House seal

House · Hearing transcript

H.R. ___, the Shut Down Sanctuary Policies Act

Thursday, March 5, 2026

Summary

  • The committee favorably reported H.R. 7640, the Shut Down Sanctuary Policies Act, as amended after rejecting all Democratic amendments on party-line roll-call votes.

  • No witnesses testified during the markup, though Chairman Jordan recognized sheriffs and law enforcement personnel attending in support of the bill.

  • Brad Knott pressed Jamie Raskin on whether states may bar sheriffs from honoring ICE detainers, with Raskin defending local control over employees.

  • Supporters said the bill conditions funds to enforce federal law, while opponents called it unconstitutional commandeering violating the Tenth Amendment.

  • The amended bill now heads to the full House, where debate over sanctuary funding, detainers, and constitutional limits will continue.

Morning digest

Get hearings like this in your inbox

Free weekday email. Unsubscribe anytime.

Hearing Details

Members Who Spoke

Free. We email you a one-time download link.

View on Congress.gov

Transcript

16:12 – 16:14

I think we can go, right? We got enough here, I think it

Unknown16:15 – 16:18

Yeah, and we're gonna do it in a minute some point, people should have to do it.

16:17 – 16:32

Yep. Committee will come to order without objection. The chair is authorized to declare recess at any time pursuant to committee rule two, house rule eleven, clause two. Chairman may postpone further proceedings today on the question.

16:46 – 16:58

I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation, one nation, under God, under God, indivisible, indivisble, with liberty and justice for all. with liberty and justice for all.

17:04 – 17:13

Presumably to notice I call up H R seventy six forty, the shutdown sanctuary policies act for purposes of mark up a move that the committee reported favorable to the house. The clerk will report the bill.

Clerk17:13 – 17:15

H R seven six.

17:14 – 17:36

Without objection, the bill will be considered as read, an open for amendment at any point. The chair now recognizes before recognizing the gentleman, the I wanna recognize our sheriffs who are uh and law enforcement personnel are here today thank you so much and from from the great state of Maryland, thank you for being here today. Uh, I know, but you're concerned about this issue. And now I wanna recognize uh the sponsor of the legislation, the gentleman from California, Mister McClintock, for an opening statement.

17:36 – 22:31

Thank you, Mister Chairman, and uh as you've noted the sheriffs are here today uh not only in support of this bill but also in uh opposition to the uh state's announcement that it will no longer enter into two eighty-seven G cooperative agreements uh with the federal government, which is what this bill is about. Uh yesterday, DHS Secretary Noem testified that in its first year, the Trump administration has deported more than a half a million illegal aliens with criminal records. And in the same year, we've seen record drops in crime across our country, including the lowest homicide rate in one hundred and twenty-five years. It turns out that when you remove a half million criminals from our streets, crime goes down. Who would have thought it? But not if the Democrats had had their way. As the chairman said yesterday, one third of the American population lives in so-called sanctuary jurisdictions, controlled by the Democrats, which forbid law enforcement from cooperating with federal authorities. These policies specifically protect illegal aliens who have criminal records, who are taken into custody by local law enforcement, from being turned over to federal authorities for deportation. Instead, the Democrats release them back into our communities. It should come as no surprise that when the President put the proposition to them that the first responsibility of the government should be to protect American citizens and not illegal aliens the Democrats just glared back at him. The Angel families who visited us yesterday were heartbreaking silent testimony to the human toll the Democrats' open border policies have taken on American families. In my congressional district in rural California, Every county sheriff wants to cooperate with federal authorities to remove illegal aliens from their communities. In fact, last year, the Tulare County Sheriff, who's in the next district over from mine, testified to our subcommittee that half of the crimes that his department deals with are being committed by illegal aliens. But state law forbids local law enforcement from cooperating with ICE in any way. Meanwhile, the federal government sends millions of dollars for federal law enforcement purposes to the state of California that refuses to enforce federal law. H. R. seventy-six forty is a game changer. It preempts sanctuary laws that forbid law enforcement officers from cooperating with federal immigration authorities. It allows local jurisdictions to enter into agreements directly with the federal government to enforce immigration law. It protects law enforcement officers who cooperate from ICE from being sued or fined for upholding the law. It allows victims of criminal illegals released by sanctuary jurisdictions to sue them for damages caused by these releases, and it takes the federal law enforcement funds away from sanctuary jurisdictions and gives these funds instead to those jurisdictions who are actually enforcing federal law. The chairman's pointed out that eleven states have declared themselves uh separate uh from federal law. Ironically, That's the same number of states in the old Confederacy. They both revived the - the discredited doctrine of nullification that we thought had died with the Confederacy, the notion that a state can simply ignore or nullify a federal law that it doesn't like. That notion is fatal to a federal republic like ours. It is time to bury that doctrine once and for all. To the sheriffs and deputies and police officers who've been forced by sanctuary laws, to endanger their citizens by releasing dangerous criminals back into their communities, this bill is for you. To the angel families who have lost loved ones because sanctuary jurisdictions deliberately set loose the monsters that then killed or assaulted or raped, or robbed, or maimed, or injured your loved ones, this bill is for you. To Americans across the country who found yourselves at the mercy of criminal gangs imported by the Democrats' open border policies, this bill is for you. I hope Americans will pay attention to the debate that's about to unfold. If you watch, it will become crystal clear that the Democrats are actively fighting to return criminals into our communities, rather than to deport them as the law requires and as common sense commands. This specifically applies to illegal aliens who not only have no right to be here, but to a specific class of illegal aliens, those who have been arrested or convicted or committed of other crimes, and are already in the custody of law enforcement. Should they be released back into our streets? Or should they be deported back to their own countries and never be allowed to menace ours again? That is the question before us. With that, Mr. Sh- uh, Chairman, I yield back.

22:32 – 22:36

Gentleman yields back. Uh, the ranking members now recognize for an opening statement.

22:35 – 30:37

And thank you kindly, Mr. Chairman, and uh, welcome to uh our sheriffs and other law enforcement who've joined us here today. Um. The gentleman from California, uh, rushed to give President Trump credit for dramatic decreases in violent crime that have been taking place over the last several years long before he ever got to office. Beginning in twenty twenty two, under President Biden, the country experienced a major reduction in homicide and violent crime. Um, that trend continued in twenty twenty three, twenty twenty four. By twenty twenty four, nationwide murders had dropped by twenty six percent since the peak in twenty twenty, with twenty twenty four having the largest one-year drop in murders ever recorded in American history. On the day that Trump was inaugurated, crime had fallen to sixty year lows. So it's true that the downward trend has continued despite the fact that the Trump administration as everybody in this committee knows, um, cut hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to state and local law enforcement and victims' organizations um as soon as they got into office. That's the w- that was the first thing that we were fighting about in this committee, when Doge and Elon Musk cut hundreds of millions of dollars in grants that had already been slated for our communities and for our state governments. But look, let's get to the question of the bill before us today. Now, we often say in our committee that to believe in the Constitution, is to respect it and defend it, even if it gets in the way of your momentary political passions, or your party conferences' policy agenda. So who will stand up for the tenth amendment, the right of the people in our state and local governments not to be conscripted and coerced into service and commandeered by the federal government to implement federal policies? chosen at a different level of government. You might love what ICE has been doing in Minneapolis. You might hate it. You might love the idea of sanctuary cities or you might hate it. But regardless, this bill goes way beyond sanctuary cities. This bill is a full-blown assault on the tenth amendment of the constitution. It's an attempt to force every state and local government in America to turn every sheriff police officer and other public employee, not just for the question of detainers in sanctuary, which is what our friends keep talking about, but for every other aspect of immigration law into an agent of the federal government and of this administration's uh basically incompetent and dangerous immigration operations. It's not enough for our colleagues, the DHS now has more than eighty thousand police officers of its own, more than the number of officers in New York, Chicago, LA, Houston, Washington DC, Baltimore, Las Vegas and Dallas combined, or that it is a larger annual budget than a hundred and fifty nations on earth, they now also wanna force every local state and police officer in America essentially to be deputized federal law uh law enforcement agents with respect to immigration, to participate in their operations, and to follow their policy orders. Now, fortunately, we don't have to argue this from the beginning because there's a Supreme Court decision right on point from nineteen ninety seven, Prince versus United States, which are, I'm sure our friends in law enforcement know well, where Justice Scalia decided for the court that the federal government may not compel state and local governments and state and local officials to enforce and implement federal laws. The decision struck down the provision of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act that required local law enforcement like sheriffs and police chiefs to cooperate with the ATF and the FBI to conduct violent criminal, fugitive, and illegal alien background checks. on all handgun purchasers in America. The purpose of the uh legislation was of course to prevent the violence and the bloodshed of innocent Americans caused by hundreds of thousands or millions of unqualified applicants obtaining a firearm. So there was a very clear public safety rationale. But the Supreme Court held that despite the fact that it actually would improve public safety and reduce violence, congressional commandeering of state and local officials, state and local governments, and state and local taxpayer resources violates the Tenth Amendment principles of federalism and dual sovereignty, the separate political sovereignty of the states and local governments. The Constitution simply does not grant Congress the power to force state executives to administer federal programs even for a paramount or excellent public safety purpose, like saving lives of the people as the Brady background check, indisputably did, and it's the Supreme Court accepted for the sake of arguments, but they said it violated the Constitution. It was sheriffs J. Prince of Montana and Richard Mack of Arizona who challenged the federal requirement, arguing that it unconstitutionally compelled them as local law enforcement officials to implement federal laws. The court found that coercing state officials and local officials to enforce federal laws violates the sovereignty and the integrity of state and local governments under the Tenth Amendment blurring the critical lines of political accountability in the American federalist system and conscripting state and local taxpayers to subsidize federal priorities with their limited local tax dollars and revenue so the bill before us today would do the exact same thing. Um, it pro- it would pro- prohibit states from having any laws or policies that set any limits on how much time and resources state and local officers would spend on federal immigration law enforcement what could be a greater assault on state and local government than saying that these local officials can be conscripted and then supervised by the federal government, which is going to immunize them now for any lawsuits that might uh ensue, uh to do the bidding of the federal government. So uh they also throw in uh th- uh another uh cardinal unconstitutional feature a Godfather offer, what the Supreme Court has called an " unconstitutional condition" here in effort to condition a community or a state's receipt of federal funding, on the surrender of a tenth amendment power. In another decision, National Federation of Independent Business versus Sebelius, the court noted that the tenth amendment's prohibition holds true whether Congress directly commands a state to regulate or indirectly coerces a state to adopt a federal regulatory system as its own. This bill would defund state and local police departments simply because they dare to require that all of their employees' time be used to be working on state and local laws, rather than federal laws. So, uh, my my friends, again, let's not confuse the policy question from the constitutional question. I would hope that everybody here on the committee who believes in the tenth amendment as well as the second amendment implicated, uh, in the Prince case would stand up for these constitutional principles and I yield back to you, Mister Chairman.

30:38 – 30:45

Gentleman yields back without objection. All other opening statements will be included in the record. The chair now recognizes the gentleman.

30:48 – 30:50

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

30:49 – 30:51

Clerk will report the amendment.

Clerk30:51 – 30:52

Amendment in the nature of a substitute.

30:52 – 31:01

Without objection, the amendment in the nature of a substitute will be considered as read and shall be considered as base text for the purposes of amendment. The chair now recognizes the gentleman from California to explain the amendment.

31:01 – 32:36

Thank you, uh, Mr. Chairman, fir- first in response to the ranking member who wants to complete this bill with previous laws that the Supreme Court have held unconstitutional is simply it's not the case. This bill does not command law enforcement officers to do anything or take part in any federal activities, such as conducting background checks as in Prince versus United States. It does not compel them to enact or enforce a federal regulatory program, such as taking title of nuclear waste as in New York versus United States. And it does not dictate what a state legislature may and may not do, such as prohibiting state authorization of sporting gambling, as was uh clear in Murphy versus a National Collegiate Athletic Association. This bill does not issue an order directly to state and local jurisdictions. Instead, the bill simply says that if you restrict or prohibit the federal government from doing its job to enforce federal immigration law, you cannot receive related federal grant funding. There's no compulsion, no command, no commandeering. In fact, i- it is sanctuary states and cities that want to commandeer federal law by undermining the federal government's immigration enforcement every step of the way. This bill's careful structure is permissible under Supreme Court precedent, and I urge my colleagues to reject the this uh a false argument. And now to the amendment in the nature of a substitute, it simply makes a small technical change to the uh short title, and clarifies that sanctuary city victims or their families may pursue a civil action against jurisdictions for harm that occurred before the enactment of this act. I yield back.

32:37 – 32:39

Gentleman yields back. Who seeks recognition?

32:39 – 32:40

General Lee, I'll show you.

32:41 – 32:43

gentlelady from Washington is recognized.

32:43 – 37:29

Thank you, Mister Chairman, it's been one month since we saw DHS officials kill two people in cold blood in Minnesota. We've seen countless US citizens detained and beaten for exercising their First Amendment rights. We've seen ICE agents break down doors of US citizens without a warrant in violation of the Fourth Amendment. And we just found out ICE agents admitted to killing another US citizen in San Antonio last year. But instead of addressing these egregious abuses or making sure that every federal officer acts in accordance with the fourth amendment, we're taking up this bill to force every single state and local law enforcement agency to act as immigration agents. And let's be clear, that is what we're doing by withholding these federal funds if you don't like the policies that state legislatures implement. And let's be clear, this bill is an even more radical version of the bill the majority moved nine years ago. passed their big bad betrayal bill, giving DHS a hundred and seventy five billion dollars to conduct immigration enforcement. DHS has plenty of money to hire all the new immigration enforcement agents they want, but Republicans now wanna force state and local authorities to join them in their lawless actions. So let's talk about what this bill does, because this is not merely about allowing cooperation. This bill would coerce state and local law enforcement to help them round up immigrants, by threatening to cut off law enforcement funds if they do not comply. Even though multiple courts have held that this is illegal, and numerous research studies and law enforcement officials have confirmed that keeping the long-standing distinction between federal immigration and local law enforcement helps keep communities safer. Moreover, detainers raise serious concerns as they are not orders from judges, and they often don't have sufficient probable cause. They are simply requests for local law enforcement agencies to hold individuals in custody for up to forty-eight hours. And this is not necessarily for people who have a final order of removal, as Republicans on the other side stated during the Christy Nome hearing yesterday. In fact, that's often not the case at all. Detainers have been issued for US citizens, including one US citizen who was detained for one thousand two hundred and seventy-three days. Ultimately, adopting welcoming policies and refusing to comply with detainers protects local law enforcement from being held liable for unlawful arrests and detention. Immigration enforcement is the job of the federal government, not states, not cities, not localities. There are many reasons that law enforcement themselves choose not to enforce immigration law. In twenty nineteen, my home state of Washington passed the Keep Washington Working Act. with bipartisan support. It is a common sense law to ensure that local police remain focused on public safety rather than enforcing federal immigration law. We know that when local police act as immigration agents, immigrant communities and their families are much less likely to come forward to report a crime when they are a witness or even a victim. It destroys the trust police the trust that police r- rely on to preserve public safety and communities. And courts have ruled multiple times that states have the right to enact laws like Keep Washington Working Act. Our law does allow information sharing with the federal government when necessary for an ongoing criminal investigation or pursuant to a court order, or a judicial warrant. That is how we as a state decided to handle immigration enforcement, because we wanted to ensure that our limited resources went to protecting our citizens not rounding up students, fathers, mothers, kids and law-abiding community members. And I fully support my state's effort to ensure that everyone in our state follows our law. Now, we're not alone. Many states like California, New Jersey, Oregon, Illinois, and Colorado have made similar choices. And I would like to point out that no law enforcement organizations support this legislation. That is because organizations like the Major Cities Chiefs Association has repeatedly reaffirmed that across the country, If law enforcement officers are viewed by members of the immigrant community as colluding or working with immigration law enforcement officers, this would result in increased crime against immigrant, this is a quote, result in increased crime against immigrants in the broader community, create a class of silent victims, and eliminate the potential for assistance from immigrants in solving crimes or preventing future future terroristic attacks. Now, we already have a problem with how people are seeing

37:54 – 37:57

Uh, Uh, gentlemen, gentlemen, it yields back, it yields back, the gentleman from Texas to recognize. the gentleman from Texas to recognize.

38:01 – 39:52

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to emphasize that all this bill does is to make sure that local jurisdictions cannot shield the truly bad hombres from deportation, who need to be deported. They have no business in our country. Zero. I'm an old sheriff. I'm with you all. This right here is what is what I mean by bad hombres, right? Here we have a few that ICE picked up. In and around my district. Jose, from Mexico, arrested Harris County. Practiced dentistry without a license. Sexually assaulted one of his patients, this guy right here. Juan, from Mexico, arrested in my county, Fort Penn County, indecency with a child. There he is. Jose, he's from Ecuador, arrested in Katy, Texas. Assault and larceny. Juan Garcia, Mexico, arrested in Harris County. Assault on a family member by strangulation. Would you like to have him in your family? Look at this guy. Carlos, from Honduras, arrested in Harris County. Sexual assault of a child. We know the Republican Party, we wanna protect the American people. That's what Donald Trump wants to do. Protect the American people from these bad hombres. They wanna let them in. It's quite clear. We know who wants to let these guys in. Thang Lea from Vietnam, arrested in Katy. A lot of forgery. You sure know what I'm talking about dealing with all the forgery we have. Anyone that does not support this bill thinks these ki- types of people, these individuals, should be allowed to remain in our country and continue to prey on the American people. It is stupidity at its core Donald Trump now has to clean up the mess. With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.

39:53 – 39:56

Gentleman yields back. The gentlelady from Georgia is recognized.

40:00 – 40:05

Uh, Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Chairman, I I'm not sure if we're ready to have an amendment at the desk. I'm sorry, I'm sorry, I'm sorry. I'm So. I'm sorry.

40:05 – 40:07

Hmm. Who seeks recognition?

40:06 – 40:07

Who seeks recognition?

40:07 – 40:09

Gentleman from Tennessee is recognized.

40:07 – 40:08

Gentleman from Tennessee is recognized.

40:07 – 40:07

Thank you.

40:09 – 42:01

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Yesterday we had a committee meeting. We had Christine Ohm sitting right down there. Behind her were all these people who had, family members who had been killed by illegal i- immigrants, I guess. And I expressed my sorrow for what they went through. I don't think anybody else on this dais did that. They might have, but I did, because I I thought they were here and we ought to express our sorrow, and show that they're here and we recognize them. And then I said, and I don't know exactly, cuz I haven't gone back to look at it, I said that they were just as likely or more likely to have their family members attacked or killed by a person who was born in America and an American citizen, because the facts show that immigrants, illegal immigrants commit less crime than people born in America. That's a justice report report from twenty t- twenty four, and a newspaper report that I had for my city and my state. They commit less crime. That was all. And then the Department of Homeland Security has a front page, a story about me suggesting I did something terrible for these people, because Kristi Noem interpreted it that way. I didn't talk about her killing her dog, which was awful an indication of her behavior. I didn't talk about the fact that She hasn't had investigations from the people who killed Mr. Preti or Miss Good. No investig- she says, " Oh, the FBI's doing it." You know. She should have done it. Law enforcement should have their own people do it. They should have an internal affairs department. But that was ridiculous.

42:03 – 42:03

Hmm.

42:03 – 45:15

Then I got back to my office yesterday afternoon, Mr. Chairman, and I had a Baptist minister from Memphis, one of the m- most respected Baptist ministers in Memphis in my office, letting me know that two Afghans in Memphis who have done nothing wrong and are members of his church and are Christians, have been picked up by ICE. One man was picked up. He'd done nothing wrong. He'd been in the country for many years. He'd been an interpreter for our troops in Afghanistan. And they took him to the airport and had him call his wife and bring their children to the airport with her to be with him. And they did that and they flew them to Billy, Texas, where they're currently being held. Four Afghan Christians. And they were taken with no criminal offenses that they'd committed. They came in this country legally. Now our president irrationally asked all Afghans to be sent out of this country, no matter what they did for our troops, after one crazy Afghan killed an RR uh reservist here. That was terrible, but there was no reason to take every Afghan who's been in this country legally and had helped us as interpreters and send them back to Afghanistan where they'd be killed. I don't know where they're gonna send them. And then another person, an individual who is a member of his church, young man picked up, sent to Louisiana, and they wanted to port him to Brazil. There are reasons why s- cities don't wanna cooperate with ICE. ICE has become and is recognized as the worst agency in this government. They have no respect for citizens. They do not act like law enforcement. Law enforcement acts with regard for people and to serve you. They wear badges, they have their names on their uniforms, they don't have masks on, and they don't just come up and break your window and pull you out. And they don't shoot you in the face or shoot you in the back ten times, when you've done nothing wrong, certainly nothing violent. But they did nothing wrong, Miss Gooder, Miss Prattie. Nothing that a law enforcement officer would kill them for, because they can only use deadly force under certain circumstances. ICE has gotten totally out of control and this committee needs to deal with it. It's the most un-American committee we probably, pol- a law enforcement type unit we've ever had. It's really not law enforcement, it's a paramilitary group. And if you'd look up the definition of paramilitary, which I did, that's what ICE is. We have a paramilitary group operating on our streets in America, taking people's rights away and treating them and killing them without any oversight. And and and absolutely it's misnomer's fault. She needs to be impeached. If she doesn't resign, she does need to be impeached because she is a discredit to this government and to her president. It was said that she didn't fire the head of the counterintelligence group that deals with Iran. He was fired by the FBI, but they said he she didn't fire him because Mister Leondowski said that would reflect poorly on her, who h- she hired him, if she fired him. Well, she reflects poorly on Donald Trump. I yield back.

45:16 – 45:19

Gentleman yields back. The gentleman from Arizona is recognized.

