Descano has shown a callous disregard for them and their rights, our laws, and our public safety. That is wrong and that is illegal, and it has appalling consequences. At four o'clock in the morning on June fifteenth, twenty twenty three, a mother woke to the screams of her four year old girl from the next room. A man had broken in through the bedroom window and carried off the toddler, committing burglary with the intent to rape, according to the police. He was well known to the police and Mister Descano. He was Hiram Bacideno Rodriguez, a Honduran national. In twenty twenty-one, two years before, Bacchidenio Rodriguez was arrested for multiple incidents of indecent liberties with a child. Each of the three counts carried up to ten years in prison under Virginia law. But Mister Descana, who directs his prosecutors to avoid immigration consequences, reduced the charges. Despite committing a break-in while awaiting sentencing, Descana agreed to a six-month sentence for prior crimes. He was quickly arrested again for burglary to commit a felony, punishable by twenty years, But that was reduced to property damage, more arrests, probation violations, and dropped charges followed. He walked free and went fugitive. In eighteen months, Bacchideno Rodriguez racked up five arrests and twenty-three charges, t- requiring him to spend the rest of his life in the Virginia Department of Corrections. But Mister Descano's policies prohibited that. It stated that his deputies must make plea officers that avoid the legislatively mandated minimum jail sentence. So a criminal alien was free to abduct a sleeping little girl. Somehow this "parent's worst nightmare", in the words of Judge Randy Bellows, got worse when Mister Discano gave the kidnapper a plea deal for less than two years in prison. An outraged Judge Bellows rejected the plea agreement, saying the only way to protect the community is a lengthy period of incarceration. When the same deal came before S- Judge Susan J. Stoney the next year, she too was incredulous. The court is concerned about the severity of the crime, the fact that the defendant's criminal history indicates a record of other involvement with minors, and that the potential sentence here in this case is too lenient, the court has grave concern in the interest of public safety. In a vindictive and petty move, Mister Descarno then dropped all of the charges. The little girl's family was beside themselves. He was set to be released within hours. Denied justice by the same man charged with protecting the innocent. their little girl and the public that family had to act. The little girl's grandmother, Natalie, called the ICE hotline and said, " I gave them all the information I had to the person on the other end." When ICE arrested him, as he walked out, she said, "It was a sigh of relief." According to the girl's mother, Christy, God protected my little girl, but who is going to protect the next one? Certainly not Mister Discano. And sadly, since he has become Commonwealth's attorney, this case is not the exception. It is the rule. Under Mister Descano, it is policy. Fairfax's chief prosecutor has chosen to sacrifice victims on the altar of ideology. Hundreds, if not thousands of violent and sex crimes should never have have happened if Mister Descano followed the law, not his values. In shielding criminal aliens, Mister Descano shows a depraved indifference to human suffering. That is not compassion, it is cruelty. That is not compassion, it is cruelty. Thank you.
Thank you for your testimony. We'll finally hear from uh Miss Cheryl Minter.
Good morning to the members of the, oops, thank you. Good morning to the members of the committee. I appreciate appreciate you granting me the time and space to speak. Thank you for your attendance. My name is Cheryl Minter. I am the mother of Stephanie Nicole Minter. I would like to open today's subject, Stephanie Nicole Minter, with a poem. Every good painting will take a million strokes. To make a good song, you have to go mining to find the perfect notes. And a castle is created stone by stone with patience and care, because great leaps come with small steps and time. This poem comes from my favorite coffee cup, gifted to me by Stephanie. We would share a cup of coffee during the early mornings. We butted heads like every mother and daughter. But wanted to actively take steps together to make our relationship better. We would share stories, memories, laughter, thoughts of the future, and more. This is something I will never get to experience again. because of the failures of our justice system. Stephanie was my daughter by heart. She was a loving mother, a daughter, sister, an auntie, a friend, a mentor. She believed in God. She cared for people. She showed up for others, even when she was tired. Stephanie was my memory, since mine isn't that great anymore. She always knew the right Bible verse for any situation. Always smiling, always joyful, always loved life, even through the bad times. Stephanie was a woman who faced many battles in life. She always came out the other side of tough times with that bright smile on her face. That same smile is something I will never be able to see again. A smile the world will never bear witness to again. On February twenty-third fourth, Twenty twenty six, I woke up to the worst call a parent can ever receive. My daughter was gone, taken in the most horrific way, was simply waiting for a bus in Fairfax County on the night of February twenty third, twenty twenty six. No mother should have to stand here and say these words. No family should have to bury their child like this. Stephanie's life mattered. Her voice mattered. Her future mattered. And today I stand here because her life was taken in a way that should have never happened. The man who took my daughter's life should not have been free to walk the streets. He had been picked up many times. He was known. There were warnings. There were emails sent saying he was a danger. And still, he was released. I am not here for politics. I am here for accountability. I am here because a system failed my daughter. If not for these failures, I could be sharing a cup of coffee with Stephanie this morning rather than speaking with you all today. When polities, policies protect people who are known threat, innocent lives are put at risk. When warnings are ignored, families like mine pay the price. This is not just about Stephanie. This is about every mother. Every parent, every child, every person who waits at a bus stop, walks home, or goes to work trusting they'll w- they will be safe. We cannot ignore this. We cannot look away. Compassion should never come at the cost of public safety. Care for one group should not mean danger for another. We can be a community that is both caring and responsible. We can have policies that protect people and also keep our streets stay safe. But that means we must act, we must listen when there are warnings, we must take threats seriously, we must make sure that people who are dangerous are not released back into our neighborhoods. I will carry my daughter's name for the rest of my life. I will carry her memory. But I should not have to carry this pain because of because of a preventable failure. Stephanie deserved to come home that day. She deserved to watch her child grow. She deserved more time. I am asking you, please do not let her story be ignored. Do not let another family stand where I am standing. Make changes, take responsibility, protect your community, because no mother should ever have to wake up to this nightmare. I'd like to read from Psalms twenty eight. "Give them the punishment they so richly deserve. Measure it out in proportion to their wickedness. Pay them back for all their evil deeds. Give them a taste of what they have done to others. They care nothing for what the Lord has done or for what his hands have made. So he will hear So he will tear them down, and they will never be rebuilt. Praise the Lord, for he has heard my cry for mercy. The Lord is my strength and my shield. I trust him with all my heart. He helps me, and my heart is filled with joy. I burst out of song out in songs of thanksgiving. The Lord gives his people strength, for he is a safe fortress for his anointed king. save your people, bless Israel, your special possession, lead them like a shepherd, and carry them in your f- arms forever. Thank you.
Thank you. Uh, we'll now move to uh f- five minute questions from committee members and we'll start with uh Sheriff Nales.
Thank you, sir. Uh I'm sorry uh Miss Minter to I mean what a very uh story, Stephanie, the numerous pictures we saw, beautiful. I apologize for the individuals that have held onto these irresponsible policies, costing the lives of many many innocent Americans. So I apologize. Mister Kennedy, I appreciate your passion. You're right on target. Mister Descana, well Miss Sheriff Kincaid, thank you for your service. Mister Descano, I consider you a disgrace. I yield the rest of my balance of my time to my colleague, Mister Klein.
I I thank the gentleman, and I thank the chairman for allowing me to sit on this panel today. I represent the vast majority of Virginia citizens who stand with you, Miss Minter, and who are so sorry for the tragedy that occurred and Our prayers are with you and with your daughter, who is, uh, in heaven looking down on us right now. And, you know, I heard your apology, Mr. Descano. I think the public would like to hear your resignation. Let me ask you. When Abdul Jala is released, will you honor a nice detainer?
So my office is a prosecuting office. We don't receive ice detainers, that's not our business.
Will you, Sh- Sheriff Kincaid, will you honor the ice detainer?
Well, um, thank you for that question. And, um, I would certainly hope that this case would be prosecuted and that justice would be served. Um, certainly when it comes to Mister Jala, there hasn't been ice detainers with the exception of one time in two thousand eighteen which we turned him over to ice and then the second time which we had to release him to a facility. Each other time he's been in my custody, there's been no detainers.
If one comes, will you honor it?
As long as I have the authority to do so, and ice knows what our policy is.
Then yes.
If I'm given a judicial warrant, yes.
That's different.
Well, it's the what's what gives me the authority to detain somebody when I'm getting when I receive a court order from a judge mandating someone's release. I would also hope that - that ICE would know when Mr. Jala is getting released so that they would be able to come and pick him up. And we do plan, should he - should he get convicted, we do plan on taking him, driving him down to the Department of Corrections.
All right, well, Mister Descano, your policy tells prosecutors to give lighter treatment to defendants based on their immigration status. Isn't that just discrimination with a sympathetic face? And why are you protecting criminal illegal aliens more than the people of Fairfax County, the citizens?
Well, first of all, sir, I think there's two things wrong with it in the question that you asked me. We're not protecting uh uh undocumented individuals. As a matter of fact, we prosecute people who commit crimes in Fairfax County regardless of their status. And we uh and you know, so the idea that we don't do that is simply wrong. Our policies simply maintain that our role is to prosecute Virginia crime. That's what we do. ICE's role is to do federal civil immigration enforcement.
Mr. Mears, you disagree with that?
Fundamentally, he has a written policy to that effect. He is he is conflating two different issues. He is simply saying, " well, I prosecute all crimes" at the same time he has a written policy saying that illegal immigrants are going to be treated and given preferential treatment, differently from American citizens. On one hand, he sits in front of this committee and says, we don't follow sanctuary policies. At the same time, he openly admits he conducts himself in a manner in which he does not cooperate with federal immigration authorities. That's the very definition of sanctuary policies. No, I fundamentally disagree with his assessment. There are ninety-five counties in Virginia, Congressman, only one county with one prosecutor has a written policy saying we're gonna treat illegal immigrants differently than American citizens. It is Mr. Toscano to my left, period, full stop.
