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House · Hearing transcript

Confronting the Totalitarian Ortega-Murillo Regime

Tuesday, September 15, 2026

Summary

  • Maria Salazar blocked Joaquin Castro's subpoena for Venezuela oil agreements with North American Blue Energy Partners after a six to six tie vote failed.

  • Ana Quintana-Lovett (Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, US Department of State) cited April sanctions on twelve gold-sector individuals including Ortega's sons.

  • Maria Salazar pressed Quintana-Lovett on China's five hundred million dollar Punta Huete airport investment enabling potential Russian and Chinese dual-use military operations.

  • Maria Salazar and Joaquin Castro jointly condemned Ortega-Murillo repression but split over immediately subpoenaing Trump administration Venezuela energy deal documents.

  • Nicaragua's National Assembly will finalize constitutional amendments ending competitive elections in January while US officials plan intensive diplomacy during UN General Assembly week.

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Transcript

10:29 – 15:58

Um, the subcommittee on the Western hemisphere will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to examine the Ortega-Murillo regimes escalating repression in Nicaragua and its alignment with the United States adversaries, meaning China and Russia, and to enlighten the recent Trump administration enforcement actions. against this regime, their officials and their financial networks. I now recognize myself for an opening statement of a before. I thank all of you for being here, part of this hearing, and just to send a message to the Ortega Murillo regime that, uh, we have not forgotten them and they are in the cross hairs. And I thank Anna Quintana for being here with us. And, um, my initial statement would be that with the arrival of President Trump to the Oval Office, There has been a major change in attitude on the part of the United States government towards Latin America. And there is no more compelling proof than what happened in Venezuela on January the third of this year. The other example is Cuba, with the indictment against Raul Castro for murder and the fact that President Trump has mentioned repeatedly the n the need for a regime change in Cuba, something that we have not heard from any other administration in almost sixty years. These are clear, compelling examples of what the United States is thinking vis-a-vis the Western hemisphere. There is one country left and one dictator left that we have not mentioned lately, and that is Nicaragua and Daniel Ortega. Only two months ago Ortega had the goal, the audacity, to announce that he will never hold presidential elections again. I mean that only happens in North Korea. Not in the Western hemisphere. So what does he think, that he owns Nicaragua? That Nicaragua is his own private hacienda and he is the plantation owner? What a goal. Shameless. But let's be clear, Nicaragua is not mentioned publicly as often by the White House or the United States government or even the political parties that uh are represented in this country. But that does not mean it's not in the sites and discussed privately, frequently, specifically in my office and in the House Foreign Affairs Committee. That's a reason why this committee, the House Foreign Affairs Committee of the United States Congress is holding this hearing today, to assure to assure everyone that Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua, all three are on the same blacklist. Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, during the Biden administration, thought that they had carte blanche to steal the country. And in the last two years they have also behaved the same way. They have dared to jail seven presidential candidates just for wanting to s- participate in a democratic process. They have disappeared over four hundred and fifty political figures, including Brooklyn Rivera, who died in their dungeons. They destroyed five thousand civil society organizations including missionaries of charity. The Nones of Mother Teresa's organization in El Mercado Oriental, people that I met, and these were saints in the middle of that area. They banished more than four hundred political prisoners from the country, including some of the people who are in this audience today. Expelled over three hundred members of the Catholic clergy, the most prominent one being Rolando Alvarez, the bishop of Matagalpa. And demolished thirty centers of higher education, including Universidad Centroamericana, which was one of the top universities in Latin America. Nicaragua is not forgotten. Ortega's action will have consequences. Nicaragua's next. It's on the same blacklist as Cuba and Venezuela. They just don't know it yet, just Ortega j hasn't he has not read the memo yet. But now he is being warned. Just gonna say few words in Spanish uh because I know that this audience uh it's being uh recorded and is gonna get to Nicaragua. Esto es un mensaje para los hermanos nicaragüenses. No se vayan a pensar que por el hecho de que no escuchan la palabra Nicaragua y escuchan solamente Venezuela y Cuba, eso no significa que nos hemos olvidado de ellos. Hay un dictador que queda en la América Latina que se llama Daniel Ortega y Rosario Murillo. Por el hecho que no escuchen, que van a haber consecuencias en contra de sus acciones, eso no Rosario Murillo y Daniel Ortega no se pueden robar Nicaragua. Nicaragua pertenece a los nicaragüenses y yo en el distrito veintisiete represento miles y miles de nicaragüenses que quieren regresar a su patria que quisieran tener una democracia nuevamente en en Nicaragua y eso va a ser así. Esto es un mensaje directamente para Murillo y para Ortega. No se van a quedar con el país. La administración del presidente Trump los está mirando y por eso estamos haciendo esta audiencia frente a este comité de relaciones exteriores. so that they know that Nicaragua is as much as the Republicans, is in the middle. So, having said that, now I will um I'm gonna recognize the ranking member from Texas, Representative Castro, for any statements he may have. Thank you.