45:19 – 50:21

Thank you, Mister Chairman, imagine a convicted child rapist and self-admitted gang member released from prison because a sanctuary jurisdiction ignored a federal detainer or a trained Delaware suspect with a history of assaults and threats freed despite mandatory detention requirements. Or an aggravated felon deported four times, released three separate times by a local jail that refused to honor ICE's request. These are not hypotheticals. Those things really happened. And many of these stories have tragic endings, and that is the reality of sanctuary policies. The crazy attempt at logic that angel families would be more likely to be harmed by US citizens is flawed. Why is it flawed? Because they weren't harmed by US citizens. They were harmed by illegal aliens that had ice holes that should have been detained. That's asinine. That argument is asinine. Laken Riley, twenty-two year old nursing student, was murdered while jogging near her campus. Her killer was unlawfully present in the US. Rachel Morin, a mother of five, was brutally raped and murdered on a hiking trail in Maryland. Her killer had entered this country illegally and remained here. Jocelyn Nungary, just twelve years old, was sexually assaulted and murdered. Two Venezuelan nationals unlawfully present in the United President in the United States have been charged Laura Wilkerson, Javier Harvey Vega, Junior, Lizbeth Medina, Dakara Thompson, Nate Baker, Fletcher Harris, Skyler Provenza, Ivory Smith, Rocky Jones, and my constituent, namesake of my legislation to end the catch-and-release program, Grant Ronebeck. The list goes on and on. of victims of illegal aliens, many of whom were in custody but were released by sanctuary cities. This is a small sample of all the victims killed by criminal illegal aliens, who never, never should have been allowed in this country. The radical left has made it clear that they do not care about protecting US citizens. They're interested in in protecting illegal aliens. From October twenty twenty two through early twenty twenty five, state and local jurisdictions declined more than twenty five thousand ICE detainers. ICE data showed that sanctuary jurisdictions have released individuals charged with homicide, sexual assault, weapons offenses, and serious gang activities. In one case, a violent offender with twenty eight prior arrests was released after multiple detainers were ignored. Fifteen of those arrests occurred after the first detainer. that was ignored. In another, a previously deported criminal alien was released repeatedly, only to go on and al- and allegedly commit rape. These are not policy disagreements. These are public safety failures. These are bad policy failures. These are bad leadership. And it is just, as my friend from Texas said, the core of stupidity. Federal immigration immigration law is not optional. The Supreme Court has made clear that immigration enforcement federal responsibility. And eight USC section thirteen seventy-three prohibits state and local governments from restricting the sharing of immigration status information with federal authorities and yet sanctuary jurisdictions do exactly that. They violate federal law. Federal law also prohibits harboring or shielding removable aliens from detection. Yet sanctuary jurisdictions do exactly that. They prohibi- they harbor and shield removable aliens from detention. They're violating federal law. More than two hundred sanctuary juris jurisdictions openly, openly defy federal law. They nullify federal authority in practice while demanding federal funding in return. There is no obligation for the federal government to continue funding these sanctuary jurisdictions, and that's one of the reasons I support this bill. President Trump and his administration are enforcing the tools Congress provided. Secretary Noem, Borders, R. Holman, and ICE are restoring accountability. and delivering results. But executive action alone cannot overcome sys- systematic obstruction at the local level. That's why HR seventy six forty, i- the Shut Down Sanctuary Policies Act is necessary. Why would you do that anyway? This bill prohibits sanctuary laws that restrict cooperation with federal immigration authorities. It withholds key federal law enforcement grants, including cops, burn JAG funds from jurisdictions that refuse to comply with federal laws. It clarifies probable cause standards for detainers and provides legal protection to off- officers who cooperate in good faith. And importantly, it creates a private right of action so that victims of crimes committed by r- uh released criminal uh aliens can seek accountability. This restores the rule of law. And, Mister Chairman, I would also urge us to bring HR seventy-two hundred, which requires E-verify before a state issues a CDL to the to this committee for mark-up and take it to the floor. With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.

50:22 – 50:26

The gentleman yields back. The gentlelady from uh Georgia is recognized.

50:31 – 50:33

Mr. Chair, I have an amendment to do.

50:33 – 50:34

Clerk will report the amendment.

50:35 – 50:44

Okay. Amendment to the amendment in the nature of

50:43 – 50:46

Not objection, the amendment will be considered as read.

50:47 – 50:48

Reserve point of order.

50:48 – 50:53

Gentleman from Arizona reserves a point of order. The gentlelady from Georgia is recognized to explain the amendment.

50:54 – 51:38

Thank you, Mister Chair, and once again I'd like to reiterate what the ranking member did say, and I will quote him once again. "Who will stand up for the tenth amendment, the right of the people in their state and their local governments not to be conscripted and coerced into service and command commandeered by the federal government to implement implement federal policies?" So, Mister Chairman, to undergird this truth, my amendment is very, very straightforward. It strikes areas in the bill that would render ineligible any state or local government that chooses under its will as determined by the Constitution to leave federal immigration enforcement to federal agents. Removing this provision prevents the unnecessary loss of funding

51:37 – 51:38

This is

51:38 – 55:56

for multi-jurisdictional anti-drug anti-trafficking and anti-gang task forces. It protects resources that departments rely on to hire officers, train personnel, and keep communities safe. This bill is a constitutional violation of the tenth amendment. Plain and simple, the party of states' rights that once believed states should have the power to determine their own laws, yet again seeks to override state law and coerce state and local law enforcement into carrying out federal immigration enforcement. responsibility that belongs to the federal or go federal government. Talk about overreach and bullying? This bill is an attempt to bully states into compliance by threatening to wipe out critical public safety funding unless they redirect their limited personnel and resources to several federal priorities. In my home state of Georgia, home to the busiest airport in the world, we face constant public safety threats. including sex trafficking, labor trafficking, and drug trafficking that are tackled by a number of partnerships. Our state and local law enforcement officers operate a number of dedicated task force that focus on anti-human trafficking operations, drug interdiction, anti-gang operations, and other major crimes. Burn Jag grants provide funding for these partnership and task forces and for life-saving equipment training officers and hiring and retaining officers and other personnel, all this good that this funding provides, and yet this bill threatens to end it all because certain localities choose not to force non-federal law enforcement officers to do a federal job, a choice that is theirs to make because of the Constitution. These grants also support drug treatment initiatives and crime prevention programs, For a party that's claiming to be so tough on crime, taking a step to eliminate funding from all of these programs seems counter-intuitive. I'll lay it out plainly. Reducing investments in prevention, enforcement and rehabilitation does not strengthen public safety. It makes it worse. It weakens it. Every year, ten million people in this country are subjected to domestic violence. On average, it takes about seven times for a person to leave an abusive relationship for good. Over the course of that time, law enforcement is able to help with programs and assistance that's provided and supported by Burn Jag. Domestic violence does not disappear based on the city's immigration enforcement policy. Victims of domestic violence can be anyone from anywhere. Diverting already understaffed departments away from responding to domestic violence calls or dismailing the sex trafficking networks in order to perform federal immigration functions does not protect It leaves them more vulnerable and at higher risks of violence. This country is facing a nationwide law enforcement shortage. We have long recognized the need to support you, the state, local and tribal agencies through hiring and training programs. This is why the Cops on the Beat program was enacted and funded for you. Yet this bill threatens to fo- withhold that very support from you, the states and localities that exercise their constitutional authority to set their own enforcement priorities. This bill does not encourage partnerships or collaboration. It coerces unwilling partners, participants instead. The suction of this bill is a stick, it's not a carrot, that would force states to stretch their tight buts budgets even further in the name of federal immigration enforcement or face crippling financial consequences. It will erode trust between our communities and law enforcement that we have all worked to improve, making our communities less safe and divide our communities and law enforcement even further apart. I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of my amendment and to keep both our communities and you our officers safe. And I yield.

55:57 – 56:00

Gentleman yields back. The gentleman from California, Mr. McClintock, is recognized.

56:03 – 56:08

Uh, thank you, uh, Mr. Chairman. Um, first first of all, let me uh

56:07 – 56:08

Hey, what's that? Did we r- r-

56:08 – 56:10

respond to the gentlelady from Washington who

56:10 – 56:10

Draw a time? Draw.

56:11 – 56:12

decry-

56:11 – 56:15

Draw a point of order. That gentleman from California's recognizer.

56:15 – 1:00:24

Thank you. Uh, first I'd like to uh address the argument of the gentlelady from from Washington who decries the violence that we've seen on the streets of Minneapolis as sanctuary jurisdiction uh we all decry that violence but we've not seen it in jurisdictions that cooperate with law enforcement. Texas, which cooperates with ISIS, ten times the deportation rates per capita as we see in Minnesota without the violent incidents by lawless mobs that are incited and inflamed and encouraged by these new Confederate Democrats. And as Abraham Lincoln said, there is no grievance that is a fit object for redress by mob law. If the Democrats really want to stop the violence, the answer is to cooperate with federal authorities to turn over criminal illegal aliens when they're already in custody and can be transferred without the necessity of law enforcement officers going back out into the field tracking them down when they're at large. If the Democrats really want to stop the violence, they should stop their incendiary rhetoric demonizing federal law enforcement as stormtroopers, kidnappers, and Nazis. We've already heard a little of that rhetoric today. If the Democrats really want to protect immigrant communities, they should cheer. federal law enforcement is they remove dangerous criminals from the very neighborhoods where there are high concentrations of immigrants. These crimes are disproportionately committed in immigrant communities against immigrants. Now the gentleman from Tennessee says that illegal immigrants commit less crimes in the general population. They they they love to say that. Well, my first response is tell that to all of the angel families who were here yesterday. Put aside the fact that illegal aliens shouldn't be in this country to commit these crimes in the first place, their claim is simply untrue. The Democrats loved to cite a study of Texas inmates to support this outrageous claim. But that report deceptively classifies suspects when they're initially arrested, when we don't know their legal status, and then ignores the numbers when they're ultimately identified as illegal immigrants. When the Federation for American Immigration Reform looked at the reimbursement requests, from states for the cost of locking up illegal aliens. They found that illegals are two hundred and thirty-one percent more likely to be jailed for crimes in California, four hundred forty percent more likely in New Jersey, sixty percent more likely in Texas. Last year, NYPD officials said that most of the crimes they were dealing with involved illegal, uh, aliens. The Tulare County Sheriff testified to our subcommittee last year that half the crimes he's dealing with involved illegal aliens, including the Sinaloa cartel that's insinuated itself deeply into our communities. And yet the Democrats use this utterly debunked lie to argue in favor of not deporting illegal aliens who've been arrested for committing crimes in our communities, and who have no legal right to be here, uh, and that the law requires be removed from our our country. It's astonishing to me that Democrats would use such discredited claims to argue that we should keep these criminals on our streets and preying on our people, and on our immigrant communities as well. As to the amendment before us, it makes no sense for the federal government to provide millions of dollars of federal law enforcement funds to jurisdictions that refuse to enforce federal law. This this does not eliminate the funding. It simply redirects it from jurisdictions that choose not to enforce federal law, and gives it instead to those jurisdictions that choose to enforce federal law. The Supreme Court has made it clear that incident to its spending power, Congress may attach conditions on the receipt of federal funds, and has repeatedly employed the power to further broad policy objectives by conditioning receipt of federal funds upon compliance by the recipient with the federal statutory and administrative uh directives. That's a direct quote from the Supreme Court. Even the far-left Ninth Circuit has acknowledged that Congress has the authority to condition federal funds on compliance with federal immigration law, That's precisely what this bill does. I yield back.

1:00:26 – 1:00:29

Yields back. The gentleman from Maryland is recognized.

1:00:29 – 1:03:42

Thank you, Mister Chairman, I rise in strong support of the amendment offered by the General Lady from Georgia. As always, Mrs. McBath is a woman after my own heart, but she goes right to the heart of the issue, which is the sovereignty, the integrity of our state and local governments under the constitutional system. Now there are at least two unconstitutional features to this legislation. One is the one at issue in this commencement, which is the Godfather offer, saying that if the states and localities don't accept this dictate from on high, uh, by the federal government, then they will lose federal funding that comes from their tax dollars along with the tax dollars of other American citizens. The other provision, um, is the the somewhat, uh, sneakier one, which, uh, purports to avoid this direct conflict with the tenth amendment by establishing a right of state and local officials to participate in the administration of federal laws, which is very strange because after all, state and local employees report to state and local governments who pay their salaries, and yet this right is apparently unlimited. But in any event, we'll come to that one later. Ms. McBath says, obviously under all the Supreme Court precedents, you've gotta get rid of this godfather offer because you can't do indirectly what you could not do directly. And I would really recommend that, uh, all of, uh, our colleagues who still care about Supreme Court case law and interpretation of the Constitution, read Justice Alito's opinion in Murphy versus, uh, NCAA from two thousand eighteen. He points out that the legislative powers granted to Congress are sizable, but they're not unlimited. We are a a body of defined enumerated powers, and all powers not expressly delegated to the Congress of the United States, are reserved to the states and the people in the tenth amendment. The anti-commandeering doctrine, writes Justice Alito, simply represents the recognition of this limit on congressional authority for people who are still interested in the original constitutional design. Well, what's the purpose behind the anti-commandeering doctrine? Justice Alito spells it out very finely. First, the rule serves as one of the Constitution's structural protections of liberty. The Constitution does not protect the sovereignty of the states for the benefit just of the states or state governments as abstract political entities. To the contrary, it divides authority between the federal government and the state governments for the protection of individual freedom, the liberty of the people. Second, the anti-commandeering rule promotes political accountability. Because the local and uh state officials are elected locally, and they must be responsible to the people, not responsible to Congress or federal bureaucrats who are controlling them. And third, just as Alito says, the anti-commandeering principle prevents Congress from shift- from shifting the cost of federal regulation to the states and localities.

1:03:41 – 1:03:42

Will the gentleman yield?

1:03:42 – 1:03:43

By all means.

1:03:43 – 1:03:56

Uh, One of the questions I've got, and I appreciate your your summary of the law, I disagree with pieces of it, but this bill is aiming to make it um to prevent states from making it illegal from cooperating.

1:03:56 – 1:03:57

Yes.

1:03:56 – 1:04:09

Right? There's no compulsion, it just says you cannot decline enforcement, you cannot decline making it illegal to enforce. And as you well know, there there are multiple examples of cross-jurisdictional assistances, whether it's drug enforcement,

1:04:09 – 1:04:09

Yes.

1:04:09 – 1:04:12

violent crime. So, it it's it's

1:04:11 – 1:05:31

Well, then this is why the Thank you. Uh, but let me answer it because the Br- the the Alito decision in Murphy answers precisely your point cuz that was the structure of the legislation that was the issue there where the federal law prohibited state authorization of sports gambling is the Congress said we don't want you to authorize this practice. It's like the sanctuary law. We don't want you to authorize something we disagree with. And the Supreme Court said, even though it doesn't compel an affirmative act by the state or local government, you are interfering with state and local policy when you do that. So I think it will resolve your question completely when you read uh the Alito decision here. But in any event, that that goes to the more subtle point, which we will come to in a moment. I've got something about the tenth amendment directly. Ms. McBath's amendment is about the very clear point. Okay, so in the Brady Act case, the Congress said all of the sheriffs and local police officers and local government must participate in background checks. And the Supreme Court said you can't compel the state and local governments to use their time that way directly. It would be as if we said, " Oh, okay, we'll do it indirectly. If you don't accept that system, we're gonna cut you off from federal funding." And that's exactly what this does. So I th- Yeah.

1:05:30 – 1:05:42

So, hypothetically, could a state say to a local sheriff, you cannot hand someone over pursuant to a federal detainer. Is that legal under under the the ranking members' theory?

1:05:42 – 1:05:43

Good question.

1:05:43 – 1:05:58

The, wha- what the states and localities can do is control the conduct of their own officers. And the federal government has the power to enforce the immigration law however it wants it's got hundreds of billions of dollars it can do it however it wants.

1:05:58 – 1:05:58

Right.

1:05:58 – 1:06:00

So you think that the state can make it illegal

1:05:59 – 1:05:59

The

1:06:00 – 1:06:02

for a sheriff to hand over an illegal alien?

1:06:02 – 1:06:07

No, uh, well, I I don't I don't know that any of them are structured that way, but in any event,

1:06:07 – 1:06:08

What happened in eleven states.

1:06:07 – 1:06:16

what what they can say is state and local governments, uh, have the power to control the time and the conduct and the behavior of their employees.

1:06:16 – 1:06:17

Appreciate the indulgence.

1:06:17 – 1:06:17

Yeah.

1:06:17 – 1:06:17

Thank you.

1:06:17 – 1:06:24

Uh, that that's exactly what they've done in eleven states, what you just described, uh, what the gentleman from North Carolina just described. The gentleman from Kansas is recognized.

1:06:26 – 1:10:53

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I've One of the things I love about the Judiciary Committee is that on at least rare occasions we actually do debate the law, uh, unlike what happens around here. um, so often in in this body. And uh, at least in part, this appears to be one of those occasions. I uh, uh, I have I have not joined really any caucuses since I've been here, but I'm thinking about uh reaching out to some of my my Democrat friends with their newfound enthusiasm for the tenth amendment and think maybe we ought to ought to start a tenth amendment, bipartisan uh caucus, so we can talk about that. Uh, during the years I represented the state of Kansas uh on a lot of federal powers issues, we cited prints frequently. I my client was an amicus in Murphy versus NCAA, and on the unconstitutional conditions issue on the appropriation power, uh, we were a plaintiff in the case that eventually became NFIB versus Sibelius. I was in the courtroom when that was argued. I remember the moment that the Chief Justice, uh, leaned forward when arguing counsel for our side, uh, made the point that there had been a letter sent by the then-secretary of HHS to, I believe it was the state of Arizona, I could be mistaken, to a state uh, clarifying that the language Congress had enacted did not just condition additional funds this was the Obamacare case, by the way. Uh, I'm sure my friend was on the other side of that, uh, in terms of what he wanted the outcome to be. But in any event, um, uh, the, uh, clarifying that Congress had in fact conditioned the entirety of federal Medicaid funding on a state's decision to expand, uh, Medicaid eligibility, not conditioned only the additional portion funding that would accompany eligibility uh for what were functionally able-bodied adults without dependence. That was dispositive, and that's what the court held in NFIB versus Sibelius. That's what the court decided, and the language is what where's the line between that condition which is coercive versus that condition which just incents voluntary cooperation. Uh, I would suggest as to the amendment that's pending before us, we are nowhere close to that line. Uh, as the gentleman from California pointed out in his earlier, Mister McClintock, uh, this is not some sort of wide-sweeping prohibition on federal funding. It's not even a sweeping prohibition on federal funding for law enforcement activities that goes to states or locals. It is simply saying if we are going to use federal funds to support state and local law enforcement operations, it is reasonable to expect the state and local jurisdictions that receive those funds to not engage in the enforcement but to at least not impede the enforcement of federal law, which is what's happening uh in these eleven states right now. Mr. Chairman, when I served in state office we had exactly this debate in the state of Kansas. So when I was the Attorney General we had some uh local jurisdictions, municipalities that adopted safe and welcoming ordinances, local sanctuary ordinances. Um and I worked with our legislature. We ultimately persuaded them to adopt a state-level preemption statute that forbids our local units of government from having these policies. If the state wanted to, they still could, but our state in common sense doesn't want to do that. And I just want to sort of close this argument with this point. Um, uh, you know, I had some very good friends who have a more liberal mindset who were very upset with me after that debate back in twenty twenty-two in the state of Kansas. They were big advocates for these local sanctuary ordinances. They'd worked on them in some cases. They were they were really furious. In fact, one of them who I'd known for many years, I didn't speak with for a couple of years, I ran into him earlier this year, first time I'd seen him. And we sorta made that sheepish eye contact that says, what's this conversation gonna be? And he came over to me and we talked. And we started talking about the federal enforcement actions in Minneapolis, which in my view were were righteous in their purpose but not well constructed until Mister Holman uh was sent there by the president to, to fix the execution. I think things are much better now. Um. We talked about that, and I said to him, hey, you're not gonna be uh you may not be real happy with me about this, but I wanna I wanna say something to you, my friend. I said, you know why we haven't seen anything like that in the state of Kansas? And he was silent. I said because we prevented you from doing what you wanted to do back in twenty-two. If you had gotten to have your way on this sanctuary ordinance, we'd be looking at exactly the same type of federal engagement now.

1:10:54 – 1:10:55

Will the gentleman yield for a question?

1:10:55 – 1:10:58

And I will, but let me just say, let me conclude the point.

1:10:57 – 1:10:57

Yep.

1:10:58 – 1:11:04

He was silent for a minute, he looked at me and he said, " You know what, Derek, I actually think you're right. I'd yield for a question."

1:11:04 – 1:11:44

So, I I got two quick questions. One is, doesn't your story prove that state and local government can handle this without the the heavy hand of big brother, the federal government, doing it? And two, you imply that the the bill has surgically targeted language, but if you look actually on page six what it says is it gets rid of the burn grant uh uh money, uh the cops on the beat money, and any other grant administered by the Department of Justice or Homeland Security that's related to law enforcement, which I think is everything, immigration enforcement, immigration laws or naturalization. It's a total cut-off of funds, wouldn't you say? I mean, I uh what you

1:11:44 – 1:11:49

The time the time the time the gentleman's expired, but the gentleman if he wants to respond quickly to the question, he can.

1:11:49 – 1:11:59

Mr. Chairman, I'd just say on the latter, no, I would disagree with my friend. Uh, y- y- of course the language he just read, although he omitted the word substantially, which is rather relevant here, but of course the language that he just read,

1:11:57 – 1:11:57

Yeah.

1:11:59 – 1:12:47

uh, is is connected. But the triggering effect is, uh, those lan- that language only applies when you have a a local jurisdiction or a state that has said we're not going to, uh, that we are going to reserve the right to impede federal law enforcement efforts. So it is narrowly targeted. It's connected to the law enforcement activity. And secondly, with respect to the, uh, uh, to the first point. Um, uh, I - I would just say this i- this is - this is - this is simply saying immigration is, of course, in general, a federal function. It is constitutionally vested with the federal government. States do not have the authority to impede the federal government from enforcing federal law anywhere within the boundaries of this union. And that is the problem this bill aims to solve. Are you

1:12:47 – 1:12:53

Gentleman y- uh, well said, and the gentleman yields back, the gentlelady from Washington is recognized to speak on the amendment.