Well, I know that when ICE does work with localities, the system can work. I worked in the Harrisonburg, Rockingham Commonwealth's attorney's office. They had a two eighty seven G agreement, uh, with ICE, and when individuals who were prosecuted, who were here illegally, uh, eventually served their sentences, they were met by ICE. They were retrieved by ICE and returned to their countries of origin, the people of Rockingham and Harrisonburg, uh benefited from that policy because the streets were safer and people who committed crimes were not returned to the communities that they uh threatened prior to their arrest. So, you know, the people who are here in Fairf- from Fairfax uh stand and answer the ranking members' question about - well, I've run out of time, so I hope I can get some more time because um
Jen-
people who are are working hard in Fairfax County deserve to not just feel safe, as the ranking member indicated, uh but actually are safe.
The gentleman's time has expired. Uh, Miss Jayapal.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Um, Mr. Descuno, there's been a lot said, so I just want to ask you a few yes or no questions. Uh, your office works with DHS regularly on criminal issues, not just uh not civil immigration enforcement. Is that correct?
That is correct.
And if DHS came to you with a judicial warrant to take someone in your custody, would you comply?
Well, we don't hold people in custody, but we have uh we have worked with that department for criminal cases before, and we will continue to do so.
And do you arrest, prosecute, convict, and incarcerate individuals accused of crimes regardless of immigration status?
Absolutely.
Um, I just wanna reiterate a couple of points again, yes or no, is the crime rate in Fairfax County one of the lowest in the country?
Yes.
And is Fairfax County rated among the safest jurisdictions of its size by the major city chiefs' association?
Yes.
So, given the ramp-up of illegal mass detentions and the attacks on legal immigration that Mister Beer and others have spoken about, how has that played out on the ground for you? Are people in immigrant communities, communities of color, feeling safe to come forward and and report crimes, testify?
No, they're absolutely not, and that in fact makes my job as a local prosecutor much harder. As I'm sure you're aware, when we do cases, we have to rely on the evidence and most of the time that evidence is through victim and witness testimony. We want our uh we want members of our community to come to court, but when they're scared as they currently are becoming more and more scared with what ICE is doing, they are more reluctant to come to court. And when we don't have witnesses, that means unfortunately bad guys hit the streets again. And as a prosecutor, that's what I don't want. That's what the - what my trust policy is trying to avoid.
Thank you. Professor Stover, I want to turn to you. Um, immigrant women experience domestic violence at rates nearly three times the national average and are often among the most vulnerable because the fear of deportation can keep them trapped in these abusive situations. I've done a lot of work on this issue, as you know. In your work, you've written about the importance of trust between immigrant communities and local law enforcement. When immigrant communities know that calling nine one one will not result in deportation for themselves or a family member, they're more willing to report and help law enforcement solve crimes. Can you discuss how local police working too closely with ICE can undermine that trust and whether this administration's aggressive immigration policies are making it harder for domestic violence survivors to come forward and seek help?
Yes, and thank you for your work on this area. it absolutely undermines trust. When you have law enforcement and that the line between law enforcement and immigration enforcement, blurred, when you call the police, you don't know when they show up at your door, are they there to help or to deport you? And so it's absolutely created a chilling effect and really suppressed people coming forward to get help which then causes greater danger for the broader community. I'll identify just just one survivor quote from a survivor reaching out to a local service provider that said her abuser would tell her quote, " Look at the TV," referring to the coverage of immigration raids and the rhetoric about immigrants, to quote, " See how no one cared about her."
Mm-hmm.
This is really creating a very significant chilling effect for abuse survivors and continuing to escalate abuse.
I'm hearing a lot about that from survivors in my own district. Um, Mister Bier, I wanna thank you for your all of your research on Trump's uh attacks on the legal immigration system. He of course said he was gonna go after the worst of the worst, and that is clearly not what is happening. Um, Republicans wanna force states and localities to comply with these mass deportation policies. And they wanna threaten to cut billions in law enforcement, public safety, and national security funding to the jurisdictions that refuse to comply. Can the federal government force states and localities to do the federal government's job? Question number one. Question number two. Why is it not in the interest of the public and public safety to force local jurisdictions to do this?
Well, first of all, the tenth amendment puts the fire wall in place. We have a system of federalism. Uh, the Supreme Court has been quite clear on this. You cannot force state and local governments to do what you want. You Congress's powers are limited. You ha- you can order the federal agencies to do whatever you want. You cannot as l- you know, as long as it comports with the Constitution, of course. But you cannot, uh, tell the states and local governments, uh, what to do. And you c- also cannot use your federal grant-making authority as a backdoor to coerce states into, uh, doing what they want. The - the Republicans and - and certainly myself and - and
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and first I Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and first I Thanks specifically, Ms. Minter, for being here today. This takes great deal of courage. I appreciate your being here. I thought it was an interesting thing when we heard that Americans care about their their micro-economy. But you know what they really care about? Because if you have money and you're unsafe, it's like you don't have money. You need to be safe. That's what Americans really care about, number one. You need to be safe. Americans want to be safe. And I thought it was interesting too when the ranking members said, hey, if stand up here if you're uh uh something if in the gallery, if you support uh immigrants um so that they're able to make nine one one calls. I thought that was interesting. Everybody stood up and then a few sat down. Uh, but you know who can't stand up today? You know who's not here today? The victims of the crimes of those individuals that were released into the community, knowing that they were had a propensity to commit these types of crimes. They're they're not here to answer for themselves. It's why we have ostensibly, that's why you have the police agencies. So I thought I would I would tell you, you know who's not here? Miss Minter's a wonderful daughter, Stephanie. She's not here because Abdul Jala was released. The victim of Maldon, Annabel Guzman, who was killed, is not here. The victim of Marvin Fernando Morales-Ortiz is not here. He's killed. He's killed, released by these individuals. Wilmer Osmani Ramos-Girón. The victim of his strangulation is not here. The victim of Jorge Jorge Armando Melendez Gonzalez. Charged nineteen times, violent and firearm related offenses, not here. The victims cannot be here. Victim of Hiram Bacardeno Rodriguez. The judge found what Mister Descanos' office's plea agreement was so offensive they rejected them. Then a second judge rejected the plea offer. Victims there. They're not here today. Dennis Humberto Navarrete Romero again. And we could go on and we could name these victims who are not here because of the policies of this Fairfax County office. That I'm gonna yield two minutes, the last two minutes to my friend from Virginia, Mister Klein.
Thank the gentlemen for yielding. Wanna get back to this uh idea that Fairfax is somehow a standout uh for keeping crime low. In fact, uh they're ranked number three nationally by release volume out of sanctuary strongholds across the country that routinely disregard detention requests for mice. So, behind Santa Clara County's main pretrial holding facility in California and Ch- and Chicago's Cook County jail in I- in Illinois, the number of releases, um, is third nationally. It's actually an embarrassment. From October twenty twenty-two to February twenty twenty-five, the Fairfax County Adult Detention Center freed more than a thousand deportable illegal immigrants from lockup, in direct defiance of over one thousand one hundred and fifty detainers lodged by ICE. The people who, uh, the ranking member want to feel safe in Fairfax without worrying about whether they're actually safe, um, are scared to walk home, are scared to take the bus to work, or if they're staying in a part of Fairfax that is not the best part of Fairfax, that they're gonna, uh, encounter a criminal that is on release, uh, from the Fairfax County Jail. And to Mister Beer, Congress does have limited powers, but we do have the power of the purse. And it becomes increasingly clear that for those uh jurisdictions that are happy to take federal tax dollars when it comes to COPS grants, and I'm a supporter of COPS grants, but when those jurisdictions are not actually implementing policies that may that create safe communities that make maybe people feel safe cuz you talk a lot about feeling safe, but are you actually safe in your community? In Fairfax arguably no, I would say they're not. So making those cops' dollars contingent on two eighty-seven G agreements is very legal is very possible. You can shake your head.
No, no, it's definitely not.
But, and I didn't ask you a question,
Listen, I mean, you can read it.
and I didn't ask you a question.
Well, you
So, it is quite legal and the bill that I've introduced would do just that.
Gentleman's time has expired.
You'll die.
Uh, Chair recognizes Mister Raskin.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Uh, did you wanna address that, Mister Breer?
Yeah, real quickly. I mean, w- we have multiple uh, appeals court's decisions directly on the point of denying funding to uh jurisdictions based on the fact that they have democratic leadership the the point about the Medicaid expansion in the Obamacare case it was directly related it was healthcare spending that they were making contingent on expanding Medicaid the supreme court said you cannot coerce states and localities to adopt federal policy using money in this way so uh there's no question it's unconstitutional for congress to do this
And and I think that's the position anyone who's a real champion of federalism and state's rights would hold which is what you can't do indirectly you can't do indirectly through the coercive use of money you can't give a state a godfather offer, which is basically you know, you do what we say or else. Um so Commonwealth's Attorney Descana, Sheriff Kincaid, I don't know if either of you can answer a few questions I've got. Um seems to me like the whole premise of this hearing is to uh is to blame you for the terrible murder and tragedy of stephanie minter but here's what i don't understand the guy was being held for two years in two thousand eighteen and two thousand nineteen by ice under the first trump administration um why was he not deported then why did he end up back on the streets why didn't ice release him did can you tell me why mister descanne do you know where miss kinkaid
well Um, that's a good question and that's something that I would refer to ICE on, because they did have him in custody and when he showed up back in our jurisdiction in twenty twenty two,
Yeah.
we we wondered the same.
