Securing NATO’s Eastern Frontier: Assessing the Strategic Landscape in the Baltic Region

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The subcommittee on Europe will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to focus on the security landscape along NATO's eastern frontier in the Baltics. I now recognize myself for an opening statement. Today's hearing examines the security of the Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, three allies on NATO's front line, we now call the eastern frontier. Uh, their defense is not peripheral. It is a direct measure of the alliance's credibility and core US national security interests. These nations border a Russia that has demonstrated in Ukraine both the intent and the capability to use force to achieve its objectives. But the challenge facing the Baltics is not limited to conventional aggression. The battlefield has changed. Today's conflict is defined by persistent, multi-domain fifth-generation warfare that is already underway. We've had a hearing, uh, we've held, examining hybrid threats and its impact on American and allied interests. These threats are not theoretical. They're being employed every day through cyber attacks, malign influence, economic coercion, weaponized mass migration, and efforts to exploit ethnic and political divisions. In many respects, the Baltic States have been on the front lines of understanding, exposing, and countering these forms of hybrid warfare. Earlier this year I introduced HR seven six three two, the shadow act, which builds directly on the findings of the Europe subcommittee work. The legislation ensures that we systematically identify, analyze, and counter hybrid threats before they escalate further. This legislation establishes a hybrid warfare accountability coordinator at the State Department to enhance our efforts, enabling faster attribution, stronger information sharing, more coordinated responses, and greater resilience across NATO. I am proud that this bill passed out of committee unanimously. The trajectory of the war in Ukraine will shape the Baltic security environment for years to come. Even in the event of a cease-fire or frozen conflict, Russia is likely to reconstitute its forces, and in fact is doing so today. To fight in Ukraine, Russia has drawn down its crack troops from its Western military district When this war is over, there is a real risk that Russia may position its battle-hardened troops on the borders of the Baltic republics. This would escalate tensions between Moscow and Brussels beyond anything we saw at the onset of the invasion of Ukraine. History suggests the cessation of the conflict in Ukraine will not reduce the Russian threat. It may instead simply redirect it. NATO's eastern flank, particularly the Baltics, would be a primary target for this renewed pressure. Deterrence in this region is therefore not a future requirement, it is an immediate one, particularly uh due to the lack of strategic depth in the Baltics. We should also be clear-eyed about the role the Baltic states themselves are playing. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are not security freeloaders. They historically lead the way in NATO for defense spending by GDP. While today we are focused specifically on these three reliable partners, I would like to also acknowledge and commend Poland and Norway, who joined the Baltic Republic to Republic as the top five leaders in defense expenditures as a share of GDP in twenty twenty five. The Baltic States also hosts multinational NATO forces and have delivered substantial support to Ukraine. Their commitment strengthens NATO as a whole as standard bearers for what the alliance should look like. The United States remains indispensable to deterrence on NATO's eastern frontier. Our strategic enablers, foreign pre- forward presence, and joint and combined coordination within the alliance are foundational. But credibility requires more than presence, it requires capability. The war in Ukraine has underscored the importance of ready forces, sufficient stockpiles, and a defense industrial base capable of sustaining prolonged conflict. The central question before us is whether NATO is postured not just to respond to a crisis in the Baltics, but to prevent one. That means ensuring deterrence is credible, allied contributions are sufficient, and the lessons of Ukraine are translated into tangible improvements in readiness and resilience. The Baltic states understand the stakes. They have invested accordingly and continue to lead by example. This hearing is an opportunity to assess whether the broader alliance is keeping pace, and whether our strategy reflects the reality on the ground. Because if deterrence fails in the Baltics, the cost won't be measured in miles of territory, it will be measured in the credibility of NATO itself. Today's hearing will seek a clear-eyed assessment and actionable recommendations to ensure the security of the Baltic region, and I look forward to the testimony of our witness and a rigorous discussion on how to confront these evolving threats before they de-stabilize the region, undermine the alliance, and threaten broader American and trans-Atlantic security interests. The chair now recognizes the ranking member.