1:12:54 – 1:13:49

Uh, thank you, I just wanted to respond to what the gentleman just said because not impeding immigration law, uh, immigration enforcement, um, is not what's happening when a state says, for example, get a judicial warrant. Instead of a detainer, which is just a request, an administrative request, get a judicial warrant, ensure that this is really somebody that should be turned over because we as a state don't wanna be liable for whatever consequences might come and lawsuits might result from turning over somebody who really shouldn't be turned over that's a federal immigration function. I think the state has a right to say we want to enforce uh we wanna make sure that we are only enforcing things that we're not gonna be held liable for so I don't think it's impeding immigration enforcement to say just go through a process that ensures that we also are protected.

1:13:49 – 1:13:50

Would would the general ye- lady yield on that?

1:13:49 – 1:14:10

Number one uh yes though I wanna respond to Mister McClintock as well, so let me do that and then hopefully I can I can yield back to you. Uh I I I'm happy to hear um the chair of the immigration subcommittee, I think you said that you decry the uh lawlessness of ICE and CBP in Minnesota, I don't know if that's what you said and if I'm

1:14:10 – 1:14:13

No I said I'd decry the violence that we've seen from the lawless mobs

1:14:14 – 1:16:18

Ah, okay. I was gonna be so shocked and and thank you for recognizing the lawlessness of ICE and CBP but I had to check because it seemed uh maybe not not something that you meant to say look I don't know what you're trying to imply um in connecting what's happening in Minnesota with the lawlessness of ICE and CBP, murdering US citizens, dragging people out of their cars by their hair, locking up people i- you know with no due process. Um, but you did seem to say that if Minnesota, look at some some place like Texas where you wouldn't have lawlessness, uh because Texas is complying with sanctuary laws, and I was just saying, I'm gonna enter these into the record in a minute, but Texas prosecutors are losing key witnesses in criminal cases because these folks are getting deported and there's numerous uh, articles here about this, the DAs in Texas are not able to prosecute murders, crimes of assault, because their witnesses are getting deported. And here's one where, um, this is in, uh, this is, uh, the DA, um, represents Loving and Reeves counties in Texas. Um, here's a situation where somebody, uh, an individual was charged with aggravated assault, um, and then the, uh, victim was deported, and this has been a situation that's happened across across Texas where people are not able to prosecute crimes because people are continuing to get deported. So I don't I don't I'm gonna enter these into the record, Mister Chairman. This one is from the Texas Tribune. As ICE ramps up deportations, Texas prosecutors say they're losing key witnesses in criminal cases.

1:16:18 – 1:16:18

Objection.

1:16:18 – 1:16:52

Another one is ICE uh oh, it looks like that's the same one. Um, this is a situation where you're trying to make an argument that these laws are somehow protecting undocumented immigrants but you're not recognizing all the things that happen when you deport undocumented immigrants when you undermine the trust that communities have with law enforcement and of course the constitutional issues that miss mcbath's amendment addresses and I stand in full support of that I I yeah and I'll yield to mister Raskin, and then I'll yield back to the gentleman in front if you if you want to.

1:16:52 – 1:17:45

Yep. Um, just very quickly, um, the the the the our wonderful colleague from Kansas uh said that all this is really about is preventing states and localities from impeding immigration law enforcement. The word " impede" does not appear anywhere in this bill, nor do any of its synonyms that I could find, including stymie, obstruct, handicap, disrupt, encumber, interfere, constrain, and so on. What it does is it invents for the first time, to my knowledge, in the history of our country, a r- right of a local or state official who's elected locally or by the state population, and whose salary is paid for by the local government and the state, a right to spend as much time as they want apparently enforcing federal law. Again, this goes way beyond what people are talking about in terms of uh

1:17:44 – 1:17:45

The federal government.

1:17:46 – 1:18:17

of a detainer. And I and I will quote you the section that I think we need to foc focus on. What it says is the right of any federal state or local government entity or official or other personnel to comply with or enforce the immigration laws. Now, where does the Congress, and I'm happy to turn over to Mr. Schmidt if I've got any time, where does the Congress get the authority to tell a state or local government that its officials have a right to be spending their time enforcing a federal law or mandate?

1:18:18 – 1:18:29

I yield back. The General Lady yields back. Um, we will recognize the gentleman from Wisconsin and and if we can yield some time to, if if you have it, we'll we'd yield some time to the gentleman from Kansas. But the gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized.

1:18:29 – 1:18:40

Yeah, we should have a little time, Mr. Chairman. Um, so yes, I would like to echo um this new found respect for the tenth amendment. It is truly notable, and the respect for Justice Alito.

1:18:40 – 1:18:40

Yeah.

1:18:40 – 1:18:43

Boy, um, this is great to hear this.

1:18:40 – 1:18:41

Wow.

1:18:44 – 1:19:01

And I would just say to my colleagues on the other side, I hope you show uh share this enthusiasm for the tenth amendment with my colleagues over in the Natural Resources Committee. It would really be great if that tenth amendment was emphasized with natural resources in the same way that we're hearing that in the judiciary committee.

1:19:01 – 1:19:02

Would the gentleman, yeah?

1:19:02 – 1:21:38

Uh, uh, no, I've, uh, I, I will not. I've got plenty to say here. The, um, since when have we become a country that's going to selectively enforce our laws here in the United States? I mean, that's really, to me, at the heart of this question because there's real consequences as a result of this. I'd list an example in my home state of Wisconsin. Uh, in Prairie du Chien it was about a year and a half, two years ago, a woman was beat to a pulp by a Trendi-Iragua gang member. Well, guess where this Trendi-Iragua, um, gang member domiciled? He domiciled in Dane County, Wisconsin, a sanctuary county. And that's the threat to people who are in these sanctuary communities, is that someone that wants to commit crime, as this gang member did, he had multiple charges filed against him over the years, they know they can hide out in these sanctuary communities. It threatens the safety of these people. But, Mister Chairman, I would just add this, I think back, you let's go on the way back machine ten, twenty years ago. How many times, I sat in the state legislature, how many times did we hear local and state officials say, it's the federal government's job to deal with this immigration problem. They've got to fix it. Well, guess what? Somebody has finally decided to fix it, and now they don't they don't want to support those that have chosen to do something about it. And I wanna make an additive comment to my colleague from California, just to my left here. Crime is down twenty percent, violent crime down twenty percent last year. And to tell the American people that illegal immigrants commit less crime than Americans flies in the face of that data that we are seeing. What's one of the main things that happened here in twenty twenty five in terms of federal policy people were removed from this country especially if you remember what Mister Holman said the first people we are going to remove are those who are here illegally but committed violent crimes in their home country or here in the United States of America. Those are the first people that we are going to remove. There is a reason crime is down, and in part it is because illegal uh immigrants who have committed violent crime are being removed from our country. I will um I'll yield back

1:21:38 – 1:21:38

Will the gentleman yield?

1:21:38 – 1:21:42

I'll yield back to the chairman here um for the balance of my

1:21:41 – 1:21:44

Well, let let's if if you if you're okay, let's let

1:21:45 – 1:21:46

I'm happy to yield to Mister Sch-

1:21:46 – 1:21:47

I'll ju- I'll jump in here in a minute.

1:21:48 – 1:22:14

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just a couple of points in response to my friend, the professor from Maryland. Uh, uh, first of all, with respect to the language he pointed to in the detainer section, uh, I I believe the way I read that language is, again, it doesn't require or attempt to compel states to enforce federal immigration law. It says that states may not impede their law enforcement officers or locals from enforcing a federal immigration law and the question was, where does that authority come from? And I would point, for example, to section two eighty-seven G, where you may have a voluntary agreement

1:22:15 – 1:22:15

Yes.

1:22:15 – 1:23:39

for state law enforcement officers. They have chosen to voluntarily participate in the enforcement of federal law. This would preclude, for example, the state, that may have a sanctuary philosophy, from precluding a local jurisdiction where a sheriff or others may not have a sanctuary juris uh philosophy from participating voluntarily in the enforcement of federal law as Congress has authorized. Secondly, with respect to the thesaurus debate that we were having about, uh, the word, what was it, impede, I would point my friend to page two, lines, uh, twenty and twenty-one, uh where it's defining the types of law enforcement activities that would be protected, can't be prohibited or restricted uh from participating in federal law. That that is an impede but it's pretty darn close. I think that's a fair summary. And the final point I'd just make, uh I guess more in with respect to our our friend from Washington, uh look here's what's going on here. What we are trying to get, as again, Mister Holman has said, I think he has the right philosophy and approach in enforcing this. What we are trying to get is cooperative enforcement, where all the good guys are on the same page, Yeah. Mr. Chairman, I yield back. Well, sure.

1:23:40 – 1:23:46

Gentleman yields back, the chair now recognizes who seeks recognition. The gentleman from California. Gentleman gentleman from California is recognized.

1:23:48 – 1:23:49

This gentleman?

1:23:49 – 1:23:51

Yes. That gentleman, yeah.

1:23:51 – 1:23:51

That gentleman's fancy.

1:23:51 – 1:23:53

Thank you, Mister Chairman.

1:23:53 – 1:23:55

The the gentleman is definitely a gentleman, yeah.

1:23:57 – 1:24:20

Just wanted to talk about a little bit about all good guys working on the same side. Like I said yesterday, Orange County, small little county in California. sanctuary state. Like I said yesterday, last year, ICE detainers, three hundred and twenty-three individuals referred to ICE.

1:24:21 – 1:24:21

Okay.

1:24:21 – 1:26:39

Fifty-two of them were never picked up. So I think what's important to do is make sure that we're taking care of business, where we talk about not cooperating with federal enforcement. These are the worst of the worst. My local sheriff, Barnes, has said it's a one-way street. Feds don't cooperate with me, don't call me when they're doing operations. Very frustrating. But, you know, let's really talk about sovereignty, state rights. Look, federal government hasn't addressed immigration reform for what, forty years? Last one was the great Californian Ronald Reagan that did something. So states have taken it upon themselves, like California, to address immigration reform. And and it's really a selfish thing we do because we're protecting our economic interests in the state of California. We're the fourth largest economy in the world. We are the biggest ag state in the union. We're the biggest light manufacturer in the union. We're the biggest venture capital state in the union, sixty-five percent. We lead the nation in bio, chip manufacturing, And these are all sectors that have a lot of immigrants working. If this country wanted to lead the state's immigration reform and to my colleague, Mister Tiffany from Wisconsin, last I looked, ninety percent of the dairy workers, the dairy farms in Wisconsin were undocumented. So let's really lead and fix the problem. That's really what we're talking about right now, is undocumented immigration in this country. They're not all criminals. Those that are should be taken care of. Move on. Don't need you here. But those that are hard workers, we are not addressing. I can tell you right now, home manufacturers, home builders in this country, deep south, I know right now are pissed cuz they can't deliver their products on time, and they're gonna be asking you for a solution, which all of us should come up with. So, But I gotta tell you, I have a an even sh- better solution to the issue of undocumented.

1:26:39 – 1:26:40

That'd be great.

1:26:40 – 1:27:43

Instead of trying to run up all these folks, go after the employers. Pass E-verify. Put major penalties on the employers. You're gonna see those jobs disappear. Our economy's gonna shrink, absolutely. We're gonna lose a lot of economic muscle, but As a nation, we have to decide who we are. Do we wanna be a strong economic nation, or do we wanna just be another Japan and go about that route? So, folks, willing to work with you on these solutions, but again, sovereignty, state of California, trying to do what's good for Californians. And by the way, ladies and gentlemen, we pay eighty billion dollars more per year to the federal government, then we get back. So you know what we can do, we can also cut a deal here, which is you stop taking our federal dollars, leave us alone, and we won't take the federal money that the federal government gives us.

1:27:43 – 1:27:44

Mm-hmm.

1:27:44 – 1:28:03

We'll be eighty billion dollars ahead of the curve, but when you talk about economic growth, that means paying federal taxes, that means being the fourth largest economy within the largest economy in the world. That's what it's about. Our ranking member, did you wanna have some comments, you wanted some remarks?

1:28:02 – 1:29:03

Well, but I was I was gripped actually by your remarks, I mean that was a very powerful argument and I thank you for making it. I just uh but I wanted to reply to my friend, the former Attorney General of Kansas. Um, again, the bill is being characterized as preventing the impeding of federal immigration law enforcement. What you quoted back to me was about what shall not be uh prohibited or in any way restricted, um, was the right of a state or local government employee who reports to a different part of the government to be enforcing a federal law. But I don't understand where that right comes from. If it's a constitutional right, you don't need this bill, they can just go sue. Of course it's not constitutional. We're creating for the first time a federal statutory right of a local government employee not to be following their orders for what they should be working on in their time and instead working to enforce a federal mandate. And if it can be done for this, it can be done just as much for gun control and background checks.

1:29:03 – 1:29:06

Gentleman's time has expired. The gentleman from North Carolina is recognized.

1:29:07 – 1:29:17

Um, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just just briefly, Mr. Raskin, and I'll be happy to yield to Mr. Schmidt as well, but should should states have the authority to make compliance with detainers illegal?

1:29:22 – 1:29:25

Illegal, like a crime to do that? No. I I

1:29:24 – 1:29:25

That's what sanctuary does.

1:29:25 – 1:29:45

In other words, I don't think it can if it first of all, you gotta explain to me what you mean comply with a detainer. Cuz I understand what's been happening in a lot of these cases is the local government is being asked to hold somebody beyond their stay in prison. They've been sued for that and they're saying we don't we we cannot take the liability.

1:29:45 – 1:29:48

That's not uniform. I'm I'm just saying in in certain states,

1:29:46 – 1:29:46

So

1:29:48 – 1:29:50

I'm not trying to be petulant, I just want to get down to the issue,

1:29:49 – 1:29:50

Yeah, yeah. Well, I

1:29:50 – 1:29:58

but ca- can a can a state preclude local law enforcement or local sovereigns from honoring federal detainers. I don't really want to talk about that.

1:29:59 – 1:30:08

From a w- again, but you you've got to give me the specific example of what you mean from a w- when you say honoring a federal detainer so so I mean if the federal government is saying

1:30:05 – 1:30:07

All right, hypothetically, let's say

1:30:08 – 1:30:13

we're gonna come pick somebody up while they're still their term of uh is still

1:30:12 – 1:30:15

Yes. Within the parameter. Ooh, within their term?

1:30:14 – 1:30:21

i- w- within their term then then I would say that I think that that is very much

1:30:16 – 1:30:17

Yes.

1:30:21 – 1:30:43

at the edge if not over the edge. But do you think that w- that the federal government can compel a state or local government to hold somebody beyond their term in potential violation of due process um in order to hand them over to the federal government because that's what they're saying on the other side, again on the detainer issue, which I think is a small part of this.

1:30:43 – 1:31:03

Well, the the the sanctuary jurisdictions that I have the most concern with is they preclude any adherence to detainers. They make it, they make it illegal for local sovereigns to engage with federal immigration at any level. And they're, they are precluded from keeping people who are lawfully arrested under under state law, from keeping them in custody

1:31:03 – 1:31:03

Yes.

1:31:04 – 1:31:06

and then holding them for law enforcement at the federal level.

1:31:06 – 1:31:41

All right, well, that that's uh, I have profound policy problems with that, and constitutionally I would think that the federal government, if for example, if uh a local government were to say we're gonna let somebody out of jail early in order to escape the federal government, I think that that would raise profound problems. But this legislation goes way beyond that. What it's saying is that every local government employee in the country essentially works for ICE now and works for homeland security. And again, if you can do it for ICE and homeland security, you can do it for the ATF and the FBI with respect to background checks.

1:31:41 – 1:31:49

Well, reasonable minds can differ about the language, but the the issue that I have again is the preclusion of any cooperation with federal law enforcement and Mister Schmidt if you if you watch it

1:31:48 – 1:32:01

Which would would well I would if the gentleman if just for a second I believe that's exactly the situation that exists in the counties I'm seeing we we're not taking public testimony today but that's exactly the situation that exists with these local law enforcement people in the state of Maryland.

1:32:00 – 1:32:00

Right.

1:32:01 – 1:32:04

They want to they had the agreement and the state said no you can't.

1:32:07 – 1:32:09

My colleague from Kansas do you do you wish to remember my time?

1:32:10 – 1:32:12

Um sure I would thank you.

1:32:11 – 1:32:12

I'm happy to yield it to you.

1:32:13 – 1:32:15

Thank you. I would I appreciate the gentleman from North Carolina and just

1:32:15 – 1:32:15

Thank you, Mister Raskin.

1:32:15 – 1:32:16

Thank you.

1:32:16 – 1:32:18

Yeah, not to we are marking up a bill,

1:32:16 – 1:32:17

You're welcome.

1:32:18 – 1:32:25

so not to get too far down in the weeds, but I, you know, to stay on that spirit. I my belief, Mister Chairman, in the current state of play is we are on the amendment from the general administration,

1:32:24 – 1:32:25

We are.

1:32:25 – 1:32:25

Georgia,

1:32:25 – 1:32:25

We are.

1:32:25 – 1:32:59

which does not relate directly to the anti-commandeering arguments. It does relate to the unconstitutional condition arguments. And with respect to the linkage that, uh, my friend from Maryland talked about, I would point into page five, line fourteen, for example, which is in the language to be stricken by the by the Georgia amendment. uh that ties the condition on funds back to subsection A or subsection B, which is where the language is we've been talking. So they are connected, it's not one or the other. Uh and I th I think it's permissible for the reasons we've already talked about. Uh I don't know if that's satisfactory to my friend, but at least I that's where we're disagreeing.

1:32:59 – 1:33:01

It's illuminating nonetheless, yeah.

1:33:02 – 1:33:04

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I would I would yield to whoever I should yield to.

1:33:05 – 1:34:23

Thank you. I yield back. Yep, I I appreciate it. Um I just wanted to try to get his focus back on w- I mean I I appreciate all the the arguments here, and I think they're they are important, but I think when the sponsor of the amendment first offered the amendment, she talked about bullying states, she said that this would make it worse. This is designed to make it better. And what we heard yesterday was seventeen thousand eight hundred and sixty-four times in one year in sanctuary jurisdictions, a detainer was filed while that illegal migrant was in custody, charged with some other crime, and that individual was released. And remember, that only applies to a third of the country, because two thirds of the country someone else said that this uh most of the country, I think, Mister Tippie is saying most of the country doesn't want this. Most of the country doesn't have to deal with this, cuz most of the country honors these things. But in a third of the country, seventeen thousand eight hundred sixty-four times, those detainers were not honored and the guy who should have been turned over to ice was released and many times went out and harmed someone. That is what this is focused on. As the gentleman from Kansas said, as the sponsor said, that is the focus, and if we can pass this, I think we can make a real difference. Gentleman from North Carolina is not here, but I know he yields back.

1:34:24 – 1:34:26

The question is.

1:34:25 – 1:34:29

A question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentlelady from

1:34:29 – 1:34:30

Yeah.

1:34:30 – 1:34:30

gentleman from

1:34:31 – 1:34:31

Wisconsin.

1:34:31 – 1:34:33

Wisconsin. Gentleman from

1:34:33 – 1:34:34

Word quickly.

1:34:34 – 1:34:36

Okay, gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized.

1:34:36 – 1:37:36

Thank you. I I mean the the tenth amendment and as we are uh referring directly to the amendment, I I mean it still comes back that within the tenth amendment it still says immigration is treated as a federal power because it relates to foreign policy or national borders or international relations. So I I I think that's kind of being lost as to why the discussion over the tenth amendment to me uh it doesn't make much sense because it clearly is something that the federal government has been given the responsibility to handle uh across all fifty states and territories. And and Mister Biggs may remember, cuz as as recently as two thousand twelve, Supreme Court did take up Arizona versus United States and in that instance what was argued was that there were certain parts of that Arizona statute that were admissible and were okay as a result of the tenth amendment and other parts that were struck down uh because of Arizona's immigration law it it clearly interfered with federal authority so I don't you know the bright line I don't think i- exist as we're kind of laying it out there today So, you know, what I would say is i- i- you you can't They can ignore the federal government municipalities, like the city of Madison. They they don't call it sanctuary city, they call themselves an open and welcoming city. So they just have redefined sanctuary city and include in that uh, they're not holding people in jail solely for immigration authorities, unless there is a warrant. Uh, they're not asking about immigration status when there's an arrest. They're not using local resources to enforce federal immigration law. And it's limited information sharing, uh, with immigration officials. They'd - they - it's not - it's not a give and take kind of dialogue that's happening. So I g- I guess what I would say in - in regards to the amendment is I - I - You can't have it both ways. They can ignore the federal government and just not do anything. But this is an elected body that went as far to pass ordinances in this case. But they can they can organize and legislate to kind of prevent this municipality from participating. But it still falls down to the federal government. We have a responsibility to make sure that this works. And and if we're simply going to say, listen, this is not something that the states need to be concerned about, uh, it just doesn't make any sense to me. And that's why I think, uh, you should vote no on this.

1:37:36 – 1:37:37

Well, would the gentleman yield?

1:37:38 – 1:37:38

I do.

1:37:38 – 1:38:36

Uh, I just wanted to respond to something that we heard from the Democrats. Uh, the general lady from Washington I think said it best, sanctuaries are not impeding enforcement, they're simply not cooperating with enforcement. cooperating with law enforcement, why are we giving them law enforcement funds? Do the Democrats contend that the federal government no longer has the authority to condition the use of federal funds provided to the states? Highway funds, for example. Do the Democrats contend that a state now has a right to refuse to enforce federal transportation regulations and still qualify to receive federal highway funds our universities now free to accept federal funds, while they ignore title nine. Remember, they wouldn't be impeding title nine. They just wouldn't be enforcing it. And how about Medicaid funds? C- can states now spend those funds while ignoring the laws that regulate the use of those funds? This is absurd. And it seems confusing at first because it's so manifestly contradictory with the position that the Democrats have taken in the past,

1:38:34 – 1:38:35

Yeah.