It just fascinated me that we've got seven witnesses here and somebody else who's not here in addition to Stephanie is ICE. ICE cannot account for well, well, I'll get to you if I've got enough time. Um, so the that's baffling to me, that's puzzling. Um, but, you know, I I've been asking about that for the last couple of days. Somebody said, well, uh, he was from Sierra Leone and Sierra Leone didn't wanna take him back. But of course, as we know, this administration has no problem deporting people to third countries, third-party countries, removing them to third-party countries. Why wasn't he removed by ICE? They're the only ones who've got the power to kick him out of the country. You don't have the power to deport him, do you, State's Attorney?
No, sir, I don't h- I don't have the power, and quite frankly,
Yeah.
There's nothing in my policies, if somebody is deportable when they come to my office, there's nothing in my power to change that.
Okay, so how do you know exactly how many violent crimes he'd committed before he was in the custody of ICE? Cuz I there were reports that he had committed, I think, a stabbing and some assaults. Uh
I do- I don't know the exact number, but there, I believe there were multiple.
Okay, so ICE was aware this guy's a violent criminal, they're holding him, and they release him back in the streets. Then you do your job and your only job, which is to prosecute Those offenses, and you did that, right?
Yes, sir, and we got a multi-year jail sentence as well.
Okay. Um, and Sheriff Kincaid, if I'm understanding you properly, ICE did not issue detainers when he was held for those offenses. Or were they did once and you complied with it, but in the other ones they didn't issue. As I understand it, ICE didn't come forward with a detainer until after Stephanie Minter was killed. Is that right?
Um, in a time before when we had had to relocate this individual to a different facility. Other than that, there were no there were no detainers at all.
OK, and again, uh, you know, I I feel like we're in a courtroom in Fairfax County, Virginia. We're in the Richmond legislature. Obviously, if somebody doesn't like the job that the sheriff is doing, somebody doesn't like the job the commerce attorney is doing, run against them. I mean, one of these sounded, Mister Kennedy, you sound like a campaign speech you were making. You've got the right to run against him. Have you been r- Have you faced a re-relection yet, uh, Kamala?
Yes, sir, and I won with seventy-seven percent of my community's vote.
And are you elected Sheriff Kincaid or you appointed?
No, I'm elected.
And ha- have you won re-election?
Several, yeah, several times with, uh, the majority of the vote.
Okay, and I take it that all of these issues which are complicated, which are a result of the failure of Congress to actually engage in comprehensive immigration reform, are heavily debated, uh, in Fairfax County and, you know, we don't need to kick off your next re-election with debates here about your performance in office. And I think that that's beneath the dignity of this committee to be telling local officials they should be defeated or re- or should resign from office. That doesn't, that doesn't make sense to me. Mister Beer, what should Congress be doing to get us out of this constant immigration nightmare? We almost had a big bipartisan deal at the end of twenty twenty four. Everybody in the Senate agreed to it. All the Democrats in the House agreed to it. And then I think Donald Trump said, I don't want a deal, I want a k- an issue to run on. Is that right?
Yeah,
Um,
I mean, the bottom line is,
excuse me,
as you said,
the gentleman's,
we need bipartisan immigration reform.
we should bear for - suspend for a moment. The gentleman's time's expired. I'll give you a very brief time to answer that question. You can also respond to it in later questions.
We need to get back to - to legality and orderly immigration. And that means a process for people who are peaceful people to get legal status, and for people who are peaceful to come here legally. That's bipartisan immigration reform in my opinion.
Chairman Jordan.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Oh, I'm sorry, I'm sorry.
Chairman -
Let me first introduce Mr. Biggs for unanimous consent request.
I'm s- sorry to thank you, Mr. Chairman, sorry, Mr. Chairman. Uh, here's a series of articles. I'll just do a few of them and then give the whole stack to you. Virginia murder suspect in bus stop stabbing had lengthy criminal history, multiple dropped charges. Abdul Jala allegedly killed Stephanie Minter at Fairfax County Bus Shelter after prosecutors dropped charges in most previous cases. Completely failed Stephanie. Illegal alien with lengthy arrest record, allegedly butchers woman at Virginia bus stop. And then there's this whole stack of others which I won't read, but we'll just submit for the record if that's okay, Mister.
Without objection. Chairman Jordan.
Thank you, Sheriff, why'd you let Marvin Morales Ortiz out of jail?
Because I received a court order, a judicial order from a judge ordering his release.
Because the guy beside you wouldn't prosecute him, right?
You'd have to talk to him.
So this guy, the the guy beside you wouldn't prosecute the guy who's an illegal migrant, who'd been charged with six different crimes, who was arrested for murder in twenty twenty, who in twenty twenty three assaulted a police officer, and who in September of twenty twenty five was charged with aggravated malicious wounding and brandishing a gun. And that guy is released, you can't hold him, because he's not gonna be prosecuted. Is that right?
i'm not sure about you know as far as
that's why you told us you sent us a letter on march eleventh twenty sixteen addressed to myself and chairman McClintock and you said on december sixteenth twenty twenty five the commonwealth's attorney moved to not prosecute the charges of aggravated malicious wounding and brandishing a firearm by mister morales ortiz so you had to let him out didn't you you had to let him out
through a court order by a judge yes i did i was ordered to release him by a judge
is um I see you got some of your deputies behind. Uh, how's morale in your department? Sheriff, is it good?
I didn't know I was here to talk about morale, sir, but um based on what I
You're here to answer the questions we ask you. That's what you're here for. Yeah.
Of course I am,
Okay.
but I'm also here to talk about what I was invited here to talk about.
Well, I'm I'm I'll I'll refer you to a statement you made in August. Fairfax County Sheriff Stacey Kincaid. Democrat, also told Seven News reporter Nick Minnick, it's shameful the way things have not been prosecuted. Stand by that statement?
If that's what was written, I do.
No, I'm not asking if that's what's written. I'm saying do you s- did you say that and do you stand by that, and is that having an impact on morale? Cuz most of the police departments I know and sheriffs and deputies that I know, when they get the bad guys off the street, they like to see them prosecuted so they don't come back on the street, harm the community you're supposed to protect, and make their job tougher cuz they gotta go get them again when they commit some other crime. That's why I asked the morale question in light of your statement just a few months ago, where you said it's shameful that the guy beside you is not prosecuting people.
I did.
You said that?
I did.
Okay, good. Mister Disconna, why'd you change your website?
So first of all, let me address what you had said earlier
No, no, no. You ha- you answered the questions we asked.
about
You answered the questions we asked. I asked a simple question. Why did you change your website last month?
Well, sir, your statements about we're not, don't wanna prosecute guys is absolutely false. And my policies so far in this hearing have
I'm reading what, you're saying what the sheriff wrote me is is wrong?
No, what I'm saying is that the way that my policies have been
December sixteenth.
presented in this are outrageous.
You chose not the she said the Commonwealth's attorney, that's you, chose not to prosecute Mister Morales Ortiz on December sixteenth, and they had to release him. They had to do their job, cuz you wouldn't prosecute. What happened on December seventeenth, Mister Discano?
Well, so for let's talk about December sixteenth.
No, no, that's the question. What happened on December sev- this same guy murdered somebody.
Well, sir, I th- I think you are stripping out the nuance.
This guy murdered somebody. And I'm asking you, why did you change your website?
Well, do you not want me to talk to you about the the the actual case?
I want you to answer the first question I said.
Which was about the case, sir.
Why didn't you why didn't you change your web site?
Well, sir, because the web site is not my policy. My policy i- you're you are r- you are referring to a campaign web,
I think the vote I think the voters might be c- I think the voters might be interested in that.
a campaign statement.
Was that this was your this is your campaign web site where you said,
No, no, sir.
our office will take immigration consequences into account when making charging and plea decisions. Immigration consequences were certainly part of the game here, part of the issue here with Mister Morales Ortiz,
No, they weren't.
you decided not to prosecute.
They absolutely were not. You are assu- you are assuming something that is not in that is in fact untrue,
You decided.
because you are misrepresenting my policies. My policies do not say that we do not prosecute people because of their immigration status.
Well, if you're proud of your policies, why'd you change your website?
Because that's not my policy. As I told you, sir,
Well, it was
that is a campaign statement that I made before I was Commonwealth Secretary.
But Mister Mister Disgonna, it had it had been up for six years a week after we sent you a letter saying we want you to come testify, Shazam, you change it.
Because I could not b-
I'm just asking, is is that coincidental?
Because I could not believe that somebody, that people were so obtuse that they could not realize what the difference between a campaign statement and an actual office policy is.
Oh, you w- so y- when you make campaign statements, that's not, those aren't true? You're not being honest with your voters?
That's not what I'm saying at all, sir.
Sure sounded like it.
What I am saying is
Sure sounded like it.
It's absolutely not. What I'm saying is that when you, when you rate office policies
You still haven't told me why you took it, you still haven't told me why you took it down.
Because I was hoping to come here to talk about my office policies, not be distracted by a campaign statement that was made a year before I was
Not be distracted? This is
actually come as attorney and had any and had any cases that were mine.
Attorney general, attorney This is almost laughable. This this is your policy. You said it right here. You told the voters, if you elect me, I will take into account immigration consequences
Sure.
when making charging and plea decisions.
This is my policy, not what you have in your hand.