Well, thank you, Mister Chairman, uh, for holding this hearing and thank you Deputy uh Assistant Secretary Smith for being here today. Uh, for more than thirty years, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have stood as pillars of freedom and democracy. in the decades preceding Baltic independence, the nineteen forty Wells Declaration and the nineteen thirty-two Stimson Doctrine, enshrined in US policy the non-recognition of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States, as well as any international territorial changes executed by force. This policy, in conjunction with the Budapest Memorandum, resonates today as Russia prosecutes an illegal war of aggression in Ukraine. As Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania chartered their own Baltic way, the United States stood alongside as an ally and force multiplier in the region. Today, the Baltic States are leaders in almost every category and well on the track to meet NATO defense spending targets. More so, each has donated an average of thirteen percent of their annual defense spending directly to Ukraine. To match Estonia's donation to Ukraine as a percentage of GDP, the United States would need to provide more than a trillion dollars to Ukraine. To defend NATO's eastern flank, all three nations host a NATO-enhanced forward presence force, including Germany's first permanent foreign military deployment in decades in Lithuania. Additionally, Latvia has opened one of the largest training grounds in the Baltics for NATO's use while all three Baltic nations top-of-the-line host nation support packages to deployed U S service members. Congress continues to support these efforts through the bipartisan Baltic Security Initiative. Put simply, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are steadfast allies whose li- whose lived experience demonstrates the commitment, uh, their commitment to our collective defense and to a robust but still growing partnership with America. Yet as the Baltic States are eager to work with the United States, the Trump administration has undermined our alliances through threats of invasion, tariffs, sanctions of our European allies. And there's so doubts about America's commitment to the trans-Atlantic alliance. In recent weeks, for example, the Defense Department has announced withdrawals of troops from Europe, and indefinitely paused the delivery of US defense systems previously purchased by our Baltic allies citing munition shortage caused by President Trump's " war of choice" in Iran. And while Mister Smith's testimony outlines how the Baltics have severed ties with all of Russia's energy and robustly support US operations in Iran, President Trump has responded by issuing general licenses on Russian and Iranian oil providing billions every month to fuel the Russian war machine against Ukraine. However, in a contrast, House Democrats and, uh, independent thinking, uh, Republicans, I might add, are leading on the Baltics and Ukraine. Just yesterday, the discharge petition of the Ukraine Support Act, which myself, Ranking Member Meeks, and Representative Hoyer have co-led, reached its two hundred and eighteenth signature. This bill provides an additional eight billion dollars in foreign military financing loans for Ukraine and countries imp- impacted by the war, including thirty million specifically for the Balkans. For the Baltics, rather. The Ukraine Support Act. also provides additional support for the Ukraine security assistance initiative and imposes meaningful sanctions on the entire Russian economy, sanctions President Trump has been unwilling to authorize. Finally, it includes vital support for Radio for Europe, Radio Liberty, and squarely condemns the Kremlin's grotesque campaign to abduct Ukrainian children. I look forward to every member of the House having the opportunity to vote on this legislation in the coming weeks. In closing, Deputy Assistant uh Deputy Assistant Secretary Smith, uh I appreciate your being here today, even when uh the political policy-making leadership of the department uh refuses. It's unfortunate that sixteen months into this administration, this committee, the subcommittee in Europe, has had zero public briefings, hearings or engagements with any Trump administrative officials on Ukraine, and that neither uh of the two people leading the negotiations uh or any political appointee of the State Department has been are willing or compelled by the majority to testify. I hope that it, with many threats undermining Baltic security, this hearing can further demonstrate the best way we can bolster our relationship with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the decades to come. Uh, and I, I hope that we, uh, can work together, uh, fighting together to fight for democracy, to fight for the, uh, security not only of these Baltic countries but of Europe itself and, uh, the U. S. in fighting uh to preserve uh Ukraine's sovereignty. I yield back.

Other members of the committee are reminded that opening statements may be submitted for the record. We are pleased to have Deputy Assistant Secretary Christopher Smith from the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs of the U. S. State Department before us today. Your full statement will be made part of the record, and I'll ask you to keep your spoken remarks to five minutes in order to allow time for questions. I now recognize Mister Smith for an opening statement.