1:38:36 – 1:38:56

but it shouldn't be confusing because there is one consistent theme that runs through all of these legal contortions. The Democrats do not want criminal illegal aliens to port in from this country they want them returned to our neighborhoods. There should be no confusion once you understand that simple fact. Their position then becomes entirely consistent.

Clerk1:38:56 – 1:38:58

I yield back. I yield back, true.

1:38:59 – 1:39:03

Question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentlelady from Georgia. All those in favor say aye.

Clerk1:39:05 – 1:39:05

Aye.

1:39:05 – 1:39:07

All those in favor or all those opposed say no.

Clerk1:39:07 – 1:39:08

No.

1:39:08 – 1:39:10

No. In the opinion of the chair, the no's have it.

Clerk1:39:08 – 1:39:08

No.

1:39:10 – 1:39:11

Roll call vote, please, Mr. Trump.

1:39:11 – 1:39:13

Roll call, the- but that was clear.

1:39:16 – 1:39:18

Clerk will call the roll.

Clerk1:39:18 – 1:39:18

Mister Jordan.

1:39:18 – 1:39:19

No.

Clerk1:39:19 – 1:39:51

Mister Jordan votes no. Mister ISA. Mister Biggs. No. Mister Biggs votes no. Mister McClintock. No. Mister McClintock votes no. Mister Tiffany. Mister Massey. No. Mister Massey votes no. Mister Roy. Mister Fitzgerald. No. Mister Fitzgerald votes no. Mister Klein. Mister Gooden. Mister Van Drew. Mister Nels. No. My name is Mister Nels votes no. Mister Moore. No. mr. moore votes no mr. keiley miss hageman

1:39:51 – 1:39:52

no

Clerk1:39:52 – 1:40:00

miss hageman votes no miss lee mr. hunt mr. fry mr. growthman

1:40:00 – 1:40:01

no

Clerk1:40:01 – 1:40:02

mr. growthman votes no mr. nott

1:40:02 – 1:40:03

no

Clerk1:40:03 – 1:40:05

mr. nott votes no mr. harris

1:40:05 – 1:40:05

no

Clerk1:40:05 – 1:40:07

mr. harris votes no mr. onder

1:40:07 – 1:40:08

no

Clerk1:40:08 – 1:40:16

mr. onder votes no mr. schmidt mr. schmidt votes no mr. gill mr. Baumgartner mr. raskin

1:40:17 – 1:40:17

aye

Clerk1:40:17 – 1:40:19

mr. raskin votes aye mr. nadler

1:40:19 – 1:40:20

aye

Clerk1:40:20 – 1:40:43

mr. nadler votes aye miss laufgren miss laufgren votes aye mr. cohen mr. cohen votes aye mr. johnson mr. suelo mr. liu miss jaipal miss jaipal votes aye mr. korea miss ganlin miss ganlin votes aye mr. neguse miss mcbath miss mcbath votes aye miss ross

1:40:43 – 1:40:44

uh

Clerk1:40:44 – 1:41:06

Miss Ross votes aye. Miss Ballant Miss Ballant votes aye. Mister Garcia. Mister Kamlager-Duff. Mister Moskowitz. Mister Goldman. Miss Crockett. Mister Klein votes no. Mister Gooden votes no.

1:41:07 – 1:41:07

Someone from Washington.

1:41:09 – 1:41:09

No.

Clerk1:41:09 – 1:41:10

Mister Baumgartner votes no.

1:41:24 – 1:41:25

Gentleman from California.

1:41:26 – 1:41:27

Oh, am I recorded?

Clerk1:41:27 – 1:41:29

Mister, I say you're not recorded.

1:41:29 – 1:41:30

Oh, make me a note please.

Clerk1:41:30 – 1:41:31

Mister, I say votes no.

1:41:38 – 1:41:39

Clerk will report.

Clerk1:41:39 – 1:41:42

Mister Chairman, there are nine ayes and seventeen noes.

1:41:42 – 1:41:47

The amendment is not agreed to. Who seeks recognition? Gentleman from Maryland is recognized.

1:41:48 – 1:41:50

Thank you, Mister Chairman, I've got an amendment at the desk.

1:41:50 – 1:41:51

Clerk will report.

1:41:51 – 1:41:53

No, there's no point of order.

1:41:53 – 1:41:55

Point of order reserved by the gentleman from Arizona.

Clerk1:41:59 – 1:42:01

Amendment to the amendment in the nature of

1:42:00 – 1:42:06

No objection. The amendment will be considered as read. The gentleman from Maryland, the ranking members recognized, who explained the amendment.

1:42:06 – 1:45:13

Well, thank you very kindly. Uh, Mr. Chairman, I'm uh delighted that we we've had some meaningful tenth amendment uh discussion today, and I wanna thank uh Mr. Nott and Mr. Schmidt, especially for their illuminating comments. I think that's the crux of the entire issue we're looking at here today, and I've appreciated uh various members' contributions on both sides. I didn't appreciate the sarcasm about a newfound tenth amendment caucus, just speaking for myself, but I'm sure there are a lot of other Democrats on this side who can relate to this. I was a state senator for ten years. I worked in state and local government for decades. I believe very strongly in state and local government. And I also try to be consistent in my defense of every part of the Constitution. So, some people have noticed a newfound respect for the First Amendment in certain cases, but not in others by some of our members. But I've never engaged in sarcastic gibes about the new First Amendment caucus from people who never had ACLU. uh, Hero of the Year awards given to them. I think that we should be encouraging everybody to support every part of the Constitution, and we could have a meaningful debate about it. And that's what we should be working on. What does the Constitution actually mean? So here's an amendment that I think can unify the entire committee, because everybody here is swearing fealty to the tenth amendment. Um, and so that's all that this amendment does. It adds to page two, line seven, the following language, um, which relates to this n- this uh newly created right of local and state uh officials to enforce immigration laws even in their capacity as state and local uh officials, simply to say except that such right does not include the authority to cause any federal state or local government entity official or other personnel to conduct themselves in a manner that is inconsistent with the tenth amendment to the constitution. So it simply says in the process of creating this new right, we cannot be violating the tenth commandment, which is a statement that the anti-commandeering principle still obtains. Now the d- the um th- my my distinguished friend from Wisconsin, Mister Fitzgerald, I think was - he asked the question, well, if Congress has the power and the authority over immigration, then we occupy the entire field, we can do whatever we want. That was precisely the view that was rejected by the Supreme Court in the Prince decision, in US versus New York, in the New Jersey case, because the court said, yes, Congress can do whatever it wants, it can regulate the individual citizens of America and create policies, but it cannot conscript the state and local governments and their officials, and their bureaucratic apparatus, to work for the federal government. And so all this amendment says is, okay, you're creating this new right, that right has to be interpreted consistent with the tenth amendment to the constitution as it's been spelled out, by the supreme court in these cases. So I I re- render that to the wisdom of the committee, Mister Chairman.

1:45:14 – 1:45:17

Uh, the gentleman yields back, the gentleman from California, Mister McClintock is recognized.

1:45:17 – 1:45:19

Oh, Mister Speaker, or Mister Chairman.

1:45:19 – 1:45:23

Oh wait, hang on one second, if you would, uh, uh, the gentleman from Arizona withdraws his point of order,

1:45:23 – 1:45:24

I do.

1:45:23 – 1:45:25

gentleman from California then is recognized.

1:45:25 – 1:46:01

Mister Chairman, with all due respect, th- th- this is absurd. The tenth amendment is supreme, it's simp- and and simply restating it in the legislation is superfluous. We're quite confident that it's entirely consistent with the tenth amendment. Uh, by the way, it's also consistent with article one and the powers of Congress. Should we also have a provision that says that, uh, uh, nothing shall be inconsistent with article one? And while we're at it, let's throw in the presidency and article two and so forth. This is this is simply uh and absurdity again there is one consistent principle that goes throughout the never-touch uh opposition

1:45:59 – 1:46:11

could you say the whole constitution gentleman yields back or excuse me uh the does the gentleman yield to gentleman yields to the gentleman from missouri is now recognized

1:46:11 – 1:46:38

uh thank thank you um yes i believe uh uh obviously every uh every one of our statutes has to be consistent with the tenth amendment as well as the ninth eighth seventh and so on But I think this new caucus, uh, with the Democrats' defense of sanctuary jurisdictions should not be called called the Tenth Amendment caucus. It could be c- should be called the Nullification caucus, perhaps the John C. Calhoun caucus. I yield back.

1:46:39 – 1:46:40

Gentleman yields back to the gentleman for help.

1:46:39 – 1:46:43

Would the f- gentleman further yield? Would you further yield?

1:46:43 – 1:46:44

Yes, please reply.

1:46:44 – 1:49:29

I'd like to, uh, pile on for the, uh, distinguished Professor and Ranking Member what he proposes to do, if done for our national defense in a direct way, would mean that if in fact troops landed in Florida or Texas or California, once they were in Florida, Texas, or California, or Arizona, well, the state could decide not to participate in or facilitate any kind of action that would allow our military to know the position of the enemy. Because of course, you can't constrict them. That's ridiculous. We are under attack every day by criminals, and all that the chairman is asking for, all that we are asking for, is that they not hinder and in fact at least participate in the sense of, when given notice to arrive, to to not release through the back door, criminal aliens and the like. And yet the chairman would ha- or the ranking member would have us believe that somehow, that uh we're out of line with the tenth amendment. The tenth amendment did never, never included the civil war, that the states had the right to simply say to the federal government, no we're gonna have slavery when you say no, we're going to do this when you say no, because we have the tenth amendment. The tenth amendment does not invalidate constitutional responsibilities or the responsibilities of the states to observe the constitution would the ranking member even begin to say that somehow segregation is okay if it's okay in the states that other activities that are barred and interpreted by the constitution somehow don't apply to states and that in fact somebody adjudicated by the federal government for removal from the us because after their consideration they are illegal or their applications have been denied that somehow it's okay. Would the ranking member think that when you show up in the California border, that in fact it's okay, since you're in California, for the California authorities say, well, come through this door, don't worry about uh the uh customs people. Yeah, they are telling you you can't come in the country, but you can come through here, cuz that's exactly what happened under the Biden administration. That is what this administration is bringing to a halt. And the idea that you're going to use the tenth amendment as a sword, hung over every federal officer, is absurd to the max. And I with that, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and you're back.

1:49:28 – 1:49:53

Uh, my my pleasure, and I'd I'd simply direct to uh the uh Democrats' attention uh Andrew Jackson's proclamation to the people of South Carolina. The last time the Democrats propounded the doctrine of nullification, uh he pointed out it was incompatible with the existence of the union. and would lead to its destruction. They lit the fuse for the civil war with that doctrine, we buried it with the Confederacy, and now here it is back again. I yield back.

1:49:53 – 1:50:02

Gentleman yields back. Question ag- Gentleman from Was- uh does Uh.

1:50:10 – 1:50:11

Oh.

1:50:11 – 1:50:12

Gentle lady from California is recognized.

1:50:14 – 1:52:43

Um, uh, thank you very much, uh, Ms. Jayapal. I just wanted to respond to some of the, um, trenchant remarks by members of our new, uh, GOP, um, pro-union, pro-civil rights movement, uh, anti-Stonewall Jackson, uh, anti-Confederacy caucus. That's great, and I'm I'm glad to see the emergence of this new anti-Confederate caucus uh on the GOP side today. Um, the the members continue to abstract from the actual language of their bill. We know that they want to engage in uh attacks on sanctuary cities. Their bill goes way, way beyond that. What it says, it creates for the very first time, to my knowledge, and I'd would love to be corrected if there's another legislation that works like this, it creates for the first time a right of state and local government officials to participate in the enforcement of a federal law. And the closest thing to that is the Prince case. I wonder whether there are any of my colleagues who disagree with Justice Scalia's decision in the Prince case, which said, no, that state and local officials could not be asked to participate in the background check process, even though the government's testimony was it would just take a few minutes. It would just take a few minutes out of their time, and Justice Scalia said you can't do that. These people work for the state government or the local government. And nobody seems to wanna actually wrestle with what's really in the bill. We know you hate sanctuary cities, and I'm sure there's a lot of other state and local policies you hate, and I'm sure there are a lot of state and local policies that are hated by people on this side of the aisle. That's not the question. The question is whether this is constitutional for us as Congress to ado- to adopt a procedure where we're telling state and local officials, sheriffs, chiefs of police, police officers, firefighters, anybody else, that they have a right to spend their time working on federal priorities, whether that's the enforcement of gun safety laws by ATF, or enforcement of policies uh under ICE. And nobody seems to wanna deal with that, and everybody suddenly wants to make fun of the tenth amendment like it's not a big deal. Read Justice Alito's opinion about the central importance of the tenth amendment to the freedom and the liberty of people in the country.

1:52:43 – 1:52:44

With the Chattanooga deal?

1:52:43 – 1:52:45

And I, yes, by all means.

1:52:45 – 1:53:05

As, per- forgive me if I'm not as as sharp as I should be on that case, but I believe that Scalia's issue in that case was the compulsion the federal government cannot compel state actors to carry out federal function. But what we're trying to achieve is the voluntary assistance. And take immigration out of out of the context,

1:53:26 – 1:53:32

Okay, so the the reclaiming my time here. Um, the under the two eighty-seven G program,

1:53:30 – 1:53:30

Mm. Mm. Mm.

1:53:32 – 1:53:33

right now, it's

1:53:45 – 1:54:00

But but the gentleman, you? Well, uh, you said it's perfectly, uh, uh proper form to do it now and they can do it now, except in your state. My understanding, I just talked to these, the the some of the sheriffs from your great state, and they said they are being prohibited by their state from engaging in the two-day saving game.

1:54:00 – 1:54:03

Well, but that's American federalism, Mr. Chairman. As you understand.

1:54:03 – 1:54:04

They can do it if they want.

1:54:03 – 1:54:05

the locality, no,

1:54:05 – 1:54:06

The locality can do it if they want.

1:54:05 – 1:54:07

the the the localities

1:54:06 – 1:54:09

You understand? In your state they can't, cuz the state's coming after them. And we wanna say if you,

1:54:09 – 1:54:09

I

1:54:09 – 1:54:12

we wanna say you should be able to do that under our law.

1:54:12 – 1:54:24

The the localities, as you know, under American federalism and the Supreme Court case law is perfectly clear on this, report to the state governments. The state governments create the municipalities. So some states wanna participate,

1:54:22 – 1:54:23

Officer sheriff.

1:54:24 – 1:54:34

some don't, and then some say it's up to the municipalities and some don't. That's a question of federalism. And I've not opined on what my personal policy position on i- o- is on this at all,

1:54:35 – 1:54:35

So if a

1:54:35 – 1:54:37

despite all of the attacks I'm drawing from my friends and family.

1:54:37 – 1:54:37

Is it the only deal?

1:54:38 – 1:54:41

Well, I'm saying constitutionally we can't do this.

1:54:41 – 1:54:52

So, exp- exp- extrapolating that, if if a sheriff's deputy arrests um an American citizen with a with a trunkload of methamphetamine, is that unable to be prosecuted federally?

1:54:54 – 1:54:56

W- w- of c- of course, of course that can be prosecuted federally.

1:54:56 – 1:55:05

So that's cooperation with local law enforcement at a state level that's prosecuted or handled So why can't that be extended in this context with the enforcement of immigration laws?

1:55:01 – 1:55:16

Yes. Oh, but it certainly can be if what you're saying that is that localities uh or states can make the decision to participate in the two eighty-seven G agreements, as many do.

1:55:17 – 1:55:21

But they're precluded from doing so in sanctuary jurisdictions. That's the problem that I have with it.

1:55:21 – 1:55:46

Well, and this is why I come back to the Prince decision and the other anti-commandeering positions. Uh, decisions of the Supreme Court. which says that the states retain their power over their own resources, their own taxes, and their own employees. And that's all that these people are saying. And if they violate, if anybody's violating federal law, then prosecute them for it. If they violate federal law, they should be prosecuted.

1:55:46 – 1:55:57

The question occurs on the amendment oper- Oh, I'm sorry. That's right. I knew there was someone else, but it wasn't written on my list. I've not forgotten. I, well, briefly forgot. The gentleman from the gentleman from Washington is recognized.

1:55:57 – 1:55:58

That's a safe bet, Mr. Baumgartner.

1:55:58 – 1:55:58

Yeah.

1:55:58 – 1:56:25

Thank you, uh, and and I'll be brief. I, uh, uh, am enjoying this conversation and, uh, certainly, uh, leave it to my guest colleagues to, uh, explain, uh, why the ranking member is wrong. And I have a l- a lot of, uh, respect for the, uh, ranking member's positions and intelligence. I just do want to make one comment about sarcasm. Uh, y- you - you attack the use of sarcasm on our side to illustrate, uh, this point. Uh, I've been on this committee now for fourteen months and

1:56:24 – 1:56:25

I'm sorry.

1:56:26 – 1:56:38

i i've heard you use uh sarcasm and use it well uh several times uh even today and and that's ok because it's well well let me uh let me uh let me just conclude

1:56:32 – 1:56:35

yeah using it and using it well are two different things

1:56:38 – 1:56:46

by saying it it was oscar wilde that said sarcasm uh is oftentimes the lowest form of wit but the highest form of intelligence so with that i yield

1:56:44 – 1:56:52

yeah he attacks sarcasm with sarcasm and his amendment is now uh

1:56:59 – 1:57:10

aye no could seek a recorded vote please Mister Chairman on the tenth amendment

Clerk1:57:10 – 1:57:18

Mister Jordan Mister Jordan votes no Mister ISA

1:57:18 – 1:57:18

no

Clerk1:57:19 – 1:57:20

Mister ISA votes no Mister Biggs

1:57:20 – 1:57:20

yes

Clerk1:57:21 – 1:57:24

Mr. Biggs votes no, Mr. McClintock Mr. McClintock votes no,

1:57:22 – 1:57:23

Oh.

Clerk1:57:24 – 1:58:00

Mr. Tiffany Mr. Massey Mr. Roy Mr. Fitzgerald Mr. Fitzgerald votes no, Mr. Klein Mr. Klein votes no, Mr. Gooden Mr. Van Drou Mr. Nels Mr. Moore Mr. Moore votes no, Mr. Kiley Mr. Kiley votes no, Miss Hageman Miss Hageman votes no, Miss Lee Mr. Hunt Mister Frey. Mister Grothman. Mister Nott. Mister Nott votes no. Mister Harris. Mister Onder.

1:58:01 – 1:58:01

No.

Clerk1:58:01 – 1:58:11

Mister Onder votes no. Mister Schmidt. Mister Schmidt votes no. Mister Gale. Mister Gale votes no. Mister Baumgartner. Mister Baumgartner votes no. Mister Raskin.

1:58:11 – 1:58:12

Aye.

Clerk1:58:12 – 1:58:14

Mister Raskin votes aye. Mister Nadler.

1:58:14 – 1:58:14

Aye.

Clerk1:58:14 – 1:58:31

Mister Nadler votes aye. Miss Lofgren. Miss Lofgren votes aye. Mister Cohen. Mr. Johnson. Mr. Swalwell. Mr. Liu. Miss Jayapal. Miss Jayapal votes aye. Mr. Correa. Miss Scanlon.

1:58:32 – 1:58:32

Aye.

Clerk1:58:32 – 1:58:37

Miss Scanlon votes aye. Mr. Nguz. Miss McBath. Miss Ross.

1:58:38 – 1:58:38

Aye.

Clerk1:58:38 – 1:59:02

Miss Ross votes aye. Miss Ballant. Miss Ballant votes aye. Mr. Garcia. Mr. Garcia votes aye. Miss Kim Lager-Dove. Mr. Moskowitz. Mister Goldman. Miss Crockett. Mister Harris, you are not recorded. Mister Harris votes no. Miss McBath, you are not recorded.

1:59:03 – 1:59:03

Yes.

Clerk1:59:04 – 1:59:05

Miss McBath votes yes.

1:59:09 – 1:59:09

No.

Clerk1:59:10 – 1:59:11

Mister Gooden votes no.

1:59:10 – 1:59:28

No. No, it's okay. Can you play another one? Clerk. Clerk report.

Clerk1:59:29 – 1:59:31

Mr. Chairman, there are nine ayes and sixteen noes.

1:59:31 – 1:59:32

Amendment is not agreed to.

1:59:33 – 1:59:35

I can't remember who seeks recognition.

1:59:34 – 1:59:38

Who seeks recognition? The General Lady from uh Washington is recognized.

1:59:38 – 1:59:39

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

1:59:39 – 1:59:41

Clerk rep- clerk report.

1:59:42 – 1:59:43

I refer

1:59:43 – 1:59:45

Point of order reserved by the gentleman from California.

Clerk1:59:47 – 1:59:50

Amendment to the amendment and the nature of its substitute.

1:59:49 – 1:59:54

Not objection, the amendment will be considered as read. The General Lady from Washington is recognized to explain the amendment.