Right here. Oh, okay. So what you said to the voters is not not real, doesn't count.
No, sir, what I'm saying is that as an office holder, Unbelievable.
I just find it interesting.
my office is run by my policy.
Your sheriff said you wouldn't prosecute, this guy gets released, kill someone the next day, we start asking about it, you change your website and take down the statements that that say you're gonna take into account immigration consequences when you decide what you are going to charge.
My policy is public, and it has been public the entire time I've been in office, sir.
Gentlemen, this time has expired. Uh, Ms. Ross.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, and thank you to the ranking member and um to our witnesses who, I know Mister Beer's been here before, so he's familiar with how this committee rarely works on getting to the root of a problem and, finding a bipartisan solution. I think this hearing is a perfect example of that. And to Miss Minter, I am deeply, deeply sorry for your loss. No one on this committee, regardless political party wants criminals roaming the street, whether they're i- here illegally or whether they're US citizens. And what happened to your daughter is a travesty, and I am so, so sorry. I also want to apologize to Sheriff Kincaid.
I'm sorry.
This is police week. This is the week where we lift up what you and your team do to keep our communities safe. And it is clear from your testimony that that is your sole focus. So, as the first person here to actually recognize that, I wanna thank you for your service and I wanna thank the officers that you brought along with you.
Thank you.
It, state and local law enforcement officers know how to do their jobs. You have to build trust with community members in order to do your job. You have to build trust with those members to get them to bring crimes to your attention and to get the evidence you need to prosecute people who have done things that are just horrible, like in the case of Ms. Minter. Victims of crime also need to know that if they go to law enforcement to report a crime, they will not themselves be either detained or deported or something happen to them. Otherwise, we won't be able to deal with people in a civil society. I'm gonna start with Mister Beer because he is very experienced before this committee. And he's done a great deal of research on the topic of immigrants and crime. Before President Trump came to office, were immigrants more or less likely to report crime? And I'm not just talking about illegal immigrants, I'm talking about all immigrants, naturalized, you know, people who are here legally, more or less likely to report crime and cooperate with the police compared to US citizens?
They were more likely, according to the crime victimization survey, which is uh administered by the Department of Justice every year, more likely to report crimes to the police than US-born individuals. And that also holds true for non-citizens who, half of whom are in the country illegally at that time.
And um are imma- immigrant victims of crimes, including those who have legal status, how are they treated when they report a crime or go to court to testify?
Well, right now the administration is targeting people who go to courthouses. They're arresting witnesses and victims of crimes. They're working with state and local uh jurisdictions that will cooperate with them to make arrests. We've seen individuals, for example, in Palm Beach, Florida, a individual called nine one one, welfare check on his four year old daughter. Uh, ICE worked with the Florida uh police to arrest him after he called nine one one. And he couldn't believe it. He was shocked that in America they would prioritize arresting someone based on, uh, effectively he was an asylum seeker, he had an asylum application pending. Didn't matter. The - the ICE la- laughed at that because they don't consider that a basis, uh, to, uh, argue against detention anymore.
And my understanding is that last year ICE agents even tackled a rape survivor at a courthouse after she gave sworn testimony. in a case against a rapist, and that's been widely reported. Okay, well thank you for that. Uh, I only have a few seconds left, but um I wanna ask Professor Stover, have you seen situations where victims specifically declined to call the police because they feared immigration consequences for themselves or their family members, thus allowing um violent criminals to go free?
Yes, I absolutely have.
And have you had those incidents when the criminal was a a citizen of the United States?
Yes, a- actually more often than not, when the actual abuse perpetrator is a citizen.
So that means citizens of the United States are not being prosecuted. Is that correct?
Correct.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. I yield back.
Uh, Mister Bandrew?
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Um, I wanna bring us, I think the other side has brought us the bizarro world and I wanna bring us to the world of reality. First of all, I wanna say to you, Ms. Minter, and I mean it, I know you hear crocodile tears from politicians, you hear how sorry, you hear how sad, you hear the condolences. None of that does it justice. There's no words I can ever say. I say this every time we have another victim's family here. I pray to God there's a day when this no longer happens, and we don't have to have these hearings. But we are gonna have them with the good leadership of our chairman of this committee, because it needs to be talked about. And if it needs to be talked about over and over again, and good Americans like you are willing to be here because you love your children, because you loved her, and you're willing to stand up, I applaud you, because more than a condolence, more than any of that is, when somebody says that to you, say, " Change the policy. Don't let it happen to somebody else. It shouldn't happen to anybody." God help you, I don't know how you do it, but we are praying for you. Secondly, when I say I wanna bring us out of a bizarre world, I was thinking about all the empty ca- you know a lot of times people gather around the kitchen table. Stephanie Minter's chair, that chair at the table is empty tonight. Laken Riley's chair is empty tonight. Rachel Morin's chair is empty tonight. Jocelyn Nugari's chair. They're all human beings. They're all human souls that had families that loved them and they loved their family. They're gone. And we got more than that. We could spend the whole time here reading lists of people who've been murdered and hurt and beaten and raped because of what's happened and these policies. They're human beings. And you know what the worst of it is? And not the most important part, but on top of all of it, we're paying for all this. Sanctuary states and sanctuary cities cost a fortune. State of New Jersey where I am, they estimate, and this is not me, this is came out in publications, seven point three billion, not million, billion dollars every year because of sanctuary policies. That's a lot of money for people who are really squeezed. And it's horrible and it shouldn't happen. And also I wanna allude to the fact, yeah, people are worried about sometimes when ice goes into where there's a church, where there's a department store, or there's a school, nobody's really wants that. Do you know why that's happening? It's happening predominantly in blue states, because the local law enforcement, state, county, and local in sanctuary states are not allowed to cooperate where normally they would turn somebody over to ICE and you wouldn't have to go through that process. If we all cooperated, worked together, and cared about the people we serve, we'd be in better shape. Mister Descana, simple question. Are American communities safer when illegal immigrants who commit crimes are deported or when they remain in those communities? Are they safe from when they're deported? Communities, yes or no? Just yes or no?
Well, sir, that's not
Yes or no? Yes or no?
No, sir, sir.
I'm asking the question and you're giving me answers.
And I'm trying to answer them.
No, you are, you have been
Cuz you asked me a question that's outside of my purview.
Jim, you went down there, asked you questions.
I can tell you s-
You're a human being. You're sitting next to a woman who lost her daughter. Can you tell me if illegal criminals are to be removed from the country if we're safe from
And to suggest that I don't care about what happens in my community.
No, you get to know. This is my time.
I go to work every day trying to protect my community.
You are gonna answer my questions. are going to answer my questions. You don't show any discipline. When I'm asked questions, I answer them. So you're not willing to answer that question. Okay. So I ask you this question. Let's talk about Abdullah Jalal. Yes or no, would Stephanie Minter be alive today if he had been deported? And you know why he wasn't deported? Because then, quite frankly, the administration was not as aggressive, and if a country didn't want to accept these awful people that came from the country, we didn't know where to send them and we held them and we detained them. Now we're finding places to send them so that this doesn't go on. That's the answer. That's why that happened. It's not a mystery. It's not uh something weird or unusual. They didn't know where the heck to put it. Now we just do it and we get it done. But nevertheless, would we be safer if he wasn't in the country then? Would we be safer, yes or no?
Sir, your point is
Yes or no, or to be safer, if the man wasn't in the country? Damn it, answer my question.
Of course, uh Sir, I'm trying. You keep changing the question.
I know it's yes or no. There's a bad guy that murders people,
Certainly, if some- if somebody is, if some-
or we say for that he's not in the country. No, you can't answer the question.
Okay.
I'm sorry. Th- you know, I'll ask you this. Explain to the lady next to you. Abdullah Jallah was charged in your county more than forty times, not four times, forty times. Your office dropped the charges in almost every single case. That's fact. We have it documented. We can look at it. your own Fairfax County Police Department wrote your office, we have it, it's fact, May twenty twenty five saying he had shown a quote, blatant disregard for human life and was a danger to the community. And that if he wasn't detained and deported, he would seriously hurt someone or kill someone. The very man went out and then killed someone.
Hey, no.
So the question is, couldn't have we done better there?
No, gentlemen's, yeah, the gentlemen's time has expired,
I know, I can't even answer the question.
we'll take that as a rhetorical question. And Mr. Nadler is recognized.
Oh well.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, this subcommittee has hardly been busy this year. Clearly, Republicans have no desire to conduct oversight of the Trump administration's brutal and reckless campaign to strike fear in immigrant communities across the country. They don't want to draw more attention to an out-of-control Department of Homeland Security, that lets masked agents murder American citizens and tear children away from their parents. They can't manage to hold a hearing about ICE detention facilities that fail to meet the basic medical needs of detainees and have their highest death rates in decades. And they certainly have no interest in holding a hearing to justify the Republican plan to hand a seventy billion dollar blank check to this Trump administration to advance its reckless chaotic and inhumane immigration policies when it hasn't even spent most of the money we gave them in the big ugly bill. Instead, they have called us here to distract from the horrors unfolding at Trump's D DHS and to focus on one county in Virginia that has chosen not to join the Trump administration's extreme anti-immigrant agenda. They want to shine a spotlight on Fairfax County, one of the safest places in the country for a county of its size because they think it's a good opportunity to engage in their favorite sport of fear-mongering and demagoguery. Mister Descano, is there anything you have heard that you would like to respond to?