Good morning, Chairman Self, Ranking Member Keating, distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today about U. S. relations with our Baltic allies, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The United States' partnerships with the Baltic countries are strong, durable, and strategically vital. These allies are consistently among the most pro-Trans-Atlantic and pro-US voices in Europe, particularly on NATO defense spending, on energy security, and support for peace in Ukraine. They never shy away from breaking with EU consensus when necessary, to side with the United States on matters of shared principles. At a time of heightened geopolitical competition and continued instability due to the Russia-Ukraine war, our Baltic allies remain among the clearest voices in Europe. in defense of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the trans-Atlantic cooperation. Our partnership is bolstered by a steady cadence of senior-level engagements, including cabinet-level meetings, diplomatic consultations, mill-mill engagements, as well as vital congressional engagement. I have myself been to the region six times in the last year to advance our common objectives including cooperation to counter hybrid threats from Russia and from Belarus. I am proud to work with Special Envoy John Cole on negotiations with the Lukashenko regime that have freed over five hundred political prisoners including American citizens and dozens of citizens of Latvia Lithuania and Estonia. We have also engaged Minsk to address specific security threats at the request of our Baltic allies a clear signal in a tough neighborhood that the United States has their back. On the bilateral front, our cooperation with the Balts has never been closer, or more important. Estonia has distinguished itself as a global leader in digital governance and cyber security hosting NATO's cyber center of excellence. Latvia plays a central role in regional logistics and energy diversification. Lithuania demonstrates principled leadership on economic security serving as the gateway for US LNG to the region. All three Baltic allies prioritize buying American, especially in the defense and energy sectors. The Baltic States have taken decisive action to protect their borders. Their commitment to border integrity and information sharing with US partners strengthens our collective security. By investing in advanced border surveillance technologies, enhancing cooperation with the United States, and maintaining strict vetting procedures, the Baltic States serve as a model in Europe for responsible migration management. All three Baltic allies will meet President Trump's call for NATO allies spend five percent on defense, uh, up from their GDP on defense this year. Lithuania and Estonia lead the alliance in per capita spending at roughly five por four percent and Latvia is the first NATO ally to enshrine in law its commitment to spend five percent on defense. Over decades, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have consistently supported US-led operations globally, including operations enduring freedom and Iraqi freedom. They have offered, more recently, meaningful public and practical support to Operation Epic Fury, deeply underscoring their reliability as security partners. The United States values our partnership with these three nations who align so clearly with our national security strategy. The threats facing the Baltics are real and persistent. Russia's hostile activities include military posturing, cyber attacks, and increasing hybrid pressure. China presents a longer-term threat, requiring continued vigilance against economic coercion and influence operations. In response, the United States is working closely with our Baltic allies to enhance deterrence and defense through NATO's forward presence, joint training, and investment in infrastructure and readiness. Energy security likewise remains a priority. The Baltics officially severed all ties with Russian energy in February twenty twenty five. Nearly eighty percent of the LNG imported by the Baltic nations come from the United States. Lithuania has also engineered the delivery of US LNG forward to help Ukraine and help Kyiv meet their energy needs. In closing, our partnerships with Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are a model of what a strong alliance can deliver. Their support for US operations demonstrates that even small states can make outsized contributions to collective security. The United States remains firmly committed to standing with our Baltic allies, and we deeply value our partnership, based on shared interests and values. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to the discussion.

Uh, thank you, Mister Smith. I now recognize myself for five minutes. Uh, I'd like to first address the threat that, as you see it, in the, uh, to the, uh, Baltics. Um. We believe that Russia is reconstituting its forces, plans to reposition them. Can you give us an assessment of the, Russia's plans to reposition troops and military assets near the Baltic borders, uh, after the war in Ukraine? So my questions are post-Ukraine. I don't know when, I don't know how, but uh, all war is end. So post-Ukraine, what is your an assessment of Russia's plans toward the Baltics?

Mister Chairman, thank you for the question, uh, as you are well aware, Russia is using about ninety percent of its combat power in Ukraine at the moment. But your question is about what happens once peace is achieved. I think we should expect Russia to rebalance its forces and look for opportunities to project power uh and also create dilemmas for NATO uh this is particularly acute in the Baltic region and I would argue, sir, that it is already happening in their use of hybrid operations against the Baltic States and its efforts to pressure those States and project power in the region.

OK, thank you. So we've got uh three aspects of of this question. Uh you've got the lack of strategic depth, uh obviously, uh you've got the Kaliningrad uh A two A D area, and then you've got the Swalke gap, which I I consider a strategic vulnerability. Can you address those three and how NATO addresses those three? uh from a policy perspective.

Thank you, sir, uh I would agree that geography presents certain strategic uh constraints on our operations and NATO's force planning is essential to mitigate those uh constraints and challenges in particular I think it's important that NATO has repositioned forces to provide a forward deployed deterrence capability but also it's critical that these allies are really leading the way the Balts are really leading the way in investing in the modern technologies of twenty-first century warfare. Uh Latvia, for example, is the largest drone producer in Europe after only Ukraine, and their co-production with the United States, with other NATO allies and with Ukraine presents an opportunity to mitigate with new technologies some of the challenges that they face uh in the geographical domain, on the battlefield.