1:59:54 – 2:05:04

Thank you, Mister Chairman, my amendment would ensure that states and localities have access to essential funds and grant programs to combat human trafficking, domestic violence, sexual assault and sexual abuse, regardless of their policies on immigration enforcement, which is ultimately the responsibility of the federal government. The idea that we would deprive state and local governments' access to these is unfathomable to me. There are many reasons why state and local governments don't wanna work with ICE. We've seen just this past year how cooperation can impact the willingness of immigrant communities to report crimes. I entered into the record some articles from Texas. In Utah, a man set his house on fire, killing himself, his partner, and their children. His partner's family said she kept silent about the abuse that she had suffered at his hands because she was afraid of being deported. In Tennessee, the number of victims seeking help from police department's family safety center dropped ninety-one percent between April twenty twenty-five and July twenty twenty-five after the Tennessee Highway Patrol began cooperating with the ICE surge in Nashville. There was a time when supporting victims of vi- of sexual assault and violence was something that both parties agreed on. The initial iteration of the Violence Against Women Act passed the House by voice vote. something that is hard to imagine today. It reshaped how we talk about gender-based violence and how we treat survivors. Human trafficking, a multi-billion dollar industry that includes both sex trafficking and labor trafficking occurs in all fifty states. Labor trafficking, sex trafficking, and the proliferation of child sexual abuse material and crimes ranging from harassment to sexual exploitation are some of the most depraved crimes that can be committed against another person. Perpetrators of these crimes prey especially on vulnerable populations, particularly children, at-risk youth, and members of marginalized communities. For nearly twenty-five years, our government has been a global champion to eradicate human trafficking domestically and internationally. We rely on a national network of sixty-one task forces that represent over fifty-four hundred local state and federal enforcement and prosecutorial agencies. These dedicated professionals prosecute criminals that exploit or traffic people and they prioritize identifying and rescuing victims. Without this collaboration, investigations and prosecutions could come to a halt, empowering abusers and condemning victims to continued abuse. Sadly, this bill wants to take all this assistance and more away from states that do not want to be complicit in the Trump administration's immigration schemes. I think of it as pure legislative blackmail. But I guess I shouldn't be surprised because it's coming from a Republican party today that seems hell-bent on protecting perpetrators of sexual violence. While this administration claims it's going after the worst of the worst on immigration enforcement, according to recent data obtained by CBS News, only one point four percent of all the people arrested by ICE were related to sexual assault, and seventy percent have no conviction. Let's compare that to President Trump and his cabinet. Between President Trump, Pete Hegseth, RFK Junior, and Howard Lutnik, a whopping twenty-four percent of the president's cabinet have been credibly accused of sexual assault or have visited Epstein's island. Or let's look at how the Republican Party has dealt with Jeffrey Epstein. The president and the Republican majority did everything they could to stop the bipartisan discharge petition from Representatives Massey, and Khanna to demand that all the files be released. And once they failed, they all pretended that they were for it and voted yes. But then the Department of Justice dragged its feet on releasing all the files as they were required to do by law. And when DOJ finally released the files, they exposed the names of dozens of survivors without redaction, while maintaining redaction for the names of perpetrators. Not only did DOJ disclose survivors' names, DOJ released their emails, addresses, and nude photos. Names released even included Jane Doe's, who had been protected for decades. Some survivors' families found out for the first time that they had been trafficked by Epstein thanks to DOJ's sloppy work. In other countries, we are seeing consequences, a former prince, an ambassador arrested for their crimes related to Epstein and a former prime minister charged with gross corruption. But here, no new charges have been filed. We've had no hearings on any of this in the judiciary committee, and we're seeing files continue to be redacted and removed from the Department of Justice's website just because they seem to have statements, uh, with, uh, that - that talk about Donald Trump. Now, this doesn't have to be the end of the story. This is one small way that we can show that we still support survivors of sexual assault End violence.

2:05:04 – 2:05:05

Regular order.

2:05:06 – 2:05:12

And we can accept this amendment to ensure that we are doing everything possible to end violence against women. I yield back.

2:05:13 – 2:05:15

The young lady yields uh yields back the uh

2:05:14 – 2:05:17

I wi- I withdraw my reserve but seek recognition.

2:05:16 – 2:05:24

Point of point of orders is uh withdrawn and we will go first to uh Congre- uh Representative McClintock from California's recognizer.

2:05:21 – 2:05:41

Mr. Th thank you, Mister Chairman, uh the the the hypocrisy is astounding. Violence against women sex and labor trafficking, these are the very fruits of the Democrat sanctuary policies. They enticed hundreds of thousands of unaccompanied minors into the country.

2:05:41 – 2:05:41

Yeah.

2:05:41 – 2:07:33

They trafficked them then to unvetted or poorly vetted sponsors and then lost track of them as these kids disappeared into this dark underworld of sex and labor trafficking their sec- their sanctuary policies are the foundation of these atrocities. Sadly, there are thousands of examples to choose from, but let's drilled down on one, Marvin Fernando Morales Ortiz. He entered the United States in twenty sixteen, was released into the US by the Obama administration. After living in the country for six years, the Biden-Harris administration dismissed his immigration proceedings in twenty twenty two, uh one of roughly one million quiet amnesty cases under the last administration. That dismissal came after a far left prosecutor dropped murder charges against Morales Ortiz related to a twenty nineteen murder. Predictably, that wasn't his last run in with law enforcement. His rap sheet includes arrests for aggravated assaults of a police officer, larceny, disorderly conduct. In September of twenty twenty-five in Fairfax County, Virginia, just a few miles from here, he was again arrested for assaulting and brandishing a firearm. If you thought that would finally result in some well-earned time behind bars for Morales Ortiz, you'd be wrong. Instead, yet again, the Democrat prosecutor dropped charges against him. And yet again the local sheriff refused to honor an ICE detainer and failed to notify ICE that he was being released to Northern Virginia communities. The results were predictable, another dead American. Marvin Fernando Mar- Alex Ortiz is the portrait of everything that's wrong with the Democrats' lawless open borders, pro-illegal alien soft on crime policies. Every step of the way Democrat elected officials failed the American people, all to benefit an alleged MS gang member and murderer. That is the consequence of sanctuary policies. And that's why we're here today to address them.

2:07:33 – 2:07:34

The gentleman yield.

2:07:34 – 2:07:36

And I yield to the gentleman from California.

2:07:36 – 2:09:23

You know, the gentlelady many years ago, when she entered this committee, made statements that I called naive and she chastised me as somehow not respecting her, uh, as a woman. Today she wants to make every issue again like a woman's issue. I championed and voted for the reauthorization of violence against women, worked directly with the Vice, then Vice President. The reality is, you are conflating two very different programs. Historically, and I will forget that you've been here so long now, and say sanctuary used to be don't ask, don't tell when someone's a victim. When police go to a crime scene, they don't ask somebody if they're legal or illeg- illegal, just the opposite. They treat everyone as potential witnesses and they do everything to make sure that they can give appropriate testimony. And the federal government has respected that where it existed. Currently, sanctuary cities is all about protecting illegals deliberately and when they know they are, and particularly in my home state. putting criminals back on the street after they have been convicted of crimes, after they are known to be dangerous, because they're illegal, they slip them out the back door, and deny federal agency opportunity, to even when they've been ordered deported by an article one judge. So, today, I would say you need to realize that after all these years, it's not that you're not smart, It's not that you're not well-educated, you simply know things that aren't true. And I yield back.

2:09:23 – 2:09:27

Well, thank you so much for mansplaining to me, Representative Eisenhower,

2:09:26 – 2:09:32

And that was exa- and that was exactly the term you loved to use a decade ago.

2:09:27 – 2:09:33

exactly, exactly why, listen, you, I, I have never used that term before,

2:09:32 – 2:09:34

I I yielded to Mr. Eisenhower's

2:09:33 – 2:09:35

I'll find it in the record.

2:09:34 – 2:09:38

but I'm using it today because I think what you said is absolutely outrageous,

2:09:35 – 2:09:36

Thank you very much.

2:09:36 – 2:09:37

The meeting will be in order,

2:09:36 – 2:09:36

Mr. Eisenhower.

2:09:37 – 2:09:39

the, for, I, Sadie, and I reclaim my

2:09:39 – 2:09:40

and you continue to

2:09:45 – 2:09:45

And I yield back.

2:09:46 – 2:09:51

And the gentleman yields back. The who seeks rec- the the the ranking member seeks rec-

2:09:51 – 2:09:54

And I I yield uh to the gentlelady from Washington state.

2:09:55 – 2:10:25

Thank you so much. First of all, a hundred and seventy-two Republicans voted against the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act in twenty twenty one. Everything I said about the Epstein files is one hundred percent true. Republicans did everything they could with the exception of Mister Massey, and a few women on the other side to stop the release of the Epstein files. So to have you try to mansplain to me that's the first time I've used it in this committee,

2:10:24 – 2:10:26

Check the record, it's not true.

2:10:26 – 2:10:29

the th- the first time I've used it in this committee,

2:10:26 – 2:10:28

The time belongs to the gentlelady.

2:10:29 – 2:13:00

and if I used it before, you know, because I actually don't remember, I do remember you calling me naive, and I remember that it was a remarkable, uh, criticism from somebody who I think should know much better. Maybe I should call you naive back. But all I can say to you, Mister ISA, is that it is absolutely a fact in this country that sexual assault and violence against women have not been taken seriously in way too many ways. The Epstein file, the reason that is resonating so strongly across the country is because the depravity of predators and pedophiles that is demonstrated in the files of men objectifying women in every possible way, of the way in which survivors have absolutely been dismissed, told to shut up, told to move on. And if you wanna argue that that somehow doesn't relate to the Violence Against Women Act and the fact that Republicans voted against it, and now you wanna take away money from states that are trying to implement domestic violence prosecutions, you are missing the point. You are really missing the point. And the reality is that there are women across this country who are gonna watch this hearing and they are gonna see that the things that you just said are exactly the reason why we're still not prosecuting these predators and pedophiles. Exactly the reason why when those survivors stood up here and Pam Bondi turned away and refused to apologize not a single person on your side other than Mister Massey, and I think Mister Roy actually did speak to the Epstein victims as well, not a single one of you were willing to say anything about this. So don't go telling me that I am conflating issues. Your side needs to take this seriously and stop taking away federal funds from local and state governments that are trying to prosecute these assaults against women, violence against women, because without those federal funds, we have very little funding to do this kind of work at the local and state level. So thank you for mansplaining to me it didn't work, it never will work, and you, I think, should think about how you actually are gonna stand up and protect survivors of victims, uh, survivors and victims of sexual assault.

2:13:00 – 2:14:45

When I'm reclaiming my time, Ms. Jayapal, I am proud of the extraordinary work you've done on behalf of the victims in the Epstein case as well as for women and girls and all victims of sexual violence and assault ever since you got into Congress and I would much prefer to be naive and idealistic than to be jaded and cynical at this point in our careers. We could use a little more idealism um in our politics. Let me just go back to the the basic point about the shakedown of the state and local governments. Mister Not asked me, I think, a trenchant question. Mister Not, I'm responding to you, if that's all right. I'm coming back to you. Um Um, it seems to me that it would be fine uh, again, this legislation is so sprawling and comprehensive, it goes way beyond the whole detainer issue. But I started thinking about your detainer question. I think it would be absolutely fine to pass something saying that state and local governments have to notify the federal government before somebody is released from jail or - or a prison sentence. And then the notification then gives the federal government the perfect opportunity to enforce their system. And again, we're talking about billions and billions of dollars compared to, you know, the - the measly millions or thousands that most of our localities have. But why do we have to pass a law saying that, um, every state and local employee in America somehow has a right to be enforcing federal laws, federal immigration laws? That makes no sense to me. I think it's incoherent in our system and it totally collides with what the Supreme Court said,

2:14:44 – 2:14:45

Did you hear the deal?

2:14:45 – 2:14:45

by all means.

2:14:46 – 2:14:56

Well, that's exactly what's happening. They are notifying, uh, sanctuary jurisdictions to give us a heads up, notify us if you're gonna let this guy out, and they aren't doing it because they're a sanctuary. That is it.

2:14:57 – 2:15:04

If that were your bill, I would support it. If your bill would simply say there's a notification requirement for all state and local governments I will be the first Democrat to sign onto your bill.

2:15:04 – 2:15:06

Well, doesn't well, Jim and Neil

2:15:06 – 2:15:06

Yes.

2:15:06 – 2:15:11

Doesn't doesn't that kind of violate the principle though of keeping the federal government from compulsory action?

2:15:11 – 2:15:11

I don't think so.

2:15:11 – 2:15:11

No, hey, uh

2:15:11 – 2:15:13

And that's a that was what I was thinking about, but I don't think it does.

2:15:13 – 2:15:14

Gentlemen,

2:15:13 – 2:15:14

It's very

2:15:14 – 2:15:15

his time has expired,

2:15:15 – 2:15:15

Okay.

2:15:15 – 2:15:17

uh well, I'll recognize Mister Nott to continue the dialogue,

2:15:17 – 2:15:18

Oh, the the but

2:15:17 – 2:15:19

like the gentleman from North Carolina is recognized.

2:15:19 – 2:15:44

But again, the the the issue that I have is just the the it's the preclusion of voluntary association with federal law enforcement. for federal issues, like like I like I use the drug crime, like I use with a, you know, if someone's arrested, um, who happens to be illegal, in certain sanctuary jurisdictions, local law enforcement is precluded from any engagement whatsoever. And that's the sanctuary problem, the the sanctuary policies that we're trying to address here.

2:15:44 – 2:15:45

Well, would you yield just for one second?

2:15:45 – 2:15:45

Absolutely.

2:15:46 – 2:16:24

I I know that our good chairman was upset about different things the FBI was doing in the last administration and let's assume arguendo he was right about those. Let's say the there was a memo which I think was disappeared after twenty minutes, but anyway, he loves to talk about this memo about going after parents, uh, at school board meetings, whatever. If a local school board or city said, " we will not participate in in investigation or prosecution of parents for exercising their First Amendment rights", are you saying that we could pass a law compelling them to do that?

2:16:25 – 2:16:27

No, I don't think that's apples to apples, though.

2:16:27 – 2:16:28

Why?

2:16:28 – 2:16:36

Well, if someone's here illegally in state custody, that's different than a parent who's showing up at a school board meeting. Right?

2:16:36 – 2:16:40

Oh, no, the question goes to our control of state and local government officials.

2:16:37 – 2:16:51

And Again, that what what you're saying, I I agree with you, that is compelling state action, which is which is different from precluding voluntary action from local officials.

2:16:51 – 2:16:54

That's why you gotta read the New Jersey case, cuz that's precisely what Justice Alito rejected,

2:16:54 – 2:16:54

Well, but

2:16:54 – 2:16:55

that distinction.

2:16:55 – 2:16:56

the gentleman yield?

2:16:56 – 2:16:57

I w- ha- ha- happy to.

2:16:57 – 2:17:07

Well, but I th- I thought you said you were for n- compelling local peop- uh, local authorities to notify the federal government. You said you just said you were for that that c- that compelling that aspect,

2:17:04 – 2:17:05

I'll explain why.

2:17:07 – 2:17:09

but nothing else. And then he's talking about voluntary.

2:17:07 – 2:17:11

I'll explain why. Well, but I'd love to explain why if it's okay with the gentleman.

2:17:11 – 2:17:12

Well, let me just

2:17:11 – 2:17:46

I I think the notification requirement is completely different. I think that's absolutely de minimis and uh you know that that's something that I think is the play within the joints of federalism, but that is a galaxy away from saying that official can spend whatever time he or she wants enforcing federal laws and remember, it's not just immigration, I know everybody wants to on your side wants to enforce the immigration laws under you know secretary Noem, but we could flip it around and say well now we're gonna enforce the ATF laws or the FBI laws by giving them the right to participate with us.

2:17:46 – 2:17:56

What about a what about an amendment that local local law lawmakers from um making voluntary cooperation illegal would you would you support that

2:17:56 – 2:18:00

you say voluntary cooperation do you mean as a citizen or as a paid public official

2:18:00 – 2:18:01

public official

2:18:00 – 2:18:16

reporting to duty but see the I what is the limiting principle on that you guys wanna create a right of a local government official to cooperate or to enforce federal laws can they do it twenty hours a week thirty hours a week how about forty hours a week

2:18:16 – 2:18:21

I th- I would say to answer that with illegal immigration depends on how extensive the the illegal immigration problem is.

2:18:19 – 2:18:42

And who is that up to? Is that up to the mayor or the chief of police that they're reporting to or is it up to the secretary of homeland security? You see, that's precisely what Alito is talking about in the New Jersey case. He says you're creating different lines of command and authority, and that doesn't follow American federalism. Everybody's gotta be reporting either to a state government a local government or the federal government.

2:18:43 – 2:18:56

Again, the the the basic issue that we have, as I'm and Mr. Chairman I'm happy to yield to you as well, is sanctuary jurisdictions preclude any involvement with federal enforcement. And that's too far, and it's harm- it's awesome.

2:18:55 – 2:18:57

By citizens? By citizens?

2:18:57 – 2:19:00

Uh, by law enforcement, by sheriffs, by police, and so forth.

2:18:58 – 2:19:10

Okay, so in other words, the the they're saying that people who work for us, we don't want you spending your time enforcing federal immigration laws. Is that right? And don't they why don't they have the right to do that?

2:19:08 – 2:19:11

It's it's Well, it's beyond that.

2:19:12 – 2:19:14

Well, should we g- Okay, let let's flip it over.

2:19:14 – 2:19:15

Like we've we've rec-

2:19:14 – 2:19:23

Going back to Prince, should we give local officials the right to enforce federal gun laws? Right now they don't have the right to do that because of the Prince decision.

2:19:22 – 2:19:30

Well, well, they they do have the right in this sense, if they arrest someone who's committing a federal crime, it can be referred to the federal government.

2:19:30 – 2:19:30

Ye-

2:19:30 – 2:19:32

And that's exactly the same principle here.

2:19:32 – 2:19:35

Well, within the chain of command, within the authority of the local government.

2:19:36 – 2:19:36

Sure.

2:19:37 – 2:19:39

Okay, well then that's exactly the situation we have now.

2:19:37 – 2:19:50

But Well, well, yes and no, the I I I've used fed- I've I have used local, state, otherwise non-federal law enforcement testifying in federal court. I've used them as witnesses. I've used their jurisdictions to bring into a federal forum.

2:19:50 – 2:19:52

Right, but not against the policies of the jurisdiction.

2:19:51 – 2:19:53

And I don't know that a state could preclude that.

2:19:54 – 2:20:16

Yeah. And I don't know that a state would, it just shows how what bad relations are right now between the secretary of homeland security and the state and local governments. But I hope we can improve those. But in the meantime, I would say let's pass something saying there's gotta be a notification before anybody's released from jail. if that's the issue, cuz you moved me on that, but beyond that, we can't turn, we can't commandeer their personnel in this way.

2:20:17 – 2:20:27

For the record, I'm in full agreement that the federal government cannot compel action. But I also believe that state governments cannot preclude cooperation. That's the distinction between them.

2:20:26 – 2:20:28

Well, the ranking member is for compelling action,

2:20:27 – 2:20:27

And

2:20:28 – 2:20:49

he's for compelling them to notify the federal government if they're gonna release someone. He just said he was for that and said he'd support legislation if in fact, that was what the legislation said, which I think it does. Um, the question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentlelady from washington all those in favor say aye gentleman from no all those in favor say no no

2:20:48 – 2:20:49

all those opposed say aye

2:20:49 – 2:20:49

yeah

Unknown2:20:49 – 2:20:51

the all those opposed say aye

2:20:51 – 2:21:00

all those opposed excuse me all those opposed say no vote mr. chairman uh no no a roll call vote on those three votes the opinion of the chair opinion of the chair the no's have it roll call being requested by the clerk call the roll

Clerk2:21:00 – 2:21:00

mr. jordan

2:21:00 – 2:21:01

no

Clerk2:21:01 – 2:21:03

mr. jordan votes no mr. isa

2:21:03 – 2:21:03

no

Clerk2:21:03 – 2:21:05

mr. isa votes no mr. biggs

2:21:05 – 2:21:06

andy can you

Clerk2:21:05 – 2:21:14

mr. biggs votes no mr. mcclintock Mr. Kleintalk votes no. Mr. Tiffany. Mr. Massey. Mr. Roy.

2:21:14 – 2:21:14

No.

Clerk2:21:14 – 2:21:16

Mr. Roy votes no. Mr. Fitzgerald.

2:21:16 – 2:21:17

No.

Clerk2:21:17 – 2:21:19

Mr. Fitzgerald votes no. Mr. Klein.

2:21:19 – 2:21:19

No.

Clerk2:21:19 – 2:21:21

Mr. Klein votes no. Mr. Gooden.

2:21:21 – 2:21:21

No.

Clerk2:21:22 – 2:21:24

Mr. Gooden votes no. Mr. Van Drew.

2:21:24 – 2:21:24

Mr.

Clerk2:21:24 – 2:21:56

Mr. Van Drew votes no. Mr. Nels. Mr. Moore. Mr. Kiley. Miss Hageman. Miss Lee. Mr. Hunt. mr. frey mr. growthman mr. nott mr. nott votes no mr. harris mr. harris votes no mr. onder mr. schmidt mr. schmidt votes no mr. gill mr. gill votes no mr. baumgartner mr. raskin

Unknown2:21:57 – 2:21:58

aye

Clerk2:21:58 – 2:22:00

mr. raskin votes aye mr. nadler

Unknown2:22:00 – 2:22:00

aye

Clerk2:22:00 – 2:22:05

mr. nadler votes aye miss lofgrim miss lofgrim votes aye mr. cohen

Unknown2:22:04 – 2:22:04

mmm

Clerk2:22:06 – 2:22:13

mister johnson mister swallow mister loo miss jaya paul

Unknown2:22:13 – 2:22:14

there's there's those

Clerk2:22:14 – 2:22:17

miss jaya paul votes aye mister correa

Unknown2:22:17 – 2:22:20

she's also on a meeting for a meeting

Clerk2:22:18 – 2:22:22

miss ganlin miss ganlin votes aye mister neguse she's on a meeting for a meeting

2:22:22 – 2:22:23

yes

Unknown2:22:23 – 2:22:23

ok

Clerk2:22:23 – 2:22:24

miss mcbath

Unknown2:22:24 – 2:22:24

so

Clerk2:22:24 – 2:22:25

for a meeting for a meeting miss ross

2:22:25 – 2:22:26

yeah

Clerk2:22:26 – 2:22:28

miss ross votes aye miss ballant

Unknown2:22:27 – 2:22:28

who's who who's who

Clerk2:22:28 – 2:22:36

miss ballant votes aye mister garcia mister garcia votes aye miss camlager dove Miss Kim Lagerdell votes aye, Mister Moskowitz.

Unknown2:22:36 – 2:22:38

He'd come earlier if he'd spoken in time, but he

Clerk2:22:37 – 2:22:39

Mister Goldman. Miss Crockett.

Unknown2:22:42 – 2:22:44

They said that hell's not freezing out for you. Ah.

Clerk2:22:44 – 2:22:46

Mister Cohen, you're not recorded.

Unknown2:22:46 – 2:22:53

Good. I was not here. You didn't decide to vote, but I was, so it's on. Don't I have to change this? I don't.

Clerk2:22:53 – 2:22:54

Mister Cohen votes aye.