Yes, thank you, Congressman. Just I think that my policies have been completely misrepresented by some people uh uh uh in the committee and on this panel. My policies are prosecution policies that are meant to keep my community one of the safest large counties in the country. Lastly, I'd like to really drive home the point that when it comes to this Abdul Jalloh case, my pro- my policies are a red herring. ICE knew about this gentleman for at least eight years, so the question of if w- if we would have been safer with him not here, yes, I wish ICE would have done its job in twenty eighteen or twenty nineteen when they had him. So the idea that my policies impacted many of these cases that are being talked about is simply a red herring and not true.
Thank you, Mr. Beier. The Trump administration claims that it's only going after the worst of the worst and targeting criminals. But according to ICE's own data, the majority of immigrants they have detained have no criminal record. Is the Trump administration really going after the worst of the worst?
No, not only do seventy-two percent not have a criminal conviction, only six percent have a a violent criminal conviction. You look at how DHS internally is classifying its detainees. They have multiple threat levels, three different threat levels, and they actually deemed seventy-two percent of the people, when they have to do it internally, decide, okay, we need to actually rank these people and prioritize who do we need to detain. Seventy-two percent of the people entered and booked into ICE custody were not deemed a threat. So it's according to their documents, their own uh analysis from the Department of Homeland Security under Secretary Noem who put out this information. So, it - No, these - they're not going after public safety threats. That's totally wrong. They're going after, uh, uh, people going to work. They're - they're racially profiling Americans, as I said. They're even arresting legal immigrants, uh, a- and again setting them up for arrest by not processing their applications. Uh, Joseph Edlow, who's the head of USCIS, has a policy. They're just gonna shut down processing of the vast majority of green cards. Uh, and so that results in people losing status and enables ICE to go out and arrest them, legal immigrants being arrested because the Department of Homeland Security doesn't do its job.
Professor Stover, do you have any recent examples where victims or witnesses to crimes were afraid to interact with law enforcement, and what happened in those cases?
It's incredibly common now that there's just an absolute fear of interacting with law enforcement and even seeking civil protection orders, the civil remedies, so it's not only a fear of increasing. Um, what ends up happening if people aren't seeking help, and then also I wanna add to the conversation that benefits, public benefits, CHIP, SNAP have been cut off to legal immigrants and those um who hold the temporary status. And so really what's happening is that the abuse is continuing and that people's financial security is weakening and what we have is greater crime.
Thank you, Mister Beier, can you explain why civil immigration detainers are unlawful under the Fourth Amendment?
Well, you can't hold someone unless you have probable cause in a court order, a cour- and this is not
Well, once again, the gentleman's time's expired, brief response, you can pick it up on the next question.
There are multiple appeals court decisions on this. detain someone based on a civil uh a detainer that's that's not based on a court order. Um so if if Fairfax uh gets a court order they will detain them uh a but without a judicial order they don't have authority under the constitution to detain people.
Thank you, Mr. Fry.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
The gentleman doesn't have any time to yield back, Mr. Fry.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I'm gonna yield to the
I yield it nonetheless.
I'm gonna yield to the chairman here in a second, but I think this is actually a remarkable hearing, what I've witnessed today, both from the sheriff and and the Commonwealth's attorney. Uh, the inability or the, uh, unwillingness to prosecute crimes that com- that are committed in your jurisdiction, I think is, uh, almost an a- a fireable offense, and I hope that the good people of Virginia remove you from office. Uh, criminals are back out on the streets in Fairfax County because you want to virtue signal public safety and you're making communities less safe. In fact, we have a bill called Logan's Law. You would be a poster child, because I bet if we stacked up your plea deals and your drop charges against other real prosecutors in the country, what it would show is that you're actually operating like a public defender and not a prosecutor. Uh, with that, Mister Chairman, I yield you the balance of my time.
Uh, I appreciate the - the gentleman yielding. Uh, Mister Attorney General, let me - let me ask you a few things here. Uh, Well, first of all, you in your in your distinguished career, Attorney General, I think you were in the assembly before that, but before all that you were a prosecutor yourself, is that right?
Mm-hmm, that's correct.
Yeah. And uh is it is it usually is it a good thing if the law enforcement people aren't getting along with a prosecutor? I mean, normally it's better if they get along and they're working together to keep the bad guys off the street and protect the community,
No, no question, it's a cooperative arrangement.
right? Yeah, and in your time as a prosecutor, I doubt, maybe you did, but I doubt it, your distinguished career. that you ever had your chief law enforcement in whatever jurisdiction you were prosecutor. I doubt if you ever had them say, " It's shameful the way this prosecutor is not prosecuting." That ever happened to you, Mister Attorney General?
No, we never had what happened with the Fairfax Police using chief said " What bothers me about this case is the fact that this absolutely could have been prevented." Stephanie Minter should be alive right now and she's not because Steve Descano's office chose to release him back in the public. No, that's never happened in my career.
Yeah. And it doesn't happen in most places where you got a prosecutor who works with law enforcement to keep the bad guys off the street. Now let's get back to this policy issue that Mister Descana was talking about. He says what he said to the voters when he was running for the job, that doesn't really count. I got an official policy. What I said to the voters, no, don't forget that, I mean, frankly, that's what happens with a lot of policies. I actually think it should be just the opposite. Whatever you told the voters, if they elect you, you should do what you said. I think he's doing that. I think he's just trying to wiggle around it now. But here's the policy. Consideration of i- uh this is this is County of Fairfax Commonwealth Attorney Procedure. Remember, random twelve, fifteen, twenty, twenty policy title guidelines for plea bargaining, charging decisions, and sentencing, authorizing signature Steve Descano. And here's what it says on point fourteen, Mister Attorney General. Consideration of immigration consequences, assistant Commonwealth attorneys shall consider. We all know we're in this this business of writing laws. May and shall are two different words, right? Shall means you gotta look at this stuff. Now he puts a little other thing.
No question.
Shall consider immigration consequences where possible. We're doing so accords with justice, all that stuff. But it's not a may, it's a shall. That is their policy. Do you agree with that, Mr. Attorney General?
That is their policy, yes, Mr. Chairman.
And do you believe that has impacted the decision to let these bad guys on the street who did terrible things, again, misminters beside you and
Uh, j- just between two thousand and twenty-two and two thousand twenty-four,
Because it
Mister Discano dropped the charges on Mister Jolliff, trespassing, malicious wounding, theft, petty larceny, trespassing, disorderly conduct, and malicious wounding.
That's like seven crimes, right?
Correct.
Now here's what I wanna know. And maybe your office, Mister Discano, is willing to give us this information. Cuz you said, well, no, immigration status, uh, m- m- my last time you said immigration status had no determination on the decision relative to Mister, uh, Morales Ortiz. I wanna know in cases where it did. What were the cases where you changed the plea agreement or you changed the charging decision that were based on consideration of their immigration status? If you say this doesn't matter anymore, we took it down off the web site, I didn't really bel- I don't really believe what I told the voters. If that's the case, I wanna know, did you ever use immigration status as a reason to impact the sentence and the charging decision or plea agreement?
Well, sure.
Can you get us that infor- that's what I'm asking, just get us that information. I wanna know what, here are the cases where we took into account this individual's immigration status, and we changed the charging decision. Can you give us those cases?
Sir, I I'm don't have those cases with me. I'd love to talk to you about the policy because I think it's been
Well, imagine that, you don't have those cases with you, is it a significant number?
Well, sir, if if I may dig into the policy, I think it'll be il- uh illustrative of what we're doing.
No, I asked you about the cases. I wanna know the number of times you took into their, cuz here's what everyone sees. You're you're trying to say it's not the case. Everyone sees. you got an American citizen who does a crime, you got an illegal immigrant who does the exact same crime. Your policy strong seems to me says that this person will get a different sentence or a different charge excuse me different plea agreement than the American citizen.
It absolut-
Yeah, and I wanna know if that ever happened.
it a- it absolutely says in the policy in black and white that a, that an immigrant will not get a better outcome than a US citizen. That is in the policy. That's later. You've, you read one half sentence, sir. This is a two paragraph
Well, here's what again.
I
Let's go back to the website you took down.
I'm I'm sorry. I'm I'm sorry,
If t-
Mister Chair- the gentleman's time has expired.
I think the gentleman I I
Uh, Mister Tiffany.
Thank you very much, uh, Mr. Chairman. Um, I want to thank Miss Minter for the verse that she read at the end of her testimony. It was moving. And thank you so much for that. Thank you so much for sharing the memories of your daughter, um, with us with those pictures. And I'm just sorry that there's not gonna be more pictures for us to be able to see in the future. Uh, wish you the very best. Um, in Wisconsin, uh, Mister Meares, I've got a question for you at the uh end of a couple sentences here. In Wisconsin we had a terrible situation. It's sounds like it's like Fairfax. In Dane County, which is Madison, Wisconsin, uh, they have this same thing, they have sanctuary policies, and an illegal Venezuelan uh immigrant, known gang member, was let free Excuse me. He then later arrested uh he was later arrested over a hundred miles away in the town of Prairie du Chien in Wisconsin, and he was charged with domestic violence, sexual assault, child abuse, and strangulation. Doesn't this make it very clear that these sanctuary policies, they affect all of us, whether it's in our state, our region, whatever. And I think about all the people that come from our great state of Wisconsin that visit Washington DC. Seems to me that Fairfax County, not very far away, that this can be a problem for people who live all over the country. Just like this example where Madison, Dane County, Wisconsin refused to remove someone who went on to strangle someone Isn't this a really big problem that is being created that does not just affect places like Dane County Wisconsin and Fairfax County Virginia?