And then I'll ask you a question that uh I'd would ask you to consider. their their support for Ukraine, does it harm their readiness for their own defense in post-Ukraine world?

The Baltic allies see the outcome of the war in Ukraine and the ability to deliver a secure peace in the future as essential to their own national security. They're providing assistance to Ukraine to help it defend itself, But they are also investing heavily in their own defense. As I mentioned before, these are allies that are leading the charge in NATO in terms of core defense investments not only to be able to deter deter attacks today but also be able to deter pressure in the future they are investing in new technologies and they are leveraging the lessons learned from the battlefield in Ukraine through their close partnerships in the military domain intelligence and security domains more broadly.

OK, so in twenty twenty-two, Estonia signed a contract uh to purchase six high mobility artillery rocket system high mars. Uh, and deliveries were scheduled for twenty twenty-four. They weren't delivered till twenty twenty-five. Uh, their glimmers and their ATACOMs shipments were also uh delayed, partly because of our own operations, I understand. Uh We need to increase our defense industrial base, and I understand Europe needs to do the same. The the both of them need to be increased. But have you, how do you convey that need to your political military affairs, DSCA, DOW? How do you communicate your perspective to the uh, inter-agency partners?

Turbo-charging the defense industrial base in the United States is a top priority for the administration. Uh, it's also something that we are engaged on with our NATO allies and partners. We need to see Europe making similar investments in their own ability to produce key components for the modern battlefield. Uh, we're also focused on learning lessons on what types of technologies are most effective in the type of warfare that might be fought in Europe in the future. This is an essential element for inter-agency discussion, and it's certainly something that we're engaged on. at the highest levels all the way down to my level with our allies in the Baltics, but across NATO. It's a uh core objective also for our upcoming um engagements in the NATO uh at senior levels in the NATO format to focus in on defense industrial base, and how we can do more in the trans-Atlantic dip.

Yeah, and uh my time is is gone, but I would say that uh we need to figure out uh yes, if our all of our allies are contributing uh five percent, that they have somewhere to spend that five. And uh now I recognize the ranking member, Keating, for five minutes.

Thank you, Mister Chairman. Um Our s- our strategic uh uh policy towards China uh is one of deterrence, it's fair to say that, uh says the secretary. Uh is it also fair to say that China's looking at uh what's transpiring in uh the Baltics, what's transpiring in Ukraine uh in terms of how they view or how that'll be part of their analysis of how to deal with Taiwan.

Uh, Mister Ranking Member, I would say China is certainly studying uh the war in Ukraine and uh, as you know, is providing significant support to Russia's ability to continue its operations. China provides about eighty percent of dual-use goods for the Russian defense industrial base. Uh, and it's also looking carefully uh at its relationships with the Baltic countries. Uh, the Baltic countries, this is not lost on them. They are increasingly viewing China as they analyze their trade relations and other relations with China through the lens of China's support for Russia's war in Ukraine uh and I think that um they are drawing conclusions and cooling their economic relations with China as a result.

Yeah, I I'm glad you brought that up because I think that uh when you look at the Baltic uh States, uh it's been extraordinary the way they've stood up. uh, the now-defunct seventeen plus one, uh, initiative by China, uh, they were, uh, vociferous, they were clear, uh, they were not gonna participate, uh, in that. So, uh, I think it's, it's important to look at what the Baltic States are doing economically, too, and how a steadfast ally they are to the United States, and the E- EU, and how they look very skeptically on China, uh, in that regard. In fact, uh, Lithuania, uh, uh, posted a uh a Taiwan office there, uh and took a lot of uh the arrows that were thrown their way for doing that. Just wanna be clear, uh on your testimony uh you said that uh uh there's been a steady cadence of meetings with Baltic officials. Uh you know I've been talking to other uh members uh member states in the region, and and throughout Europe and the steady cadence isn't the same as high level cadence. And uh could you commit to underscoring maybe the frustration that I'm hearing from some of them, that they would like to uh have higher level meetings, Secretary Rubio, Consul Needham, uh and can you communicate that to to try and ensure that our European allies are receiving the type of high level uh uh meetings that they they I think sorely need.

Ranking member, I will certainly relay that point to leadership, I would point out that in the case of the Baltics, all of them have had substantive engagements with secretary Rubio, uh and with uh councillor Needham as well as other leaders uh across the inter-agency.