2:23:13 – 2:23:14

Third quarter report.

Clerk2:23:15 – 2:23:17

Mr. Chairman, there are ten ayes and thirteen noes.

2:23:18 – 2:23:25

The amendment is not agreed to. Amendment is not uh agreed to. The amendment is not agreed to. The amendment is not agreed to. The amendment is agreed to. Uh General ladies from Vermont is recognized.

Clerk2:23:25 – 2:23:26

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

2:23:25 – 2:25:22

Thank you, Mr. Chair. I must just take a few moments to respond to the remarks of the member from California, Mister McClintock. He earlier called earlier called us hypocrites and said that Democrats are hell-bent on protecting violent felons. Now, from where I sit, President Trump created his own system of sanctuary and safe harbor when he pardoned all the January six insurrectionists, including violent felons. He pardoned all of those who mercilessly beat law enforcement and sent them back out onto the street to re-offend, including sexual assault against minors. And I just want to remind everyone that when individuals receive these kinds of presidential pardons there is no traditional system for monitoring these folks. There's no parole system to keep tabs on them. That means the January Sixers were freed and unleashed upon our communities to commit more crimes, and they did. Six of the January sixth insurrectionists have been charged with committing child sex crimes from sexual assault to possessing child pornography. This includes Andrew Paul Johnson, who was convicted of five charges, including molesting a child under twelve and another under sixteen as well as lewd and lascivious exhibition. This is a man who self-proclaimed himself an American terrorist. And I don't remember a single member of this committee, and I might be wrong, I might be fors- forgetting someone, but I don't remember a single member on the Republican side who stood up and criticized this president for giving full pardons to violent felons and releasing them back on, out into our communities, out onto our streets, to prey on Americans, including children.

2:25:23 – 2:25:24

Will the gentlelady yield?

2:25:24 – 2:25:25

I will.

2:25:25 – 2:26:04

I'm so glad you raised the case of Andrew Paul Johnson, which just came to my attention yesterday. This is extraordinary. This guy had several child sex abuse convictions before he participated in the violent insurrection incited by Donald Trump on January sixth, to support his political coup. Then, after Donald Trump pardoned him, he went out and committed more sexual abuse against children and told one of his victims who said he was gonna report him, that don't worry about it, I will be able to pay you off because I'm gonna get money as a January sixth, uh, patriot from Donald Trump in the Department of Justice. Uh, you're back. Thank you.

2:26:07 – 2:26:13

Uh, you'll uh, you'll balance my time to the member from Washington, Mr. Eipol.

2:26:13 – 2:28:27

Uh, thank you. I I wanted to just go back to the previous amendment actually, because I noticed that it's much more comfortable for many people on this committee to talk about the constitutional protections, but not to talk about the effects of what happens if you take away federal funding from funding local and state efforts to fight domestic violence and sexual assault. And I notice, I mean, I I was accused by my colleague from California of conflating two totally separate issues. And I wanna go back to that, because I think it's important that we discuss this. These two issues are not conflated. The way the bill is written today, if you take - if you essentially implement a sanctuary city law, which is the right - and we've been talking about the constitutional reasons why it's the right of elected state officials to implement that law - to - to institute that law - this bill would take away all federal funding. That includes programs that fund all of the work to protect victims of sexual assault and domestic violence. That is the majority of funding that states and localities use on that topic. That's why the Violence Against Women Act was passed. And I don't understand why a hundred and seventy-two Republicans voted against the reauthorization in twenty twenty one, but I think it is totally relevant, and these two things are not separate. They are the same. What this bill is proposing to do is take away that money if states don't do what the federal government wants it to do on enforcing immigration law. And so we should have spent more time on that amendment, which instead got turned into some argument that we were conflating two totally separate issues. They are not. And I want people to understand that if you vote aga- when you voted against my amendment you voted to strip localities and states of the ability to actually continue to go after those people who perpetrate sexual assault and violence. And I thank you, Miss Ballant, for yielding and I yield back.

2:28:27 – 2:28:28

And I yield back.

2:28:28 – 2:28:35

General lady's time's uh uh expired. Who seeks recognition? General lady from Pennsylvania, Miss Gannon.

2:28:36 – 2:28:39

Thank you, Mister Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

2:28:39 – 2:28:45

Her Point of order reserved by the gentlemen from California.

Clerk2:28:46 – 2:28:51

Amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute to HR seven six four zero,

2:28:50 – 2:28:50

Objection emailed.

2:28:51 – 2:28:53

Without objection, we must consider this read.

Clerk2:28:51 – 2:28:52

offer by

2:28:53 – 2:28:54

Gentlelady is recognized.

2:28:54 – 2:28:55

Gentlelady is recognized.

2:28:56 – 2:32:29

Thank you. My amendment would ensure that state and local law enforcement do not participate in federal immigration enforcement actions that violate our fourth amendment right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure in our homes. Earlier this month, two whistleblowers provided Congress with a May twenty twenty-five memo, signed by Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons. In the memo, Lyons purported to authorize ICE agents to forcibly enter homes, with only an administrative warrant that is issued by ICE, a document that is simply signed by ICE supervisors without ever being reviewed by a federal judge. It's under this misguided policy that we've seen DHS agents in Minnesota and elsewhere forcibly enter people's homes without judicial warrants and without consent to conduct arrests. And that is conduct that the overwhelming majority of Americans reject on a bipartisan basis. And here's why this matters. Earlier this year, we saw masked immigration agents force open a door and enter the home of US citizen Chong Lee Thao in Saint Paul. Agents refused to produce a warrant or look at the identification documents Mister Thao tried to show them to prove that he was a US citizen. They held him at gunpoint in his home, then hauled him from his home into sub-freezing cold, wrapped in a blanket and wearing nothing but his underwear and sandals. If DHS had to go before an three judge to get a warrant, the judge would have started with some basic questions. Do you have the right house? Do you have the right person? How do you know that the person you're looking for is at that house, is not a citizen, or has violated US immigration laws? If DHS had to apply to a judge for the warrant and answer those questions truthfully, no warrant would have been issued because DHS had the wrong house, they got the wrong man. He was in fact a citizen who had not violated our immigration laws, and he had no criminal record. This is what happens when you treat fundamental constitutional rights like a paperwork requirement. And as this incident shows, it affects everyone, including US citizens. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that in the absence of specific as exigent circumstances, the fourth amendment requires that search and arrest warrants for a home be issued by a neutral and detached magistrate, not an ICE supervisor engaged in immigration enforcement operations. This is to ensure that no search or arrest proceeds without a disinterested determination of probable cause, and that the central question is whether law enforcement has its facts and law straight rather than whether ICE agents will be able to meet Stephen Miller's daily quotas. Even ICE's own training materials acknowledge that judicial, not administrative warrants are required to enter a home. So the law is clear. ICE doesn't have the authority to overturn legal precedents, much less to ignore one of our fundamental constitutional rights. I hope everyone can agree that in addition to preventing

2:32:44 – 2:32:48

Generally yields back, uh gentleman from um California's recognized.

2:32:49 – 2:32:56

Thank you. Uh Oh, withdrawn.

2:32:57 – 2:32:59

Point of order is withdrawn. Gentlemen, if you have

2:32:58 – 2:33:49

I withdraw my point of order and uh would like to uh address this amendment. You know, the the the Democrats are arguing that a judicial warrant signed by a federal judge should be required uh for for for these arrests. Well, that's that simply defies long-standing law and common sense. Let's begin with some basics. Deportation is not a punishment, and for that reason it doesn't invoke criminal due process protections. Illegal entry is a crime, and repeated illegal entry is a felony. But illegal presence is a civil matter that's addressed through the Civil Act of Deportation. Federal law requires that all such persons quote " shall be detained." There's nothing discretionary about it. " They shall be detained." That's the law that Biden ignored for four years but unlike a s- suspect that's held for committing a crime,

2:33:45 – 2:33:45

Mm.

2:33:50 – 2:35:53

the alien is free to leave detention any time they want for any country that will accept them. they're simply not allowed to return to our country. Now for decades, federal immigration law has authorized the use of administrative warrants for the arrest of illegal and criminal aliens in the country. Under current law, quote, on a warrant issued by the DHS secretary, an alien may be arrested and detained pending a decision on whether the alien is to be removed from the United States. Uh that's that's from the U S code. Both Republican and Democratic administrations have used administrative warrants to arrest aliens in the United States. An administrative warrant requires an immigration officer to determine that an alien is removable from the United States with a determination based on several factors including ongoing removal proceedings or biometric confirmation that the individual is uh inadmissible and removable as an alien. The Supreme Court has long recognized the federal government's authority to issue administrative warrants uh in the immigration context. And since deportation is not a criminal matter, there's no avenue to get a judicial warrant, such a requirement would make immigration enforcement impossible. And the Democrats know that, and they're betting that most Americans don't. Democrats know if they could ever get this requirement, immigration enforcement would be impossible, and that's clearly their aim, and anyone who listens to the debates on this committee knows that. And I'll also just point out the t- two uh cases that are instructive. There's the Lucas case, where the eighth circuit court upheld the use of administrative warrant signed by a prison warrant to enter a residence uh uh uh and uh arrest an escaped inmate. And then we have the Abel case where the Supreme Court ruled that administrative warrant issued by an INS official, the forerunner of ICE, was sufficient to enter a rented room and to extract an illegal alien. Once again, there is a consistent principle that is running throughout this entire debate, the Democrats want to release dangerous criminal illegals back onto our streets rather than deport them as law requires.

2:35:52 – 2:36:43

A legitimate yield. I think it's interesting. You raise a great point. They want no process for people who want to enter the country illegally, an infinite process for people that we are trying to remove who are here illegally. And you stated it very aptly that if this, if this amendment were were accepted, it would bring any immigration enforcement to a halt just as a timing issue. Right? There are twenty million illegals plus. If you spend one minute per illegal, one minute per illegal trying to get some type of Article three warrant, which is an entirely different article than immigration law exists. That's almost twenty years of actual time. So again, no process upon entry, infinite process to remove. You have essentially legalizing um twenty million people in this country. I think that I think the gentleman stated it very well.

2:36:41 – 2:36:42

Would the gentleman yell?

2:36:43 – 2:37:04

And um I'll also i- Submit this just for your consideration. The administrative warrants that you refer to, they have been accepted and they come after a final removal order has been issued by an immigration court. The amount of process that is required to re- to receive a final removal order is staggering. It's staggering.

2:37:04 – 2:37:04

No, it's

2:37:04 – 2:37:20

And to add one more layer of process that should be required to remove someone who is here illegally, is unbelievably naive if you claim to be for immigration enforced So I appreciate your comments, I appreciate the spirit of your uh your advocacy, and I yield back.

2:37:20 – 2:37:21

Would the gentleman yield?

2:37:22 – 2:37:23

Time belongs to the gentleman from California.

2:37:24 – 2:37:24

Mm-hmm.

2:37:24 – 2:37:25

Gentleman yields.

2:37:25 – 2:37:45

Yes. Thank you. I I think both of my dear colleagues have totally missed the point. The question that I raised was whether or not um a warrant must be issued before immigration enforcement before state and local officials enter people's homes, in order to enforce immigration orders. Um,

2:37:45 – 2:37:46

And and reclaiming my time,

2:37:45 – 2:37:50

what you're suggesting would blow an entire hole in the Fourth Amendment.

2:37:46 – 2:37:49

the eighth circuit, and reclaiming my time,

2:37:48 – 2:37:50

I'm the law's a gentleman from California.

2:37:50 – 2:38:07

reclaiming my time, the eighth uh circuit court of appeals, which concludes Minnesota, has ruled exactly that, in the case of an administrative warrant issued in this case by a um uh by a prison warden to enter a residence and arrest a an escaped convict.

2:38:08 – 2:38:11

Time is expired. Time is, gentlemen's time is expired. No. No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.

2:38:11 – 2:38:11

Mr. Chairman.

2:38:11 – 2:38:12

Okay.

2:38:12 – 2:38:13

Mr. Chairman.

2:38:13 – 2:38:14

Uh, I think

2:38:14 – 2:38:17

Ms. Loffler. Ms. Loffler. Uh.

2:38:17 – 2:38:18

Uh, the gentlelady from California is recognized.

2:38:19 – 2:39:49

First, let me thank uh the gentlelady for offering this amendment. I think it is an important one. Um, and I I think it's important to make the distinction that is being lost here, which is in fact uh violations of uh immigration status is a civil offense. It's not a criminal offense. And there is a long set of cases indicating that administrative warrants can be used in civil matters. We're not disputing that. Uh, so if there is someone here who's undocumented, and there is a final order of deportation and an administrative warrant, and that person is found on the street, that administrative warrant can be utilized uh in enforcing the civil offense. uh bef- that is presented. That is very different than breaking into somebody's house without a warrant as the Fourth Amendment requires, and to conflate the two is is seriously in error. The Lucas case that was referred to was split but also um relied on the fact that this was an escaped prisoner uh and that they were chasing the escaped prisoner with the warrant uh in hot pursuit. It had nothing to do with relying on an administrative warrant as a basis for breaking into somebody's house.

2:39:49 – 2:39:50

What about the able case?

2:39:51 – 2:39:54

I just want to get into the discussion

2:39:54 – 2:39:54

Sure.

2:39:55 – 2:40:17

of why the fourth amendment protects us. I we showed a video yesterday of a United States citizen, an elderly man, who they broke down his h- his door, uh they held him at gunpoint, and they marched him out in his underwear into sub-freezing temperatures.

2:40:18 – 2:40:18

Mm.

2:40:18 – 2:41:45

I don't know why they did that, and the secretary was unable to explain it, but it was a all a mistake. I mean, and had they um indicated um gone as a - as the fourth amendment requires, to get a warrant to break into somebody's house, they would have quickly discovered that this was a US citizen with no criminal record. They had no business doing what they did. I would like to just note that there was a lot of uh thrashing about when a warrant was issued for a search of President Trump's property, looking at uh, classified documents that should not have been there. A raid, outrageous. Well, there was a warrant issued for that. I don't hear the same kind of concern being expressed when there's no warrant and American citizens are in their homes and I'll just like to say, just as Scalia wrote, when it comes to the fourth amendment, the home is the first among equals. The f- and and and the court has ruled that the physical entry of the home is the chief evil against which the wording of the fourth amendment is directed. So I I would hope, and I know that there are, and I'm I have uh uh friends on the other side of the aisle who

2:41:44 – 2:41:45

Mm.

2:41:45 – 2:42:21

believe in the fourth amendment and the sanctity of one's home, that this could be or m- and as I say, the administrative warrant for the civil law violation, we're not disputing that. That is the law and it's consistent with the constitution. But breaking into people's houses without complying with the Fourth Amendment is not. And this is something that I would hope that we could come together on as a committee. And I would uh uh I I didn't teach constitutional law when I was uh teaching law, but uh the ranking member uh did. So I would like to uh yield to that.

2:42:21 – 2:43:19

Thank you, Ms. Lofgren. Look, th that was really an excellent explication of the fundamental importance of the fourth amendment and the search warrant requirement, but Ms. Scanlon's amendment, uh, raises a point that makes this even more important, because her amendment says any of these new local or state employees who are suddenly transformed into de facto federal immigration officers must respect that fourth amendment principle. If you vote against this, understand what you're voting to do. You're voting to say state and local officers who suddenly have been given a private right or a public right, I'm not quite sure what, to participate in federal immigration law enforcement however they want, don't have to uh comply with the requirements of the fourth amendment, if you vote against this. So thank you for giving us the opportunity at least to make a tiny impro- improvement in the wreckage of this bill.

2:43:19 – 2:43:21

I yield back, Mr. Chair, my time's expired.

2:43:21 – 2:43:26

Gentlelady yields back, the uh gentleman from uh North Carolina is recognized.

2:43:26 – 2:44:41

Just briefly, in regards to the the the general lady's claims, which were very aptly stated, I I enjoyed the discussion, but in regards to the Mar-a-Lago case, the issue is not with the warrant, it was the local law enforcement, agents on the ground said we do not have probable cause to enter the president's residence, and those agents were overridden by Washington, D. C. who ordered them to make entry pursuant to their investigation. So there's a little bit of a difference there. But secondly, this idea that we're for the warrant or against the warrant, there's already a warrant that's being utilized, it's just not the type of warrant that's being sought by my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. This is a long-standing tradition that an administrative warrant is suitable when someone has been ordered removed from the country. If someone has been ordered removed by the country, they have been afforded exhaustive process. Exhaustive process, which in my opinion satisfies any reasonableness standard under the Fourth Amendment. ordered removed from the country, they should not be afforded sanctuary if they flee to a residence. And if they do flee to a residence, an administrative warrant for the purpose, as Mister McClintock uh as Mister McClintock so aptly stated, for retrieval and deportation is not a criminal investigation,

2:44:41 – 2:44:42

Yes.

2:44:42 – 2:44:54

it is not for prosecution, it is to return them home. Adding additional process to for on top of the exhaustive process they have already been afforded, is a needless step in my opinion.

2:44:54 – 2:44:55

What the gentleman knew.

2:44:54 – 2:44:55

I'm happy to yield.

2:44:56 – 2:45:25

Uh, uh, just one note. I mean, um, there can be an exhaustive process or, you know, we removed the, uh, in nineteen ninety-six the requirement for actual notice, uh, for people of their hearing. And so a substantial number of removals are because the person didn't show and of them many of them never knew there was a hearing cuz they never got noticed. So just a little note on that point. Um, there are exceptions to the Fourth Amendment, uh,

2:45:25 – 2:45:25

Sure.

2:45:25 – 2:45:43

warrant requirement. One is consent, which obviously is not the case here, or exigent circumstances. Now if the uh the scenario you described, you've got someone who is subject uh to removal, uh they have an order, you have an administrative warrant, you're about to take them and they run away,

2:45:43 – 2:45:44

Mm-hmm.

2:45:44 – 2:46:04

you have an exigent circumstance. That's quite different than a non-exigent circumstance and using I mean, an administrative warrant is like note to self, you can break into somebody's house. That's not what the Fourth Amendment requires. And I just think to conflate the two is legally incorrect and I thank the gentleman for yielding.

2:46:04 – 2:46:17

Well, I'll I'll I'll say this, um, you explained that in a way that might surpass the ranking members' abilities. I don't wanna throw you under the bus, but she was very, very well stated. Uh, Mister McClinick, you said you wanted I'll be happy to yield.

2:46:15 – 2:46:48

Yeah, if if I could just just to just to point out that the the the question is whether an administrative warrant is to enter a person's home for the enforcement of our immigration laws. When the Lucas case, the eighth circuit said yes. And in the Abel case, the Supreme Court said yes, at least in the case of a rented room, not with respect to immigration, but with respect to other administrative warrants of exactly the same kind. And here's what the Democrats know and here's the root of their position. Removal is not a judicial matter, and therefore a judicial warrant is simply not available. If they're successful in overturning

2:46:57 – 2:46:58

Mr. Chairman, I yield back.

2:46:58 – 2:47:02

Well said. Um the gentleman from New Jersey is recognized.

2:47:04 – 2:50:28

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think I'm gonna do a little bit of clean up here. I'm gonna back clean up position over just a few things that were said and then to speak about this amendment. Violence Against Women Act was mentioned. I think just as a little refresher, that bill went through without any markups, no debate, no real discussion on the bill. It prohibited churches from getting grant money for shelters and for legal advice. Wrong thing to do. It really denied our second amendment rights because guns could be removed just on the basis of an accusation, which is crazy because a lot of accusations are made. Let me say in all uh candor here, I was one of, I think it was around thirty Republicans, I voted for the bill, but it was a faulty bill and it was really problematic and it put everybody in a bad spot. We could have done so much better to protect women that was not one of our finest days. The Epstein files, I would remind my colleagues on the other side of the aisle as I do, frequently that was brought up, that there was complete silence, basically ninety-nine percent silence. I know that the ranking member sent a letter, couple little things happen, but none of this, none of this occurred during the Biden administration. President Trump came in and there was a complete change of heart. And maybe that's a good thing. Maybe the president winning, besides the other good things he did, they really changed their m- thought process on this, their minds on it, and decided that something should be done. But basically, there was silence. You could hear the crickets. I'd also like to remind everybody that in this very room yesterday we had the angel moms. I met with them after. I know a number of members did meet with them during the day. I'd really like to sit down. I - I - I would like folks on the other side to sit down with them and explain to them why they're never on that side speaking about the victims, the daughters and the sons and mothers and fathers. You've heard me talk about it, that lost their lives, that have been injured, that it will never be the same. Uh, we had uh a a young person here that will never be able to walk in their lifetime because of an illegal criminal that was driving a vehicle, the stories were there. I had them in my office. They were in tears. Everybody was in tears. My staff were in tears. It's awful. Why in God's name? I don't understand it. And I didn't teach law. Guess what? I'm a dentist. But God damn it, I don't understand how you can constantly, repeatedly consistently over and over again just defend the criminals and not care about these victims. We need to help the victims. We need to be safe. And people literally, if we do what the other side wants, and I'm sorry to be so partisan here, but if we do what they want, people in America will die because of it. It's that simple. It's no more complicated than that. Finally, in this amendment, amendment, going back to the administrative warrant, it is suitable. These people that have already gone through a process, a lengthy process, an order is already in place. It's suitable, it's efficient, it's appropriate, and the courts have said so in multiple cases. Chairman, I yield back.

2:50:28 – 2:50:34

Gentleman yields. Gentleman yields back. The chair now recogni Gentleman from Maryland's recognizer, and I'll give it to the gentleman from the talk.

2:50:34 – 2:50:40

Yeah. Um, forgive the digression, Mister Chairman, but sometimes I have to do that in answer to my friend from New Jersey. Um,

2:50:40 – 2:50:41

So did I. I guess I do.