It is a massive problem, Congressman, and if you meet with victims as I have through the years, the one thing a victim will tell you they want they they do not want to become is just a number, just a statistic. It has been cited some of Fairfax public safety numbers, but at the end of the day, every victim every victim, their life is changed from the date of the offense, when they have lost their loved one. It absolutely affects. And what's amazing about this is that in counties where you actually have, say, Bedford County in Virginia, with Sheriff Miller, great sheriff, and and Wes Nance, a great Commonwealth's attorney, they don't get these headlines. They don't get these headlines because they actually cooperate with federal federal immigration authorities. But what happens in Fairfax is they're making a conscious decision And you're seeing it over and over again. And it's not just a failure to cooperate with federal immigration authorities. It is a conscious decision by Steve Discano to under-prosecute crimes over and over again. People have made uh, it's a point in out of what happened when a - a - a judge told ICE that they had to release them because they were not allowed to deport them to Sierra Leone. But the reality is this was so preventable because multiple times multiple times he was arrested, multiple times this prosecutor had the policy of under-prosecuting and dropping charge. And it's not just this case, it's multiple cases. He has made a conscious decision. I'm a little incredulous, he has decided to say, well, the promises I made to the campaign when I was campaigning voters, they don't really count. I'm a firm believer, let your yes be yes, your no be no, and it's not what you say, it's what you do. He may claim this has no impact on his charging decisions. But if you look at time and time again, and I can go through the cases, and so is, so can Mister Kennedy, there is a volume of cases where he has made a conscious decision to under-prosecute and essentially treat illegal immigrants with greater deference than he would an American citizen who is charged with a crime.
Is there a correlation with the crime statistics being down? I was looking at some yesterday that came out of the judiciary committee where I think it was um sixty-seven of the largest municipalities here in America um, the decrease in a year was like two hundred and thirty-six fewer murders in the United States. So think about it. Compared to the previous year, um, uh, there's a reduct- there's two hundred and thirty-six more people that are alive in America as a result of this. Is there a correlation with this, um, securing our border and those places that choose to be tough on crime, do you think there's a correlation?
No question, because I do think sanctuary policies also create a magnet.
So Fairfax and Dane County, Wisconsin, they're actually magnets for violent illegal aliens.
Right. Right. They know they can go there, and if they're picked up on a charge, they know they have local government. In this case, the Fairfax Board of Supervisors has passed the trust policy, which is an explicit prohibition on cooperation.
Mm.
And they know this. They're not dumb. They s- know which localities are open the doors to them and which localities cooperate with federal authorities.
Gentle- gentlemen, this time is expired.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Uh, Mr. Nott.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Miss Minner, I'm so sorry. This is clearly a preventable crime, despite what has been said. Um, as the father of two daughters, I can't imagine what you're going through, what you will go through, and uh candidly, I would not be acting as civilly with some of the people you're seated with, had I uh suffered what you've had to endure. So thank you for being here. Mister Discano, you said that quote, we prosecute Virginia cases. Is that correct?
That is correct, yes.
And uh you you painted a picture of being rigorous in your efforts to prosecute bad people, correct?
Yes, when we prostitute, of course, we um take a look at every case.
Yep.
We are constrained by the evidence, we're constrained by the law.
Yep.
And I will tell you, Congressman, you know, I think what is happening here with the number of cases that we're talking about are that
Well, I want to talk to you about one of those cases, I want to talk to you about one of those cases,
Sure.
sir. Mister Hiram Rodriguez, you remember that case?
I do.
Leading up to the crime that I want to talk about, the defendant's criminal history included multiple charges and arrests for indecent liberties. exposing himself to a child, exposing himself to a child less than fifteen years of age, disorderly conduct, illegally entering a property to damage burglary. He was even sentenced, albeit I would say too lightly. Uh, while he was on probation, while he was under court supervision, in June fifteenth, two thousand twenty-three at four o'clock in the morning, Fairfax County PD responded to a burglary in process. A mother and her four year old daughter were asleep in the same room but in separate beds. The mother was awoken when her four-year-old daughter was screaming in the next room. She went to investigate. The attacker dropped the four-year-old and fled the scene. It was clear that the four-year-old had been abducted from her bed. Her buttocks had been grabbed. Her torso had been bruised. The victim displayed immediate bruising. The mother did not see the attacker's face, four-year-old said he was a quote " big man." Law enforcement identified Mister Rodriguez by two ways. Forensics recovered a finger and palm print from the window that he jarred open, in this case, and matched footprints outside the house where he was standing with a mud print inside the house. Eyewitness testimony later identified Rodriguez as having been loitering for days outside this apartment building. He had been seen using drugs in the neighborhood, and he had been pacing around this particular unit. in the days leading up to the crime. Police secured two warrants, one statutory burglary, specifically alleging that Rodriguez entered an occupied dwelling, seizing a four year old with the intent to commit murder, rape, robbery, or arson. Maximum penalty is twenty years. Abduction of a four year old with the intent to defile such a person was the second charge with the maximum penalty of life. Once it was handed over to your office, inexplicably so, You immediately reduced the burglary offense to a misdemeanor, which capped the sentence at twelve months. You then reduced the abduction charge to an offense that was a lower degree and capped the sentence at ten years. When you entered into a plea agreement, you tried to bind the court. Bind the court so they could not sentence this person to any term over two years. Is that not correct?
Sir, I'm so glad you brought this case up because I
Is that not correct?
well, because I would like to explain, sir.
It is correct. And the court rejected it.
See.
Sir, I know the case file.
This was a, this was a, this was a e- I'm talking.
I would love to talk to you about the case, sir.
It was a judge that was appointed by Senator Warner.
You are talking to Sir.
This is not a right-wing judge. This is a liberal judge. And you know why he rejected it?
Sir, I would love to talk about the case.
He saw what you should have seen. He cited overwhelming evidence that this person,
Sir, I w- can we talk about the evidence, sir?
that this person was a threat.
Cuz I know it and you don't.
Quit talking.
And I would love to talk.
was a threat, he yanked a four year old girl out of her bed with the intent to harm her, and you wanted to give her a cap of two years.
Sir, this is a great example.
And then when the plea agreement was rejected, what did you do?
Sir, this is a great example,
What did you do?
this is a great example of a case where
You know, I prosecuted. No, I I I prosecuted cases,
And then you understand cases that have,
and when you're evading like that,
don't have strong evidence,
you know what that's a sign of?
sir.
Guilt. What did you do? You dismissed the case.
Sir, I Sir, can I please talk to you about this case if you wanna know about it so much?
Mister Nijorins, when you dismiss, be quiet. When you dismiss a case, what happens to that defendant?
He walks free.
Walks free. A disgusting, perverted individual preying on children that you dismissed the case. As the father of two young girls, one of them's five. That is as shameful as anything I have seen.
I I have a daughter too, sir. Don't, please don't talk to me that I don't care about people in my community.
Quit defending the indefensible. You clearly don't.
Absolutely not.
You dismissed the case and it's shameful.
Sir,
You're a coward. You are a coward.
I, the ca- you're a, you won't even let me, uh, talk to you about the case,
It's indefensible, sir.
sir. Sure.
I yield back.
Mm-hmm.
Thank you, Mister Chairman, for for holding this hearing, um. on a really important issue that I think a lot of Americans um care very deeply about. Uh, Mister Discano, I wa- I wanna start with you, I've got a couple questions for you. Um, I've got a a document titled " Guidelines for Plea Bargaining, Charging Decisions, and Sentencing". Um, and it states that prosecutors shall consider the collateral immigration consequences of the specific crimes the defendant is charged with, and the detrimental impact the deportation removal has on the families and communities, uh, who those removed will leave behind. This is a document, this is your your official policy. This is not from, uh, your campaign website, this is the official policy document as well. Is that correct? Do you recognize this?
Yes, you read a portion of the policy, sir.
That's right. I'm I'm not gonna read the full thing, cuz it's it's by long it's about eleven pages.
Oh, co- uh, I I don't respect you, sir. I'm
It's about eleven pages, so I'm not gonna read the full thing. Um. I I wanna better understand how you weigh an illegal alien's immigration status whenever you're making charging decisions. Um, do you do you know who Ander Jose Cortez-Mendez is? Are you familiar with that case?
Yes, sir.
Okay, this is a Guatemalan illegal alien who was arrested in March of twenty twenty four. He was initially charged with quote " carnal knowledge" of a thirteen to fourteen year old um just for for those of us who aren't lawyers can you just very briefly, what what does carnal knowledge of a thirteen to fourteen year old mean in this context?
Well, so generally the the uh a charge like that would typically uh refer to underage sex.
Okay, so we so we raped an underage person, an illegal alien who raped an underage American. Your office reduced those charges to a misdemeanor charge of consensual sex with a child fifteen years and older. You offered him a ninety day suspended jail sentence. Is that correct?
Sir, based on the evidence that we had in the case,
Is this so it is correct? We
but it's not related to the policy, sir.
So that so that is correct. I I just wanna ask you, whenever you were making that charging decision to reduce the charge, how did you weigh the defendant's immigration status?
Well, sir, I wou- to be clear, I was not the lead prosecutor in that case.
It w- it w- it was your your uh your office.
Um. Oh abs- uh absolutely, sir. I of course r- um rely on my team of uh fifty-some attorneys to d- to do cases.
Sure.
Um, but I think what is important is that oftentimes, as you know, sir, um, as a prosecutor, you know, we're constrained by the evidence. We're constrained by what we have.
I just need to know how - how did you weigh - how did you take into account the defendant's immigration status?
Well, sir, again, I'm sa-
In - in d- making that decision?
Your - your -
How did your office make that determination?