Yeah, I also wanna just uh underscore something else, uh cuz I addressed in my remarks the commitment uh of the Baltic States as well. Um it it you know first of all just and I'm not asking you to know the exact numbers but I think you'll be able to address this but, is it true the European Union and the EU member states have made two hundred and twenty six billion dollars available to Ukraine since the start of the invasion. Does that number sound about right?

Uh, that r number sounds approximately approximately correct, sir, yes.

And and is it true that Congress has appropriated a hundred seventy-four billion to Ukraine, including a hundred thirty-four billion in security assistance since the start of the war?

I don't have the exact figures, sir, but that is generally uh my understanding.

So just so uh the public knows, that's uh the EU has provided twenty-five percent more to Ukraine than the United States. I think that's lost on a lot of the American public, uh, in that regard. Uh, and, and in terms of, uh, some of the, uh, is it accurate to say the foreign military financing, uh, you know, the development, uh, finance corporation from US supplemental packages were made available to Ukraine. But importantly, uh, they also impacted, uh, other countries. Other countries benefit that. Could you comment on The the the money we're giving Ukraine also, uh, those packages also help the other countries that are affected.

Uh, I would say that's an accurate description of the impact of our assistance. I would also say that part of the reason the EU and, uh, European countries have stepped up to provide these extensive levels of support is because we have challenged them to do so and to share more of the burden, given the central, uh, national security priority for Europe of, uh, what is taking place in Ukraine.

And I think that uh as you look at uh things going forward, uh just look at what we've done to help those areas too. Estonia received high Mars system, Latvia received high Mars and naval airstrike missiles, Lithuania received important uh kit and training equipment, uh like night vision goggles and laser range finders, just a few examples. But that's important too because uh these are NATO countries.

Mm-hmm.

These are NATO countries that were there with us after nine eleven And it's important to underscore that, um, you know, just as these countries did in nine, after nine eleven, when nine Estonians, four Latvians and one Lithuanian gave their lives for our cause, coming into things under Article five. It's important to remember that that commitment also is a commitment to NATO.

Mister Ranking Member, I would associate myself with those remarks. I served as a political advisor to US military units in Afghanistan, in ISAF, and had both Lithuanian and Latvian uh officers in my unit, uh and we recognize their service. Uh I would also say that uh the assistance we provide is important to get them on to US platforms. It's made them more battle capable, but it's also helped them choose US Dib as the strategic armament uh source of first resort.

My time is gone. I thank you and now you're back.

Uh, thank you, I will point out that uh Secretary Rubio hosted uh met with the foreign ministers in March of twenty-five soon after the start of this administration and Secretary Hegseth hosted his counterparts in uh July of twenty- twenty-five uh so uh and I can't speak for anyone below the secretaries themselves but uh high level uh meetings have uh have taken place and I wanna thank the ranking member for pointing out uh the the the admin the administration's position that Europe must step up uh has hap- actually happened in Ukraine. Uh, I now recognize uh the representative from South Carolina, the honorable Mister Wilson.

Thank you very much, Mister Chairman. And Mister Secretary, I I think it's really exciting that you actually see bipartisanship here today, with Chairman Self and the Ranking Member Keating. Uh, we all strongly uh support, as the um Ranking Members mentioned, the uh security and uh sovereignty, independence of Taiwan, and uh the leadership of uh Lithuania to take steps on that. Additionally, uh it's really important uh that uh what has been brought out and confirmed uh with the chairman and that is the level of support uh from Europe to the people of Ukraine and how uh indeed the American support, the European support, uh and working together. With that in mind, our Baltic allies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are correctly identified as quote " model allies" by President Donald Trump with exceeding goals for defense spending and NATO contribution. I've visited all three and and the people there and it's the people are an inspiration of their independence and hey their um recognition too that America never recognized the Soviet occupation of nineteen forty. We always recognized their independence and now they're free. With that in mind, they are facing unprecedented infrastructure migration attacks by Volkhan Putin and his puppet Lukashenko of Belarus. Volkhan Putin is held by fellow declared enemies of America, the Chinese Communist Party, the crazed dictator Kim Jong-un, and the murderous regime in Tehran. Ukraine, working with the United States is developing state-of-the-art technology to counter emerging threats of drones threatening the free world. With that in mind, Mister Secretary Yu, with your leadership and Secretary Marco Rubio, Europe is more united than ever, empowering NATO to achieve peace through strength. War criminal Putin must be stopped from resurrecting the failed Soviet Union as he invades Georgia and Ukraine, as he keeps troops in Moldova and shamefully rigged elections in the Republic of Georgia, with with Salome George Vesuvili being the legitimate president of the Republic of Georgia. And Mr. Secretary, I'm uh really grateful that I had the opportunity to meet with you in your service in uh Kiev, and uh how extraordinary uh we're your service means to all of us. With that in mind, what is being done to fast-track arms sales to allies who want to purchase American defense articles such as HIMARS, which have been delayed for years?