2:50:41 – 2:52:42

he, yeah, he, here's someone else who had a complete change of heart about the Epstein files after the election of Donald Trump. Donald Trump. Because Donald Trump was demanding the release of the files, and then he got in and all of a sudden wanted to sweep the entire thing under the rug, and it was only when the courage of Mister Massey and Miss Mason, several other Republicans, entered the picture and joined the Democrats that he decided he wanted to try to get out in front of the parade at the end and say he was for it and yet the administration has been doing everything in their power to sandbag us and to sabotage the actual release of the Epstein files now the gentleman I I you know I don't know how many times we can go through this chronology and I'm happy to offer you all the memos and letters that I sent I've been on this for many years I demanded an investigation into uh the original dirty deal they made in Florida, that Alex Acosta made to trade a sixty count federal indictment that was ready to go for one measly state count of, uh, solicitation to prosecution. So I've been talking about this since, uh, for seven or eight years through Democratic and Republican administrations alike. What was President Trump's record and Pam Bondi's record? They got in, Mister Van Drew, and I don't know if you understand this, but they got in They fired the lead prosecutor, Maureen Comey. Then they demanded all of the file and they declared it over. They ended the investigation. And when you say, " Well, why didn't Biden do anything?" Glenn Maxwell was convicted under the Biden administration Department of Justice, although we don't accept your conflation of the president with the Department of Justice, because in the old days we used to have some respect for the independence of the justice function. But in any event, it was during the Biden administration that she was convicted and that investigation under Maureen Comey continued under the FBI. So why wasn't it released? Why wasn't anybody demanding it be released on the democratic side or republican side? Because there was an ongoing investigation happening at that time.

2:52:42 – 2:52:43

Will the gentleman yield?

2:52:43 – 2:52:44

Yes, by all means.

2:52:45 – 2:52:48

The volume was not nearly what it is now.

2:52:48 – 2:52:49

The volume of what?

2:52:48 – 2:52:53

The intensity of g- of concern with it, of opposition to what was going on. Uh,

2:52:53 – 2:52:53

Well, then

2:52:53 – 2:52:55

look, I agreed. I

2:52:54 – 2:52:56

I I'm gonna reclaim my time,

2:52:55 – 2:52:56

The the the

2:52:56 – 2:53:02

mister Venturi, cuz you're just wrong about that. In fact, that's what the general lady from Washington was being chastised about,

2:52:59 – 2:53:00

I'm not wrong.

2:53:02 – 2:54:15

that she couldn't get off of the subject of sexual violence against women and children. And that's what this is about. That's why the whole country's in an uproar about this effort by the Bondi Department of Justice to bury the whole thing. And we need to be talk- we should be talking about that, how we can get them to actually turn the files over. So, that's the first point I wanna make. Then, Mr. Bandri, you also said that you met yesterday with the victims um uh whose family members were killed by undocumented people in the country. By the way, those undocumented people got in both under democratic and republican presidents, and we can show you all the documentation of that if you think somehow there were no illegal aliens who got into the country under republican presidents. But in any event, I'm glad you met with them and I talked to them too when I was here. I didn't know they were coming, so I wasn't able to meet with them in my office, but I talk to them they were they w- while they were here you said how about the people on the other side of the aisle meeting with victims are you kidding me who do you think is fighting for the victims of sexual violence and human trafficking in the Epstein files if it's not everybody on our side of the aisle have you met with them cuz I'll give you their phone numbers I'll set up a I'll I will in one second

2:54:12 – 2:54:14

Will the gen- will the gen-

2:54:15 – 2:54:50

I will set up a meeting with those victims to come and talk to you how about um I mean any victims of sexual violence who are upset about the fact that Doge and Elon Musk slashed hundreds of millions of dollars for funding for programs related to sexual violence. Would you like to meet with some of them? We can arrange that too. And how about this? This is a really radical idea. How about meeting with the hundreds of thousands of victims of gun violence in America, who are demanding effective action like a universal violent criminal background check in America. Would you meet with them? And I'm happy to yield.

2:54:50 – 2:55:22

Thank you. Yes, I would, and I have, and I just wouldn't think of my friend Chris Smith, working for decades, not years, decades as a member of Congress against violence against women, against trafficking of children, trafficking of women, and I've always keep a constant connection with him and I have met with those individuals as well. And by the way, saying both Democrats and Republicans is a dumb thing. I can't answer for every Republican, but I will tell you that what if something's wrong, it's wrong, we wanna straighten it out now, illegal criminals should not be kept

2:55:22 – 2:55:25

Okay, reclaiming my time, and we agree with that.

2:55:24 – 2:55:26

I don't give a damn if with them or RSI.

2:55:25 – 2:55:48

Reclaiming my time, we all want criminals, prosecuted and violent criminals to be uh put in jail or deported from the country, if that's what's appropriate. And let's establish that that is the baseline of what we're talking about. And I assume you don't want innocent US citizens to be shot in the face. And I hope some of you would take a moment to say that as well. I yield back.

2:55:48 – 2:55:50

Gentleman yields back, gentleman from Kentucky is recognized.

2:55:51 – 3:00:11

I might have an unique perspective here. Um, unlike the Democrats, I support this bill, I support the, um, underlying purpose of it, but I'm interested in this amendment. I was very interested when Mister McClintock reserved a point of order. I thought maybe d- we would debate whether this is the right place to have the debate on whether you need a warrant to enter into a residence. This debate does belong on an authorization of DHS bill. The problem is we haven't done that, we're not doing that, we haven't done that in a long, long time. And we should, that's where this debate belongs. There will, there would be an opportunity to have this debate on the spending bill, which is stalled right now, the DHS spending bill. I think that would be a good place to put it, a limitation amendment that says none of the funds hereby appropriated shall be used to enter a residence without a judicial warrant. We can sort of any one of us could write that amendment right here. Now the problem is we've had so many closed rules uh from our rules committee that I don't think they're gonna allow us to have that debate there either. So it turns out this is the place to have the debate. And um and you know, my party didn't raise a point of order, so let's have the debate. Anticipating this debate, I asked Secretary Noem yesterday what her opinion was on judicial warrants versus administrative warrants when you enter into a residence. And I I believe she tried to assuage my concerns. I d- uh she said that out of the thousands of arrests and incidents, this was only an issue in twenty-eight of the arrests. Now if I'd had more time, I would have asked two questions. Well, why even try those twenty-eight arrests? Or number two, could you have completed twenty-six of those arrests if you had gotten a judicial warrant? Or maybe all of them. Was was that an impediment in those in that very small number of cases that she claims that this is actually a debate? So with, you know, keeping in mind what Secretary Nome said, which is this is a very r- rare occurrence, I actually don't think this amendment is a poison pill. This is another test that I apply before I vote for an amendment that I'm sorry to the members of the other side of the aisle, I have to kind of look a little bit with a little bit of scrutiny when you offer amendments to make sure these are not poison pill amendments, because like I said, I under I support the underlying bill. I feel like a few of these earlier amendments that say, well, except in cases where you violate the constitution, I understand that's just kind of a dilatory amendment that doesn't mean much, but in this case I think you have a real amendment. Uh, I think this might be the only place we can have the debate, unfortunately, because everything's so closed. I've been assured by Secretary Noem this is just a very minor issue that Republicans shouldn't be concerned about. And so, um, I'm gonna support the amendment. And because This is about the Fourth Amendment. And do you need a warrant to enter not some squatters encampment of illegals who just came over the border, we're talking about going into American citizens' residence. Right? These are legally owned homes and apartments owned by American citizens. So I understand, you know, we'd need to pursue illegal immigrants and deport them, but why can't we still maintain respect for the Constitution and say that if you're gonna enter an American's home with law enforcement and you're not in hot pursuit and somebody's not about to die, why can't you just spend a extra few hours to call up a judge and ask for a warrant and make sure that we're a republic uh that we've got three functioning branches of government. So with that um I just wanna say I support the amendment and I yield back.

3:00:11 – 3:00:15

Gentleman yields back. Question occurs on the amendment offered by

Unknown3:00:16 – 3:00:17

General A from Pennsylvania.

3:00:17 – 3:00:21

General A from Pennsylvania. All those in favor say aye.

Clerk3:00:21 – 3:00:22

Aye.

3:00:22 – 3:00:27

All those opposed no. No. In the opinion of the chair the no's have it in the amendment.

Clerk3:00:24 – 3:00:29

Mm. I gotta uh ask for a r- recorded vote on that one.

3:00:29 – 3:00:34

Recorded vote being requested. The clerk We need to make sure we get members in here. The clerk will call the roll.

Clerk3:00:34 – 3:00:35

Mister Jordan.

3:00:35 – 3:00:35

No.

Clerk3:00:36 – 3:00:40

Mister Jordan votes no. Mister Issa. Mister Biggs.

Unknown3:00:40 – 3:00:41

No.

Clerk3:00:41 – 3:00:43

Mister Biggs votes no. Mister McClintock.

Unknown3:00:43 – 3:00:43

No.

Clerk3:00:43 – 3:00:48

Mister McClintock votes no. Mister Tiffany. Mister Massey.

3:00:48 – 3:00:49

Yes.

Clerk3:00:49 – 3:00:59

Mister Massey votes yes. Mister Roy. Mister Fitzgerald. Mister Klein. Mister Klein votes no. Mister Gooden.

Unknown3:00:59 – 3:01:00

No.

Clerk3:01:00 – 3:01:02

Mister Gooden votes no. Mister Van Drew.

3:01:02 – 3:01:03

No.

Clerk3:01:03 – 3:01:22

Mister Van Drew votes no. Mister Nels. Mister Moore. Mister Kiley. Miss Hageman. Miss Hageman votes no. Miss Lee. Mister Hunt. Mister Fry. Mister Grothman.

3:01:23 – 3:01:26

Okay. No.

Clerk3:01:27 – 3:01:29

Mister Grothman votes no. Mister Knott.

3:01:29 – 3:01:29

No.

Clerk3:01:29 – 3:01:34

Mister Nott votes no, Mister Harris. Mister Harris votes no, Mister Onder.

3:01:34 – 3:01:34

No, that's

Clerk3:01:34 – 3:01:37

Mister Onder votes no, Mister Schmidt.

3:01:35 – 3:01:36

Mm-hmm.

Clerk3:01:38 – 3:01:38

Mister Gehl.

3:01:39 – 3:01:39

No.

Clerk3:01:39 – 3:01:43

Mister Gehl votes no, Mister Baumgartner. Mister Raskin.

3:01:44 – 3:01:45

No, that's one. Aye.

Clerk3:01:45 – 3:01:47

Mister Raskin votes aye, Mister Nadler.

3:01:47 – 3:01:48

Aye.

Clerk3:01:48 – 3:02:05

Mister Nadler votes aye, Miss Lofgren. Miss Lofgren votes aye, Mister Cohen. Mister Johnson. Mister Swalwell. Mister Liu. Miss Jayapal. Miss Jayapal, that's aye. Mister Correa. Miss Ganlin.

3:02:06 – 3:02:06

Aye.

Clerk3:02:06 – 3:02:25

Miss Ganlin, that's aye. Mister Nagoose. Miss McBath. Miss Ross. Miss Ross, that's aye. Miss Ballant. Miss Ballant, that's aye. Mister Garcia. Mister Garcia, that's aye. Miss Kamlager-Duff. Miss Kamlager-Duff, that's aye. Mister Moskowitz. Mister Goldman. Miss Crockett.

3:02:26 – 3:02:27

Gentleman from Alabama.

Clerk3:02:29 – 3:02:30

Mister Moore votes now.

3:02:30 – 3:02:33

Gentleman from uh Wisconsin. No.

Clerk3:02:33 – 3:02:34

Mister Tiffany votes now.

3:02:55 – 3:02:56

Ah, it's on.

Clerk3:02:57 – 3:02:58

Mister Keillor, you're not recorded.

3:02:58 – 3:02:59

Aye.

Clerk3:02:59 – 3:03:00

Mister Keillor votes aye.

3:03:15 – 3:03:15

Court Report.

Unknown3:03:16 – 3:03:17

Oh, it's

Clerk3:03:16 – 3:03:19

Mister Chairman, there are eleven ayes and fourteen noes.

3:03:19 – 3:03:24

The amendment is not agreed to. Question occurs.

Clerk3:03:26 – 3:03:28

This thing doesn't just come under that.

Unknown3:03:28 – 3:03:30

Oh, gentle lady from California.

3:03:31 – 3:03:35

Okay. Gentle uh la gentle lady from California is recognized.

Unknown3:03:39 – 3:03:39

She

3:03:40 – 3:03:40

Did you say

Unknown3:03:40 – 3:03:40

took

Clerk3:03:41 – 3:03:42

I did say I have an amendment at the back.

3:03:42 – 3:03:44

Okay, I didn't hear all that. That's uh the clerk report.

Clerk3:03:45 – 3:03:46

Um

3:03:47 – 3:03:49

Point of order reserved by gentlemen from California.

Clerk3:03:49 – 3:03:50

Amendment to the amendment, and then

3:03:50 – 3:03:54

About objection to the amendment be considered as read. The general manager from California is recognized to explain her amendment.

3:03:55 – 3:06:50

Thank you, Mr. Chair. Um, this amendment would limit the right of state and locals to enforce or cooperate with immigration laws if it involves a search of a home without a judicial warrant as required by the fourth amendment. Um, no, no, that's the last one, sorry. This amendment, but we're continuing on a thread, we're continuing on a thread. This amendment would ensure that when state and local authorities are being co-opted to do immigration enforcement that they are not acting like DHS personnel and wearing masks to shield their identities so across the country we have seen incidents of hooded or masked ICE and Border Patrol agents grabbing law abiding immigrants off the streets in scenes that could easily be confused for kidnapping. But we've also seen it And they're doing it not just with immigrants, but also with US citizens. Masked federal agents operating without identification, explanation or transparency are not restoring order. They are creating chaos. Videos of these and other arrests have gone viral on social media, evoking images of the masked police forces in the Eastern Bloc. Traditionally, masks have only been used by law enforcement in this country when necessary preserve the integrity of an undercover operation. Even when taking down the most dangerous criminals like John Gotti or El Chapo, police officers didn't feel the need to conceal their identities. So why is there such a need for secrecy now? In fact, masked agents failing to identify themselves has led to a spike in criminals, impersonating ICE, robberies, assaults and kidnappings. It has been happening so frequently, that the FBI had to issue a national bulletin warning officers about the trend. For example, in Delaware, two men wearing vests labeled " ICE" pulled a man over, removed him from his vehicle, took his wallet, while wielding a knife and a firearm. In Colorado, a masked man walked into a grocery store with a semi-automatic gun in a holster on his hip. And when an employee asked him well, when an employee told him firearms were not allowed in the business, he flashed a fake ICE badge. In Florida, a woman wearing an ICE shirt and a mask kidnapped a hotel clerk, who later was able to escape. In Pennsylvania, a man wearing a mask and impersonating ICE entered into an auto repair shop, yelled immigration, tied up a woman who remained in the store, and stole one thousand dollars in cash before fleeing. In New York, a man ordered a man into a basement stairwell after telling her he was an ICE agent, and he assaulted her and robbed her.

3:06:49 – 3:06:50

He was a

3:06:51 – 3:07:15

In North Carolina, a man allegedly posed as ICE, showing a badge and threatening to deport a woman if she didn't have sex with him in a motel. In South Carolina, a man presented himself as an ICE agent to pull over and detain a group of Latino men. So one of the best ways to improve both officer and community safety is de-escalation.

3:07:15 – 3:07:15

Mm-hmm.

3:07:15 – 3:08:37

However, despite ICE training on de-escalation and its role in DHS's use of forced policy, it is not being consistently used. And the many videos featuring aggressive tactics and unnecessary escalation suggest that this problem is stes- systemic. So yes, we know already that impersonating a law enforcement officer is against the law, and hopefully we all agree that that is wrong. But by not creating or exacerbating this problem that is causing these kinds of incidents and unlawfulness I think is also important. And so it does not make any sense to have local law enforcement jurisdictions who do not wear masks when they are doing their work to then be co-opted by DHS and take on a policy or a practice or a behavior that they wouldn't do themselves. That is what this amendment says simply. State and local law enforcement should not be forced to conduct immigration enforcement to begin, but if they are, if they are, if they are, at the very least, we should ensure that they do not wear masks, especially if that is not part of their own practice or policy. The public certainly deserves identification and accountability and not anonymity when these kinds of actions are

3:08:57 – 3:09:04

General Leiter yields back. The gentleman with withdraws his point of order. Uh and his uh and the gentleman from California is recognized.

3:09:04 – 3:12:29

Thank you. Well, Mister Chairman, I've talked with a lot of ICE officers. Not one of them wants to wear a mask. The fact is they have to wear masks to protect themselves and their families from doxing and the violence directed at them that comes from doxing. We even had one incident in Carpinteria where a Democrat member of Congress doxed a federal agent to a violent mob that then set off upon that officer and put him in the emergency room of a local hospital. So here's an idea. Let's forbid law enforcement from wearing masks, but let's also put those who harass or threaten or dox law enforcement officers or their families, or who share personal identifying information about them, to a mandatory twenty years in prison. And let's make an assault on them punishable by forty years. And since what's good for the goose should also be good for the gander, let's forbid any demonstrators from wearing masks as well. But of course the Democrats won't agree to this because their aim is to stop enforcement of our immigration laws and to whip up a lunatic fringe on their movement, into violent confrontations. Gestapo, secret police, a reign of terror, a clear and present threat, slave patrols, masked thugs, those are just a few of the words and phrases used by far-left radicals to describe ICE. And every single one of them came from the lips of a Democrat elected official. As those same Democrats stoke division and hatred and fear of federal law enforcement, they question why those same federal law enforcement officers don't want to show their faces. It's because those officers know the Democrats' playbook. Uh, nearly a dozen violent assailants equipped with tactical gear and weapons attacked US Immigration and Customs Enforcement Prairie Land detention facility in Alvarado, Texas on July fourth, twenty twenty shooting a local law enforcement officer in the process. Just days later, a gunman opened fire at the entrance of the United States Border Patrol Sector annex in McAllen, Texas. These attacks not only endanger federal law enforcement, but the aliens themselves. Last fall in Dallas, a sniper targeted an ICE facility, shooting and killing two ICE detainees and injuring another. Meanwhile, death threats against ICE officers have increased eight thousand percent. Assaults on ICE officers have increased more than thirteen hundred percent. Even a Biden-Harris administration ICE official explained the dangers of harassment against ICE officials saying the staff have had to deal with " doxing" by the public including labeling them as Gestapo and plastering officers' faces on posters which were put up throughout the neighborhood. He also described how ICE had to board up its offices for several years in some cases, even shut down operations at certain ICE offices. because the protesting became so significant. How can anyone be expected to perform their job to the best of their abilities under such conditions? But once again, the common theme, that is the objective of the radical Democrats today. So if if Democrats want ICE to drop their masks, then they need to drop their rhetoric. But I don't think that's going to happen. In the meantime, ICE agents are doing the sensible thing to protect themselves and their families from the violent far-left radicals who are dead set on destroying our country.

3:12:29 – 3:12:30

I yield back.

3:12:32 – 3:12:34

Coming yields back, the gentleman from New York's recognized.

3:12:34 – 3:13:47

Thank you. Mr. Chairman, I I support this amendment, but I would go further. This amendment says that uh when state and local authorities are being co-opted to do immigration enforcement uh they should not wear masks to shield their identities. I would say that when ICE agents are doing their job, they should not wear masks to hide their identities. They are no different than any other police officers in this country, who always have identification, so that you can hold them accountable if they violate the law. If they do their job properly, fine. If they violate the law, if they manhandle people, if they murder people like Alex Preti and um um Rene Good, they should be held accountable. If, as happened in Colombia, last week I think it was, ICE agents impersonate uh uh um police officers to come into someone's dorm room without a search warrant and take her out, they should be held accountable.

3:13:47 – 3:13:48

Misrepresenting.

3:13:48 – 3:15:12

And they're misrepresenting themselves, all police officers of whatever nature, whether FBI or local police or uh uh uh immigration agents should be held accountable and should be identifiable, so that they should be held can be held accountable. And when they're masked, when people are masked, they often feel they can get away with anything. As we have seen with the murders of Rene- Rene uh Goode and Alex Preti. Those are murders. Now, if it weren't captured from multiple angles on vide- on video, we wouldn't know they were murders. We would have to take the words of the ICE officers. But the fact is, they were murders. And that's why when some of us sometimes say they're using gestapo tactics in our streets, they are. And they shouldn't. No police officers of any na- of any uh nature, local, state, federal, should get away with that sort of thing. That's why they shouldn't wear masks That's why the rhetoric about Gestapo tactics is accurate. Because they're acting like unaccountable agents of a totalitarian system. We do not have a totalitarian system, but they act as if we do. I yield back.

3:15:14 – 3:15:14

C- could I

3:15:14 – 3:15:15

I'll yield to Mister Raskin.

3:15:15 – 3:17:50

Th- thank you uh very much, Mister Nadler. I just wanna echo some of the things that you said. Um, this amendment would prevent ICE's unique mask requirement from spreading to state and local government law enforcement. It's not enough for them that ICE is the only law enforcement or military or quasi-military or paramilitary agency in the country to wear masks. The army doesn't wear masks. The navy doesn't wear masks. The coast guard doesn't wear masks. The marines don't wear masks. Local police departments don't wear masks, county police departments don't wear masks, state police don't wear masks, but ICE needs to. And the good gentleman from California assures us because somehow they're uniquely vulnerable to criminals going after them when it's a civil law enforcement or a civil enforcement agency really is it more dangerous than being a police officer, in most major cities in America? I don't think so. I don't know that we've lost any um ice agents. I know ice agents have killed people. There've been three homicides in Minnesota this year, in Minneapolis, and two of them were at the hands of ice agents. And yet the gentleman says they alone need to wear masks. Well, we don't know why. Nobody's ever given us a good explanation for it. I know that in this committee there was a vote which was brought forward by the Democrats to say that part in January six rioters, insurrectionists, extremists and terrorists, Proud Boys and Oath Keepers could not get hired with the billions of dollars showered on the Department of Homeland Security by the committee, and every Republican voted against it. Well, the mask require the the new masking requirement is keeping us from knowing who's behind the mask. And we've been writing repeated letters to the Secretary of Homeland Security, to the head of ICE, to say, are you hiring January sixth insurrectionists, people who violently attacked our police officers? Are there people behind those masks who attacked the police? And beat them up with Trump flags and Confederate battle flags. We're interested. You guys aren't interested in that so much. So, uh, we absolutely need to pass this to prevent this new masking policy from spreading into states and localities. You're back.