Well, what I was - what I would say is that, and thank you for clarifying, um, if you take a look at the - the immigration const- uh, uh, consequences policy, Or pr- uh, wouldn't you see
Let me ask it a different way. Did y- did you re- did your office reduce charges against this illegal alien from a felony rape charge to a misdemeanor charge with a ninety day suspended jail sentence in part because this was an illegal alien in question?
No, this was evidentiary-based.
It was evid- there was no it had nothing to do with the the defendant's immigration status.
So when you if
Is that your testimony?
the if you read the policy you'll see that it explicitly carbs out
Did it have anything to do with the defendant's immigration status? It's just yes or no.
Well, sir, it was based on the evidence. It it it
I'm I'm asking you did was their immigration status part of the evidence?
I don't believe so, sir.
Yes yes or no? You don't believe so. Your pol- your policy says that it sh- you shall consider their immigration status.
Actually, sir, if you actually read the whole policy, it explicitly cars out cases.
Prosecutor shall consider the collateral immigration consequences of the specific crimes the defendant is charged with and the detrimental impact the deportation removal has on the families from a line for line.
It also mentions that the it's not it's not outcome determinative. It also explicitly states
I I understand it. I'm I'm asking you if if you weighed your office weighed uh the defendant's immigration status in in making your charging decisions here
oh again sir I was the I was not the lead prosecutor in these cases but
I'm I'm asking for your office I understand you're not the lead prosecutor
I exactly I just wanna be clear but the way that the policy is written
mmm
that case should not have fallen under the rubric of this policy this is a narrow policy and is meant to be a narrow policy
it's an illegal alien uh I think that would qualify would it not
Well, no, sir, because again, the the way that the policy is being presented a it is as it is, outcome determines go to every case.
There there would be there would be immigration uh consequences
Well, s
based on what what charge you bring that would clearly apply to this case.
No, sir, a a again, uh that's the reason why I mentioned earlier you read a portion, but not the entire two paragraphs of this subheading.
As prosecutors shall consider. I just wanna know yes or just give me a yes or no answer. W did you take into
So again, I was not but the way the policy the way the policy is written,
Did did your office take it? It's a yes or no question.
no, they should not have taken that,
They should not have. Okay.
that is not outcome determinant in a case like this.
Okay.
So, thank you.
Great.
My time's up.
Mister Grossman.
Yeah, I had another hearing, so I apologize if I'm asking a question that's already been asked. Uh, obviously we have immigration laws in this country, every country has immigration laws. Uh, we have eight hundred thousand people about naturalized in this country every year. And we're right now in a position which one out of six Americans uh in this country uh I mean are foreign born, or one out of six people in this country, which is the all time high. So nobody could say that under current law we are not more than generous with people who wanna come here. Um Nevertheless, there's some people who I can only uh unless they're very foolish, are are trying to destroy the country by in addition to the eight hundred thousand people getting swear an sworn in wanna let unlimited other people in the country. Now my first question is for Sheriff Kincaid. I hear from my local sheriffs in Wisconsin uh if if there's any activity from federal agents, FBI, ATF, DEA, US Marshals, Secret Service, they are always contact the federal agency or they call them to coordinate with them You know, maybe to set up a perimeter or maybe if they have to, to remove somebody, take them to a local jail. Um We are told, and that would seem to be automatic as an American, uh nevertheless we're told, Sheriff Kincaid, that your office sometimes is reluctant to assist federal agencies in ongoing investigations intended to safeguard citizens. How do you respond to that charge?
First and foremost, we we never obstruct ICE. Um, as a matter of fact, we work with them on in three or four more ways. When they request and call and ask for assistance, especially when it comes to turning someone over, we we coordinate that with them to ensure their their safety. But as far as uh not cooperating with them, um, we we do, we do that all the time, just like any other law enforcement agency.
Okay. Does Virginia Law authorized compliance with ICE detainers within five days of a criminal alien's release from your custody?
Based on the the judicial or the, I'm sorry, the administrative warrant, there is law that that allows for us to turn an individual over to ICE five days prior to when they are set to be released.
And do you?
And ICE does know that.
Yeah, and you you do.
And we do.
Okay. Has your office conducted an audit of what happens to individuals you've released? instead of honoring ICE detainers or do you always honor the detainer
in terms we we honor we honor detainers it is when we are presented with a judicial warrant that we will continue to detain somebody because it's authorized by a judge
ok uh mister maieris um can you give a high level overview of the findings of your september twenty twenty five investigation into fairfax county's Fairfax County Commonwealth's Attorney's Office.
Yes, yes, sir. Yeah, we we conducted one and saw that uh in our opinion um that Mr. Descone views himself more as a social worker than a prosecutor, and that as a result he has systematic failed uh the victims in Fairfax County. We talked to so many, not just those and including the victims that were uh immigrants, but everyday citizens that have felt that the Fairfax County Commonwealth's attorney's office had failed them.
Okay. Could you respond or do you agree with everything Sheriff Kincaid has to say?
Hmm. I I I do find it curious what we have is they keep trying to say uh they need a judicial warrant as you know uh DHS and others said that that is not required in this case. And what you've seen actually in Virginia, disturbingly, is that we we just had our current governor pass an executive order, first one EO one, that banned cooperation with federal immigration authorities not just with the
Okay. Uh, that that's kind of shocking, and I I guess if you'd elaborate on it a little bit and what would happen in this country if uh or what effect that has on uh people who are here illegally and are illegally committing crimes.
We we as a nation allow roughly one million legal immigrants a year. We are a good and decent and generous people. That's who we are. I'm the child of an immigrant. But what Americans do not like is be seen that they're being taken advantage of. During the Biden administration, between eight to ten million illegal immigrants came into this country. That is larger than the population of thirty-two US states. That is not tenable. People are not doing it in the right way. We, there is not a country on the planet that is as generous with legal immigration as we are. It's not even close. But what we don't appreciate right now are people that are cutting in line and breaking our laws. It's something we all learned in grade school, but we have too many policymakers who decide that's okay and they shrug their shoulders. They turn a blind eye, in this case, Steve Descano, deciding to adopt policies, taking someone's illegal immigration status and under-prosecuting cases, in which we're seeing the tragic results as we're seeing today.
Gentlemen, this time is expired. Uh, Ms. Ganlin.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Um, you know, I I practiced alongside immigration attorneys for a period of time before coming to Congress, so have a sense of just how broken our immigration system is and how hard it is, even for people who are trying to follow the rules, to actually follow the rules. So, um, a lot of the conversation we have in Congress seems to come from folks who don't understand how the system is actually uh, working or not working. And e- if our Republican colleagues wanna talk about who and what is making Americans less safe today, it's this White House and its chaos and its reckless mass deportation agenda. Families and communities are being torn apart. Citizens have been ripped from their homes with no warrants in cases of mistaken in identity. Federal agents have shot and killed Americans in our streets. for daring to question their unlawful tactics. The White House has prioritized meeting deportation quotas, and in doing so has targeted all immigrants, including those who have followed our rules and who, until this administration changed the rules, those folks were in our country legally. But the majority of folks who have been detained by ICE have no criminal record. here or in their home countries. And that's according to the agency's own data. While ICE and CBP claim to be fo- claim to be focusing on the worst of the worst, instead they've gone after toddlers with Spider-Man backpacks, parents taking their kids to school or to the hospital for cancer treatment, hard-working people showing up at work, spouses of military veterans and active duty service members, and law abiding people who are showing up for their interviews and court hearings as they are following the rules to do what they need to do to become citizens or obtain other forms of legal status. So who does any of this make more safe? Aside from the trauma and the heartbreak that these policies have inflicted on individual, families and communities, the damage to our economy is mounting by the day. That damage comes from companies rethinking their investments in the US, because they see um their citizens, their folks getting abused by our immigration agents, tourists who've decided not to visit Disney World or um celebrate our two hundred and fiftieth anniversary or attend the World Cup this year. We've seen uh bookings from overseas are down twenty to thirty percent across the country, but We're particularly sensitive to it in Philadelphia, and we're seeing physicians, researchers, and students from around the world who've been deterred from bringing their talents and their um, you know, the - what they can bring to our country by additional visa fees and by the risks of being targeted by misguided immigration agents. So throughout our country's history, immigrants have been drawn here by the promise of America. and its brighter future, and they bring meaningful contributions to our economy, our culture, our social fabric, uh, in - in all of our communities. So we should be fixing our outdated, broken immigration system to make it better and more efficient, not undermining it or just trying to gut it entirely, because failing to do that work is a huge disservice to all of us. and to the future success of our nation. Our Republican colleagues have tried to say this is about fighting crime, but in pursuit of this administration's indiscriminate crackdown, they're diverting federal law enforcement, prosecutors, and resources away from serious threats, including child exploitation, fentanyl trafficking, domestic terrorism. So, um, this is really misguided. It seems to be entirely about politics and not about actual safety. Um, Mister Descano, in the few m- seconds we have left, is there anything you would like to add because you seem like you've been a very practical and engaged public servant?
Well, thank you, Congresswoman, the and there are a few things I'd love to add. First of all, let me be clear. My policy that we're talking about was written with legal permanent residence in mind for minor crimes. It was based off of the Padilla versus Kentucky US Supreme Court case that said it is a good idea for prosecutors and defense attorneys to take into account and to know collateral immigration consequences. The la- the other thing I'd like to say is, mister Mijars and mister Kennedy, they've never been in my office, they've never seen the case files that I've seen. They jumped to a bunch of conclusion You're bringing all of them together to give a single case and even give you more. Mm-hmm.