Thank you very much, Congressman, for your question. Uh, we are committed to ensuring that our allies, uh, are able to purchase from the United States defense industrial base, the weapons they need to deter and defend against, uh, aggression. Uh, we have in some cases informed European allies. that certain munitions, usually ammunition, uh have been delayed due to ongoing contingencies in the Gulf. Uh however, we are working very hard to ensure that those deliveries are come back online as quickly as possible. And we are also delivering uh weapon systems that uh these Baltic allies in particular have uh used to modernize their militaries and make central, to their order of battle. Uh so going forward, Uh, we will continue to work with them closely to meet their needs in terms of capabilities but also ensure that they have the training and wherewithal in order to deploy them to effect.

And indeed, that's been bipartisan with Chairman Ryan Mast and Ranking Member, uh, Greg Meeks. They, uh, truly have stood together on signing off and facilitating foreign military sales. And, and to me it's just so important and I thank goodness, uh, for you and Secretary Rubio to have the lead. With that, What are other allies uh doing, such as France, the UK and Germany doing to defend the Baltic States and deter any further Russian aggression?

The NATO presence in the Baltics is a really great example of the alliance stepping up to meet the burden not only on the shoulders of the United States, but also across the entire alliance. Germany has deployed an entire brigade to Lithuania, as was mentioned earlier uh in the discussion. This is a really important signal, really historic signal of a NATO ally stepping up to help another ally on the eastern frontier. Uh, additionally, we have multiple allies participating in the air policing mission, the Baltic air policing mission, providing aircraft and pilots to secure the skies in these important regions. And finally, we have multiple allies contributing to Baltic sentry, a naval exercise, a naval operation designed to counter threats against undersea critical infrastructure.

Well indeed, you're being successful, and I'm grateful that today in the uh Washington Times, there's a really remarkable article about Russia's grinding offensive stalls. Again, the people of Ukraine are so courageous, standing up just as the people of Republic of Georgia and our Baltic allies. So uh God bless you, God bless our allies in Central and Eastern Europe. Thank you.

Gentlemen, yield back.

Yes, sir.

Uh, I now recognize the representative from Rhode Island, Mister Ammo.

Thank you, Mister Chairman, uh, appreciate your efforts, uh, alongside the ranking member in holding this hearing. Uh, and thank you Deputy, uh, Assistant Secretary Smith for being here. Uh, I will add, uh, a note that it did take this committee nearly sixteen months to hold a a a hearing with an administration witness, and that silence matters, especially Now, but I'm glad you're here. For decades, support for NATO was not a partisan question. Presidents and members of Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, understood that our trans-Atlantic alliances make America stronger. President Trump shattered that consensus. He threatened to abandon NATO altogether, even though that action would violate the law pushed by then-Senator Marco Rubio, Secretary Rubio, um, and the president also threatened to invade Greenland, a territory uh uh of a NATO ally and he pushed to withdraw troops from NATO countries. Every time the president takes an action like this, Putin smiles, Putin feels emboldened, and he gets stronger. Russian aggression poses a serious threat to our Baltic allies. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania we know are not freeloaders. They are among NATO's strongest partners who have invested over five percent of GDP in defense, and have put real skin in the game for Ukraine's survival. These allies clearly uh understand that, uh it's something that this administration refuses to say itself. If Ukraine falls, Putin won't stop at Ukraine. Russia is already escalating along NATO's eastern frontier. The Baltics wake up every day under the shadow of Putin's aggression. They're facing Russian troops uh amassing near their borders, Russian cyber attacks, uh, to their banks, power grids, and government system. Uh, Russian differ- disinformation poisoning social media and trying to fracture their democracies from within. Russian jets violating NATO airspace, Russian crews sabotaging undersea cables and critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. For Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, this is not some abstract geopolitical debate. It is a daily reminder that Putin is testing the edges of NATO's resolve. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have stood shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine against Putin's aggression to dedicating more than thirteen percent of their defense budgets to Ukraine's survival because they know their own security is on the line. This should not be partisan. Right now, Democrats and and some of my brave Republican colleagues are pushing for a vote to strengthen support for Ukraine and increase sanctions until Putin ends his war. Uh, but, Mr. Smith, I don't believe that your testimony testimony gave sufficient men and mentioned to the existential the I found this on the web. existential threat in uh Ukraine. That omission is not just glaring, uh it's dangerous. So, I wanna ask you directly. How does a Ukraine uh uh a Ukrainian victory against Russian aggression strengthen Baltic security and help secure NATO's eastern fl flank?