3:17:51 – 3:17:54

I'm the gentleman who's expired. The question occurs on the amendment offer.

3:17:57 – 3:17:57

Hmm.

3:17:58 – 3:17:59

Gentleman from Illinois is recognized.

3:18:01 – 3:18:03

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the last word.

3:18:04 – 3:18:05

Gentleman's recognized.

3:18:05 – 3:23:05

I join my democratic colleagues in condemning this disgraceful legislation. This bill unconstitutionally commandeers state and local law enforcement and strips federal funding from states and localities unless they agree to carry out Trump and Miller's lawless and authoritarian agenda against our communities in violation of the tenth amendment. This legislation is the latest effort by Republicans to target jurisdictions that choose to build trust between local law enforcement and communities, instead of turning them into instruments of federal overreach. It's especially appalling that Republicans wanna force a a a mark-up of this illegal policy when our country is defending itself from the fascist violence unleashed on our streets by masked DHS thugs and Secretary Nome who couldn't even defend her actions yesterday and you only know this when you feel it, in your neighborhood, in your community. Hear what I say about that. So here's what Republicans want local law enforcement to do alongside ICE and CBP. Murder American citizens and immigrants in cold blood. Shoot protesters who do not pose a threat to them, like Marimar Martinez, my guest at the State of the Union, who was nearly murdered by CBP agent Charles Exum. Racially profile people based on their skin color, accent, and workplace. I've seen it firsthand. Arrest people and break into their homes without a judicial warrant, in violation of the Fourth Amendment. Rip families apart. Kidnap grandparents off the street. Tear children away from their parents and toss them into concentration camps. Conduct mass surveillance to target protesters, journalists, and anyone else since Trump deems an enemy of the state. That's what Republicans want our local law enforcement to do. And they abandon any pretense of conservatism to do it. They wave their " don't tread on me" flags and then conduct a mass campaign of repression against the people of this country. They wave the " back the blue bags" and uh badge uh flags and strip funding from local law enforcement unless they do the bidding of DHS. They talk about government overreach and then cheer on the federal invasion and occupation of our cities, our own military. They talk about law and order and then incite mass violence on our streets. They talk about fiscal conservatism and then spend a hundred and seventy billion dollars our tax dollars on a slush fund for Trump Noam and Miller to carry out this agenda. We all know what's happening here. The Republican Party is controlled by violent extremists who have no morals, who don't give a damn about this country or the Constitution, whose entire job description is to lick Donald Trump's imaginary boots, who will sanction the murder of American citizens to keep their seat in Congress. And this bill is cruel and illegal on its face. And this is personal to me. I was proud to stand with Mayor Harold Washington, a former member of Congress, when his administration issued the executive order that made Chicago the nation's first sanctuary city in nineteen eighty five. As a com- County Commissioner, I fought to enhance trust between local law enforcement and the communities they serve. And I fought against the administration's assault on the Chicagoland region. I led an Illinois Democratic members' delegation in opposing the administration's attempt to strip funding over the Illinois Trust Act and other welcoming policies a tax that a federal judge ruled was illegal I've brought my colleagues to Chicago so that they can see firsthand why our policies make us safer and why the Republican assault on welcoming policies threatens public safety for every one of us. And let us not forget this enforcement is why the president's approval ratings have plummeted. And it's also why Americans across the country of all political stripes have believed now that ICE needs to be dismantled. It's the cruelty. I stand in solidarity with every immigrant, with every welcoming jurisdiction, and every person who opposes fascism in America. I opposed this harmful and illegal legislation, and I yield back in urging no vote.

3:23:06 – 3:23:09

Gentleman yields back. Gentleman from Missouri is recognized.

3:23:10 – 3:24:32

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I cannot believe my ears. This is the party that for two years required everyone to wear masks. These same Democrats who are anti-mask today requir- they represent cities and states such as California, Hawaii, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York, Oregon, Puerto Rico and Washington State that required everyone to wear masks. Many of them even required toddlers to wear masks, which did immeasurable damage to their speech and language development. But you know what masks did to prevent the spread of COVID? Nothing. On the other hand, our brave men and women of law enforcement ICE have been doxed, they've been tracked, they've been spit on. Apps were developed to track ICE. And as has been noted, there was an eight thousand percent increase in death threats to ICE agents and their family members. So it, the agenda is clear. The agenda is clear, anti-law enforcement activists want to be able to dox and track and intimidate ICE agents so that we will not enforce our borders, so we will not enforce long-standing immigration law. I urge this body to reject this amendment. I yield back.

3:24:32 – 3:24:40

Gentleman yields back. The question occurs on the amendment. You wanna speak on the amendment? General General Leah from Vermont's recognized.

3:24:41 – 3:24:44

Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I yield my time to the member from California, Miss Kamala Gurduev.

3:24:45 – 3:29:41

Uh, thank you, uh, Congressman. You know, I um You know, I I'm real talk. When I get on the airplane, I do wear a mask because there's some nasty folks out there and the flu season is upon us. But I'm not getting on an airplane trying to hurt somebody, you know, so separate the two. No theater today. Uh, my Congress, my fellow Congressman colleague from Illinois said it right, the majority of the American people say that they have had enough with ice, partially because of what they are seeing on their phones and on the TV, masked vigilantes running up on people everywhere, in churches, at playgrounds, at parks, in the middle of the street, and shooting them in the face. Arresting five-year-old kids, shooting refugees, detaining American citizens. They called Renee Good out of her name. They called her a B-word as they shot her in the face. And Americans are saying enough of that. And they don't want to see those folks in their communities wearing masks. This amendment is simple. If you support states' rights, then conceivably you would also support the sovereignty of your local law enforcement jurisdictions. And if you support this amendment, then you say, well, I don't want DHS to commandeer my local jurisdictions and force them to do things that they don't want to do. Because if they wanted to wear masks, then they would probably have their own policy that says they can. But I've talked to my local police officers and sheriffs and firefighters, and they say that it's BS what they see with these ICE agents wearing masks. Secretary Noem came in here yesterday and was complaining about how, oh, I wish I had more help from the local law enforcement agencies. Well, she's not getting any help from local law enforcement agencies. Because those departments are saying working with DHS is dangerous. It's putting my officers at risk. And they're also saying working with DHS, these ICE agents, is expensive. It's putting local revenue at risk. Cuz a local city could spend its time trying to raise its revenue to build you another park or build you another school or help with a hospital, Or they could be doling out settlements and lawsuits because their local law enforcement got commandeered by DHS and got folks running around wearing masks, shooting people and kidnapping people. And that's not what anyone wants to be connected to. Now, the representative from the northern part of my state was talking about, um, don't hurt law enforcement. How about do an amendment that says don't hurt law enforcement? Well, isn't that what we've been talking about when we've been bringing up January sixth? Gentleman from across the aisle was talking about apologizing. Not no person from the other side of the aisle apologized to the police officers that were protecting them January sixth. Can't even get the plaque up. had officers here for a couple of hearings, I didn't see no Republicans go over to them and say, I'm s- thank you for your service. And when the president pardoned these people, some of whom went out and committed more crimes, not one Republican, not one Republican said, " That's wrong, that's a hot mess, President shouldn't do that." Now. Now, I know you don't wanna you say, " Well, this is the president, he can pardon, he can do what he wants." But you can also say it's not a good idea. You can also say it's bad. Because those people didn't dox a Capitol Police officer, they had tried to kill Capitol Police officers. So say something about that. This amendment is basically trying to uphold some sovereignty of our local law enforcement jurisdictions to allow them to do the work that they are trained to do, that they're actually taking seriously, unlike These ICE agents under DHS. I think it's as simple as that. And with that I yield back to time.

3:29:41 – 3:29:42

And I yield back to the chair.

3:29:43 – 3:29:44

Joe Yields.

3:29:44 – 3:29:45

Joe Yields.

3:29:46 – 3:29:47

Gentleman from Maryland's recognized.

3:29:47 – 3:30:26

Thank you very much, Mister Chairman, I I wanna introduce some stuff for the record consistent with the remarks of the General Lady from California. Um, this is a a January six rioter pardoned by Donald Trump was convicted of sexually abusing children. He's convicting uh convicted of multiple state charges of child molestation and exposing himself to children. He was charged in Florida for new crimes after receiving a full pardon from President Donald Trump for his role in the January six, twenty twenty one riot at the US Capitol. So if I could introduce uh that one from NPR and then there's another one,

3:30:24 – 3:30:25

Objection.

3:30:26 – 3:30:33

January six rioter pardoned by Trump is convicted of child molestation. So there's another one uh I'd like Introduced here.

3:30:32 – 3:30:33

Objection.

3:30:33 – 3:34:51

And, you know, it just it makes me think uh about the point made by uh my friend from New Jersey. It seems like they're worthy victims and they're unworthy victims. So yesterday um we saw um a a group of people come here um who had lost their children when they were killed by undocumented uh aliens, criminals who killed them. And those people deserve our complete compassion and solidarity. Speaking as a dad who lost a child, um, I can only begin to imagine the horrors of what they've gone through, but enough that I could speak to several of them when they were here. Now, why is it that those are victims worthy of our attention, but Epstein's victims are not? Or the police officers who defended us, who got the daylights beat out of them by a rampaging mob? They're unworthy victims. They're people that some of our colleagues don't wanna talk about. And so, when we're dealing with these questions, it seems to me that we have to acknowledge the moral claims of everybody who's been victimized by violence, and do whatever we can to reduce and to address the violence. That's why I asked my friend from New Jersey, would he be willing to meet with families who lost people to gun violence. And they might be brought in by groups that you don't think you like, like Brady or Gabby Giffords' group. Is that that's who's able to organize them, but there are hundreds of thousands of people who've been affected by gun violence in schools in the country. Are we willing to hear them and talk to them? Or is that irrelevant because we've already foreclosed addressing their problems in engaging in any kind of public policy that might be responsive to their concerns. Think about it. Worthy victims and unworthy victims. I try to meet with anybody who comes to me with a story. I'm not gonna close off entire groups of the population because I think they're gonna tell me something that might somehow be at odds with my predetermined policy commitments. So, what we're talking about today is something, though, that goes right to the heart of the constitutional structure of America. And I've tried to offer my colleagues a glimpse of these Supreme Court decisions. I really recommend that they all read. They're written by justices like Scalia and Alito, saying that the federal government cannot enter into state and local governments and conscript individual employees or officials, much less all officials and employees, to the effectuation It's a violation of the constitutional design. Check out Justice Alito's fine disquisition on that. He says that that uh those of us in government have gotta be responsible to the people voting for us, and can't take orders from somebody else at a different level of government. And I think that's the essential point that we're talking about here today. We've tried to raise questions related to the trampling of people's constitutional rights. their First Amendment right to speak, to assemble, to protest for a redress of grievances, their Second Amendment right to possess a firearm without uh being killed, simply because they are possessing a firearm in uh in perfect conformity with the Second Amendment and state law, and due process, and the Fourth Amendment. And yet it seems like out of deference to one guy and a policy agenda that's out of control that's being rejected by the vast majority of the American people, our colleagues are willing to close their eyes to constitutional violations they would never accept for one moment if it were being done under President Biden or Obama. None of these things, shooting people in the face, entering their homes without a search warrant, uh, you know, arresting people for protesting in public or recording government officials on camera would never happen and it's hard for all of us to be consistent, but let's at least try to be consistent. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.

3:34:51 – 3:35:00

Gentleman yields back, the question occurs on the amendment offered by the gentlelady from California. All those in favor of the amendment will say aye. All those opposed, no. No. And the pay to the chair.

3:34:58 – 3:34:59

No.

3:35:00 – 3:35:02

The no's have it. And the amendment is not agreed to.

3:35:02 – 3:35:03

Request recorded, vote please.

3:35:03 – 3:35:04

Clerk will call the roll.

Clerk3:35:05 – 3:35:05

Mister Jordan.

3:35:05 – 3:35:06

No.

Clerk3:35:06 – 3:35:12

Mister Jordan votes no. Mister Issa. Mister Biggs. Mister McClintock.

3:35:12 – 3:35:12

No.

Clerk3:35:13 – 3:35:15

Mister McClintock votes no. Mister Tiffany.

3:35:15 – 3:35:15

No.

Clerk3:35:15 – 3:35:21

Mister Tiffany votes no. Mister Massey. Mister Roy. Mister Fitzgerald.

3:35:22 – 3:35:23

No.

Clerk3:35:23 – 3:35:25

Mister Fitzgerald votes no. Mister Klein.

3:35:25 – 3:35:25

No.

Clerk3:35:26 – 3:35:28

Mister Klein votes no. Mister Gooden.

3:35:28 – 3:35:29

I give it back. No.

Clerk3:35:29 – 3:35:30

Mister Van Drew.

3:35:31 – 3:35:31

No.

Clerk3:35:31 – 3:35:35

Mister Van Drew votes no. Mister Nels. Mister Moore.

3:35:35 – 3:35:36

No.

Clerk3:35:36 – 3:36:00

Mister Moore votes no. Mister Kiley. Miss Hageman. Miss Hageman votes no. Miss Lee. Mister Hunt. Mister Fry. Mister Grothman. Mister Nott. Mister Harris. Mister Harris votes no. Mister Onder. Mister Onder votes no. Mister Schmidt. Mister Gill.

3:36:00 – 3:36:00

No.

Clerk3:36:01 – 3:36:03

Mister Gill votes no. Mister Baumgartner.

3:36:03 – 3:36:04

No.

Clerk3:36:04 – 3:36:06

Mister Baumgartner votes no. Mister Raskin.

3:36:06 – 3:36:07

Aye.

Clerk3:36:07 – 3:36:09

Mister Raskin votes aye. Mister Nadler.

3:36:09 – 3:36:10

Aye. Aye.

Clerk3:36:10 – 3:36:14

Mister Nadler votes aye. Miss Lofgren. Miss Lothgrim votes aye. Mister Cohen.

3:36:14 – 3:36:15

Yes.

Clerk3:36:15 – 3:36:19

Mister Cohen votes yes. Mister Johnson. Mister Swallow.

3:36:19 – 3:36:20

Yes.

Clerk3:36:20 – 3:36:24

Mister Swallow votes yes. Mister Liu. Mister Jaipal.

3:36:25 – 3:36:25

Oh, yeah.

Clerk3:36:26 – 3:36:27

Mister Correa.

3:36:26 – 3:36:26

Miss.

Clerk3:36:28 – 3:36:29

Miss Scanlon.

3:36:29 – 3:36:29

Yes.

Clerk3:36:30 – 3:36:35

Miss Scanlon votes yes. Mister Neguse. Miss McBath. Miss Ross.

3:36:35 – 3:36:36

Aye.

Clerk3:36:36 – 3:36:53

Miss Ross votes aye. Miss Ballant. Miss Ballant votes aye. Mister Garcia. Mr. Garcia. Mr. Garcia, that's aye. Miss Kamager-Dove. Miss Kamager-Dove, that's aye. Mr. Moskowitz. Mr. Goldman. Miss Crockett.

3:36:59 – 3:37:00

Gentleman from Texas.

3:37:01 – 3:37:02

No.

Clerk3:37:03 – 3:37:04

Mr. Hood, that's no.

3:37:04 – 3:37:05

Biggs. No.

Clerk3:37:05 – 3:37:06

Mr. Biggs votes no.

3:37:07 – 3:37:09

Gentleman from other gentleman from Texas.

Clerk3:37:09 – 3:37:12

Mr. Gooden. These are good invotes now.

3:37:29 – 3:37:30

Click report.

Clerk3:37:30 – 3:37:32

Mister Chairman, there are ten ayes and fifteen noes.

Unknown3:37:34 – 3:37:36

Noes have it, and the amendment is not adopted.

3:37:36 – 3:37:50

Noes have it, the amendment is not adopted. Question now is on the adoption of the amendment in the nature of a substitute. This will be followed immediately by a vote on reporting the bill. All those in favor say aye. Aye. Those opposed, no.

3:37:50 – 3:37:51

No.

3:37:51 – 3:37:59

Pinned to the chair, the ayes have it. And the amendment in the nature of a substitute is adopted. The question is on favorably reporting the bill as amended. All those in favor say aye. Aye. Those opposed, no.

Clerk3:37:59 – 3:38:00

No.

3:37:59 – 3:38:00

No.

3:38:00 – 3:38:08

The ayes have it and the bill is ordered to be reported favorably. I assume you wanna roll call the recall roll call vote being requested. Uh, the clerk will call the roll.

Clerk3:38:08 – 3:38:09

Mister Jordan.

3:38:09 – 3:38:09

Yes.

Clerk3:38:09 – 3:38:14

Mister Jordan votes yes. Mister ISA. Mister Biggs.

3:38:14 – 3:38:14

Aye.

Clerk3:38:15 – 3:38:17

Mister Biggs votes aye. Mister McClintock.

3:38:17 – 3:38:17

Aye.

Clerk3:38:17 – 3:38:19

Mister McClintock votes aye. Mister Tiffany.

3:38:19 – 3:38:20

Aye.

Clerk3:38:20 – 3:38:22

Mister Tiffany votes aye. Mister Massey.

3:38:22 – 3:38:23

Aye.

Clerk3:38:23 – 3:38:25

Mister Massey votes aye. Mister Roy.

3:38:26 – 3:38:26

Good.

Clerk3:38:26 – 3:38:35

Mister Fitzgerald. Mister Fitzgerald votes aye. Mister Klein. Mister Klein votes aye. Mister Gooden. Mister Gooden votes aye. Mister Van Drew.

3:38:35 – 3:38:35

Yes.

Clerk3:38:36 – 3:38:40

Mr. Van Drew votes yes. Mr. Nels. Mr. Moore.

3:38:40 – 3:38:40

Yes.

Clerk3:38:40 – 3:38:42

Mr. Moore votes yes. Mr. Kiley.

3:38:42 – 3:38:43

Yes.

Clerk3:38:44 – 3:38:49

Miss Hageman. Miss Hageman votes yes. Miss Lee. Mr. Hunt.

3:38:49 – 3:38:49

Yes.

Clerk3:38:49 – 3:38:58

Mr. Hunt votes yes. Mr. Frey. Mr. Grothman. Mr. Knott. Mr. Harris.

3:38:58 – 3:38:58

Yes.

Clerk3:38:58 – 3:39:00

Mr. Harris votes yes. Mr. Onder.

3:39:00 – 3:39:00

Yes.

Clerk3:39:00 – 3:39:04

Mr. Onder votes yes. Mr. Schmidt. mr. gill

3:39:04 – 3:39:05

yes

Clerk3:39:05 – 3:39:09

mr. gill votes yes mr. bob gardner mr. raskin

3:39:10 – 3:39:11

no

Clerk3:39:11 – 3:39:13

mr. raskin votes no mr. nadler

3:39:13 – 3:39:13

no

Clerk3:39:13 – 3:39:18

mr. nadler votes no miss lochgron miss lochgron votes no mr. cohen

3:39:19 – 3:39:19

no um

Clerk3:39:20 – 3:39:24

mr. cohen votes no mr. johnson mr. swalwell

3:39:25 – 3:39:25

no

Clerk3:39:25 – 3:39:45

mr. swalwell votes no mr. liu miss jaya paul mr. correa Miss Scanlon. Miss Scanlon votes no. Mr. Neguse. Miss McBath. Miss Ross. Miss Ross votes no. Miss Ballant. Miss Ballant votes no. Mr. Garcia.

3:39:45 – 3:39:46

No.

Clerk3:39:46 – 3:39:48

Mr. Garcia votes no. Miss Kamlager-Dove.

3:39:48 – 3:39:49

Yeah.

Clerk3:39:49 – 3:39:55

Miss Kamlager-Dove votes no. Mr. Moskowitz. Mr. Goldman. Miss Crockett.

3:40:00 – 3:40:00

Aye.

Clerk3:40:00 – 3:40:01

Mister Bob Garner votes aye.

3:40:04 – 3:40:05

I see.

3:40:05 – 3:40:16

We're gonna w- we'll w- we'll wait a couple of minutes. We've got a couple members who wanna get who wanna be recorded on the vote. While we're waiting I wanna thank the committee. I know it's been a busy week, but most weeks are busy weeks for this committee.

3:40:17 – 3:40:18

We're good.

3:40:18 – 3:40:20

Thank you, Mister Chairman, for leading us this week.

3:40:19 – 3:40:22

So we have to go. So we have to go this one? Yes.

3:40:28 – 3:40:52

Thank you. Who who do you have who do you have uh coming? I appreciate it. We're waiting for Schmidt, you guys have a couple. This this uh, Jaya Paul is running back from foreign affairs. She's literally on her way. Okay. Yeah, we're waiting. Thank you sir. Okay. I appreciate you. There she is. Um, Daryl's coming too. Ah, she is. I've met him before.

3:40:56 – 3:40:57

Well, we'll wait for that.

Clerk3:40:58 – 3:40:59

Missed our Apple votes, no.

3:40:59 – 3:41:01

You didn't need to run. I was gonna wait on you.

3:41:05 – 3:41:05

Thank you, sir.

3:41:06 – 3:41:06

You're back.

3:41:08 – 3:41:08

Mm.

3:41:10 – 3:41:29

Thank you guys. We'll uh We'll probably do a call next week sometime. Mister Gentleman from California.

3:41:30 – 3:41:30

I'm a yes.

Clerk3:41:31 – 3:41:32

Mister, I say yes.

3:41:38 – 3:41:39

I'm just waiting for sh- for Derek.

3:41:40 – 3:41:40

Mm-hmm.

Clerk3:41:41 – 3:41:42

Mm-hmm.

3:41:48 – 3:41:49

You traveling, Jamie, next week?

3:41:49 – 3:41:50

Um

Morning digest

Start every morning briefed on yesterday’s hearings

A free weekday email covering yesterday’s hearings and transcripts newly unlocked in the archive.

Free weekday email. Unsubscribe anytime.