I mean, gentlemen's time has expired, but I'll let you finish that sentence.
Thank you, sir. Thank you. Um, they jumped to conclusions about case outcomes that we may not be thrilled about and give it an- and as- ascribe reasons that simply aren't the reasons. Thank you, mister Under.
Thank you.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. Mister Descano, in your written testimony you wrote the system failed Ms. Winter. Do you consider yourself part of that failure?
Sir, I do believe that the entire system did fail. I will tell you that I wish that there were things that we could have done and had the evidence to go forward with,
Okay, I
uh, on some of those cases.
Yeah, you said that. Okay. Did the police fail, Ms. Winter, Mentor?
No, sir, I think what the the
Did Sheriff Kincaid fail, Ms. Mentor?
No, sir, but I think that
Everyone failed, Ms. Mentor. The The system failed me, the - the - the amorphous system. Not you. You, a soft-on-crime Soros prosecutor. Not you, who do not honor ICE detainers. Neither of you believe in honor - uh, honoring ICE civil detainers. No, judicial detainers that in most cases are not even possible to obtain. Ms. Minter, do you feel the system failed you and your daughter, Stephanie? Yeah. Do you feel, Ms. Winter, that, and you can opine or not if you don't, do you feel that mister Descano's prosecutor's office hears victims?
Hears victims.
Do it takes victims into account, and potential victims?
Um. No.
Because I think based on the policies of Fairfax County, both the sheriff's office and the prosecutor's office, what happened to you and your family was entirely preventable.
I believe it was.
We have the po- when you have the policy of not cooperating with ICE, by the way, in violation of federal law, these things are gonna happen. People who should not have been in the United States of America at all, criminal, illegal aliens, in our solicitousness, to appease the radical left base of the Democrat party and their open borders policies, it's a policy we don't want to deport anyone. We, Mister Descano even said it on his campaign website, well that's not really the policy of the Fairfax County's County Prosecutor's Office. Okay, were you lying to the voters or you lying to us now, today?
I just believe, what I believe, is that the vicious criminals, the criminals that keep hurting our people should be outta here. They need to be deported.
It and s-
And you know what? I don't think it has to do with ICE. I think it has to do with
Right.
having I mean, we're nowhere, we're not a country without illegals coming in.
Without r-
And without people coming in from the other country. That's what our country is built on.
There is no such thing as a sovereign nation without secure borders. Well, thank you. No, thank you. Thank you for your courage being here today. Yes, I mean, it's nice to give lip service. Oh, the system failed you, Miss Minter. But it's another thing to do something about it, especially when the radical base of your party doesn't want you to do anything about it. And I think we know that two elected officials to your left today, we know where they sided. We know did they side with victims or did they side with their radical left open borders base? I think we know the answer to that. Um, mis- mister Beer, Beier, um, you you kind of implied in uh uh i- i- that somehow because the United States is is s- so dysfunctional regarding legal immigration that that somehow encourages illegal immigration in some way, I may may believe believe that. But I wanna I wanna I wanna s- wanna give you some numbers. You know, in in twenty twenty four, the United States admit it gave one point three six million uh million um you know, foreign nationals uh green cards, uh two hundred twenty six thousand family-sponsored visas, a hundred and fifty thousand employment-based visas fifty two thousand diversity uh legal lottery uh visas in early twenty six there was an asylum backlog of three point five million cases um mid twenty twenty five temporary protected status backlog one point two million cases um mister said said and i think i got this right there is no country on this planet that's more generous uh to legal immigrants than the united states of america If the numbers I read to you, Mister Bayer, are not enough, what is the right number? Because roughly, roughly a billion people on this planet live on two dollars or less per day, and I imagine quite a few of them would like to immigrate to the United States. What is that number? Is i- i- is there a number? Or should they all, all all billion be able to immigrate into the United States legally or illegally?
Well, the United States ranks in the bottom third.
How much time has expired, Mister Baer, I'll give you a few seconds to respond.
The the United States ranks the bottom third of wealthy countries for its foreign-born share of the population, for the rate at which it admits people. We're a very large country. We have three hundred and thirty eight million people in here.
So the goal is, uh, the goal
One mil- one million people is a third of a percent of the population. That's half of what it was in the early twentieth century. And we survived that and thrived as a result of it. So, yes, we can allow more legal immigration to the United States. We should have processes that are fair, Yes. that allow people an opportunity to come and protect our rights as Americans. Mr. Barry.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you,
I'm sorry.
gentlemen, sir, your time is expired. Um, I'll recognize myself for f- Oh, we've got a unanimous consent request. Miss Jayapal.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
Thank you.
uh, I seek unanimous consent to enter into the record, uh, an opinion piece from our Seattle City Attorney entitled Seattle's Welcoming City Policies Keep Us Safe.
Right, without objection. I'll now recognize myself for five minutes. I'm m- mister
So we did not c- we did not uh call ICE.
The mother had to call to get him out of your community. Mister Mayoress, we keep hearing from Sheriff Kincaid, among others, that that they'd be happy to respond to a federal judicial warrant to honor a detainer request. Well, is a federal judicial warrant possible to obtain in a state crime?
No, it's not, and they know this.
And if deportation is a civil matter, how does one get a federal judicial warrant?
You can. Again, they know this.
So, they're basically lying to the public. They're they're counting on the public not understanding that what they're asking for is legally impossible.
It's legally impossible, yes, Mr. Chair.
Um, Mister Kennedy, do you find it odd that uh the Democrats are blaming ICE for not deporting uh this uh particular suspect uh who who's accused of murdering of uh Stephanie Minter? Um, and yet at the same time they refuse to notify ICE so they can deport such suspects, and they refuse to fund ICE so that they can deport such suspects.
I do find it odd, but I'm actually going to extend agreement to uh the Democratic side because I believe that Mister Jallo should never have been deported whatsoever. He should have spent the le- rest of his natural life before Stephanie Maynard's death in the Virginia Department of Corrections. And short of that, he should have been deported to Sierra Leone after he served his sentence. None of that came about. He was never sent to prison. Mister Descano said that he res- uh uh obtained a- a- a sentence for him for multiple years. He never left Fairfax County. He never was sentenced to prison. He spent time in the jail and was released because of good time credits.
We
Mister Jallo should have spent the rest of his life in prison and then been deported.
I understand, but I should, but I should have to go on. Uh, we we keep hearing these sanctuary policies enhance public safety. What have your studies shown?
Uh, that these aren't the same thing, that every single person who is injured or is a victim of a property crime, a person crime, let alone a homicide, was a completely
That's including and and and And and that's including three out of seven homicides in Fairfax County. that's including three out of seven homicides in Fairfax county. Uh, Uh, the Center for Immigration Studies looked at the escape documentation from states the Center for Immigration Studies looked at the escape documentation from states seeking reimbursement seeking reimbursement for illegal aliens held in their state prisons. They found that illegal aliens are typically at least three times as likely to be incarcerated than citizens or lawfully uh present uh aliens. Uh, Mister Mayores, um, Democrats say this is all necessary to get illegal immigrants to report crimes. But in fact, if an alien is the witness to or victim of a crime, don't they qualify for a UV visa to uh remain in this country under current law?
Well, I don't think it builds community trust either when you see a catch and release program being instituted by this Commonwealth's attorney's office that does not build trust for you to come forward to testify.
Someone's not going to report a crime if they knew that criminal is gonna be back on the streets later that afternoon to uh take vengeance. Is that correct?
That is correct. And so what you have seen is a revolving door. Every policy, Mister Descano advocates for, policies he supported in the General Assembly is to allow a revolving door changing our bond policies in Virginia, and his own personal policies that they have in Virginia is to release criminals back into the community time and time again. And we know from his official policy that he takes a gr- takes uh in fact other immigration status as well.
And And and ironically, when these criminals are released back into the community, they tend to prey on uh the illegal immigrant community, where where they've come from, do they not?
No question.
In fact, we we had uh just a case recently where uh a legal immigrant from Bangladesh had her head bashed in by an illegal Haitian national with a long rap sheet, who'd been allowed to remain in this country of uh under the TPS program. Uh, you mentioned um uh that Governor Spanberger is expected to sign legislation that would forbid cooperation with ICE. I assume that would forbid notifying ICE uh if and when Stephanie Minter's killer is released.
Correct, correct. He will be presumably uh uh in the Virginia Department of Corrections and under a current executive order As we noted, there's a uh there's no requirement of a judicial warrant. They won't notify ICE. And so despite all of her public pronouncements,
Miss Mi- uh yeah, if I just m- Miss Minter,
yes.
um, uh Sheriff Kincaid said that she didn't have in her budget to make a phone call to ICE, uh to uh to uh uh a honored detainer. Does that make you feel more safe? What's your response to Sheriff Kincaid?
Um, I think I'm just gonna start keeping a listing calling ICE myself. Might be easier.
Uh, my time's expired.
Mr. Chairman, I have a few more unanimous consent requests.
Go ahead.
Uh, ask unanimous consent to enter to the record Cato Institute, Mister Bier's policy analysis titled " Immigrants cut victimization rates and boost crime reporting."
Yes, we've seen it without rejection.
Uh, another one that is titled "Family says Virginia domestic violence victim didn't seek help due to immigration fears." And another one entitled " She testified about being raped, then ICE showed up from the Atlantic."
Without objection.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And if there's uh no further business to be brought before the committee, I want to thank our witnesses for appearing uh before the subcommittee today. Uh without objection, all members will have five legislative days to submit additional written questions for the witnesses, uh or additional materials for the record. And without objection, the hearing is adjourned.
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