Thank you very much for the question. I believe the Baltic nations view the outcome of the war in Ukraine as truly an important national security priority for them as does uh the members of the alliance. That is why our administration has dedicated so much time and effort to reaching a negotiated settlement of the war. It is why we have engaged with both Moscow and Kiev to find an enduring, lasting peace, to bring this war to an end.

And and tell talk to me about the progress in achieving that settlement, because from my perspective, it seems like rhetorically, as you just communicated, we're there, but we see tactically uh an administration that does not seem committed to actually getting a resolution that doesn't leave Putin ahead.

Given the ongoing diplomacy, Congressman, I'm hesitant to discuss the details. Uh, these negotiations are live, they are happening. and the engagement continues. I would point out that important progress has been made in the achievement of large-scale prisoner exchanges in a greater understanding about core elements of what a secure piece will look like uh but I am uh not positioned to comment further on the details of those details to you guys.

Well look, I would I would say this, it it's been sixteen months uh since we've had an administration witness here. So the excuse that this is happening behind closed doors and is well, you know, born by the secrecy of diplomacy, I don't think meets the moment, because this is an ex- existential threat to democracy around the world. Uh, and - and frankly, I don't see an administration that is vigorously pursuing, uh, every single day a resolution that does not have Vladimir Putin achieving the successes that he believes he's gonna get, uh, in coordination with President Trump. And that needs to stop. With that, I yield back.

Uh, thank you. I I will say that if uh we want to have administration officials confirmed administration officials sooner in a in a tenure of a president, we need to get everyone in the Senate to confirm them faster. Uh, I now recognize the representative from California, Miss Kim.

Thank you, Chairman Self and Ranking Member Keating, for hosting today's hearing and I wanna thank our uh Deputy Assistant Secretary Smith for joining us today. Uh, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania uh Lithuania, uh they are among NATO's uh strongest and most reliable partners to United States, and each has exceeded its uh NATO's two percent GDP defense spending target and continues to invest at high levels. The Baltic states sit at the forefront of the response to Russian aggression in U- Ukraine and their commitment to collective defense makes them vital to the united states and alliance uh yet the baltic states continue to face increasingly sophisticated and growing cyber security threats for example um lithuania registered three thousand eight hundred seventy-four cyber incidents in two thousand twenty-four and that is about sixty three percent increase from the previous year the region regularly experiences distributed denial of service attacks attributed to Russian hacker groups, often targeting critical infrastructure and government websites to spread disinformation and erode the public trust. So, can you talk to us about where the US and the Baltic countries deepen our cyber security's partnership and what gaps remain in our information sharing arrangements, and how can we close them get it uh get the gap uh closer?

The question? This is certainly a critical uh issue that we are focused on with our Baltic allies. Uh, this is also an issue for the broader alliance, and I would agree that Russian hybrid pressure, especially through cyber tactics, is a uh significant challenge for the alliance. Uh, it's not a mistake that NATO's center of cyber excellence is hosted in Tallinn, in the capital of Estonia, and really uh we see the Estonians uh and all of our Baltic allies as real leaders in cyber defense and cyber security, born by experience and born by the challenges that they have faced, that they have met, uh and and challenges that they have faced over the course of the last many several years. Um we are working closely with them to improve tactics, to share information on best practices, to conduct joint training and operations together,

Mm-hmm.

in order to strengthen NATO's ability to resist against this hybrid pressure.

Thank you. Thank you very much for that. Um Let's talk about our relationship and Lithuania's relationship with Taiwan. Uh Lithuania has always been a leader among the uh EU countries in pushing back against uh Chinese influence. And as uh Ranking Member Keating uh you know highlighted earlier um it allowed Taiwanese representative office to open its office under the name uh Taiwanese in two thousand twenty one and since then they faced severe economic pressure from Taiwan and it has helped advance US priorities on China and served as a steadfast political ally and trade partner to Taiwan. The US has likewise supported Lithuania including through the Axiom bank to boost technology and energy cooperation. However, early this year the Lithuanian prime minister indicated

I would characterize Lithuania's uh relationship with China and the principled stand that they've taken against uh economic coercion in the region as uh something that has really been a a leading voice in the broader European Union. However, I would also add that my impression is the Baltic States, as they view their relationships with China, they are looking very carefully at China's support for Russia in Ukraine. That is really the decisive factor, I believe, in how they assess their economic relationship with China through a national security lens. They see that China provides eighty percent of dual use goods for Russia's defense industrial base and they are drawing conclusions and advocating in Brussels with the European Union uh accordingly.

Well, thank you very much. Can you quickly talk about uh and describe the actual threats posed um to the Baltic region by the People's Republic of China including economic coercion, hybrid activities and influence op operations.

Uh, certainly economic coercion is a concern for all three Baltic uh allies. It's why they are uh working closely with the United States on secure supply chains. It's why they have worked to remove uh Chinese components from their communications infrastructure. Uh, but as I said, my view is that the principal uh concern that these countries have about China in the current moment revolves around China's relationship with Russia, vis-a-vis Russia's war in Ukraine.

Great. Well, thank you very much. My time's up and I yield back.

Uh, thank you, I believe that uh seeing no other members, we'll start a second round if you've got the time. And I would be remiss if I did not mention Lithuania's outstanding support in the case of the tank retriever of the heavy equipment recovery vehicle that sank into the swamp uh in March of twenty twenty five. Uh they gave whatever was necessary, uh we had to fly in uh two sets of of uh divers to actually find it, and if one had not actually stepped on the barrel, who knows how far down that seventy ton vehicle would have gone. So I want to publicly recognize Lithuania and Polish uh support during that operation. When I stood on the edge of that uh swamp uh just weeks later uh it was obvious to me from the briefings that uh uh they had pulled out all the stops uh to make sure they had that the us had whatever it needed uh to recover our four uh dead service members so i want to publicly recognize that and i want to uh ask you um mister smith uh talk a little bit about our western european allies what they are doing specifically, because this is important. What they are doing specifically now, today, to protect our Baltic allies.

Uh, I think that the NATO response across the alliance from member states, including Western uh European member states such as Germany and Italy, has really been extraordinary. As I mentioned before, the Germans have fielded an entire brigade in Lithuania, a very powerful symbol of support. from Germany and the broader alliance for the Baltics. Uh, Italy participates in air policing missions, uh, providing aircraft and pilots to help deter threats from the air. And all of these allies have committed, uh, to supporting NATO battle groups to help reinforce this critical region against pressure and, uh, threats of aggression.

Yeah, can you address the battle groups and and each of the nations, please?

Uh, each nation, each Baltic nation has uh on the ground rotational support from a mix of NATO allies. In Lithuania, uh the primary force of course is the German brigade, the United States has roto- rotational deployments to all of these countries as well, as well as multiple other allies who participate not only in deployments, but also in a regular cadence of exercises designed to ensure that we have battle readiness but also designed to send a signal to potential adversaries.

Uh, thank you for that. And I wanna point out we've we've talked about uh, em emerging threats and and the admin administration's response to it. Under uh, under this committee we have uh, we have responsibility for the Bureau of Emerging Threats, which is a new bureau, uh, which has actually uh, been stood up to uh, to um, uh deal with emerging threats. With that, I'm gonna yield back the balance of my time and recognize if I may, the representative from Nevada, Miss Titus.

Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for for being here. It's um you have a most impressive resume and I think our paths may have crossed in Ukraine and certainly uh uh your comments reflect that, so you know this area very well. We appreciate you being here. And as you know, all three Baltic states have contributed to the US and NATO-led efforts. in many ways. One was in Afghanistan. Now the all three countries lost troops in Afghanistan. Now the numbers may be small compared to ours, but they're not insignificant given the scale of things. And also we need to remember that these losses came as a result of uh invoking Article five of the NATO agreement the first and only time that uh you know, that we've really seen that. standing in a wartime situation like that. Meantime, all the three Baltic States who joined NATO in two thousand four, their leaders in NATO defense spending, as you said, all three on track to spend more than five percent in uh Latvia's in the law that they have to do that by twenty twenty seven. And they've already dedicated more than twelve percent of their their uh defense budgets to helping Ukraine. So they have stepped up and that way too, and they're doing burden sharing with all their defense spending, dedicated to NATO targets. Uh, so, I guess you would agree with me that these three countries are model allies of ours.