15:58 – 21:42

Uh thank you, Chairwoman, for convening this very important hearing and welcome back to the committee, Deputy Assistant Secretary Quintana Leavitt. Uh hopefully your experience as a witness will be even more pleasant than your experience staffing the committee. a few years ago. Uh, on September first, the Nicaraguan National Assembly initiated the process to amend the Nicaraguan constitution to bar opposition figures from running, extend the terms of both Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, and cancel the elections due this year. To finish the job, the amendment needs to to pass again in a new session, and that vote is expected in January. Uh, that gives us four months before what little remains of a free society in Nicaragua. Uh, mmm, you know, whatever rights remaining may be extinguished because of this, and I wanna know what the administration intends to do with these important four months. Um, for the last decade, Nicaragua has conducted one of the world's most significant retreats from democracy. Ortega and his wife and co-president Rosario Murillo have tightened their grip, year after year. They have closed over fifty-five hundred civil society organizations, jailed or exiled hundreds of journalists, and Cla- Catholic clergy. They've stripped citizenship from dissidents and left them stateless. And people who speak up are often disappeared dissidents. They have done all of this while enriching themselves, their children, and their cronies. And sixteen Chinese companies now control more than a million hectares of mining concessions in Nicaragua, more than eight percent of the country's territory. Some of this is inside uh indigenous territory. protected by by Nicaraguan law and granted without the consent of its residents. And those who protest, like Brooklyn Rivera, an indigenous leader who served in the National Assembly, die in the regime's custody, and their family are disappeared after asking to bury him. Uh, I have said that whether on the right or the left, I oppose any leaders that strip their people of their democratic rights, an authoritarian can originate from anywhere on the political spectrum, right or left. By any measure, Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo are authoritarians. This isn't a new development, but the actions certainly are accelerating, including through this constitutional amendment that they are hoping to finalize in January. For years our approach has been to place sanctions on Nicaragua, on individuals for human rights violations, and on parts of the economy, for their role in sustaining the corruption and power of the regime. And I wanna be clear about where I stand on these. Uh sanctions for human rights violations are welcome, including recent designations by the administration, and sanctions on parts of the economy that are engaged in criminality and repression, certainly have a role to play. But the reality is that during the last decade of sanctions, Ortega and Murillo have jailed dissidents, driven hundreds of Catholic clergy and political opponents into exile, and on the verge of ending any possibility of competitive elections through this constitutional amendment. The regime is more entrenched today, sanctions than when it when than it was when the Congress passed the NICA Act. The regime has also learned to work around US sanctions, traveling to Europe and Asia when visas to the United States were revoked, and moving money through China, Russia, or other criminal networks. What we've missed is a sustained diplomatic effort bringing the region together to find a path forward. We would find willing partners. Nicaragua's neighbors are in fact frustrated. Hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguans have fled to neighboring countries, including Costa Rica, where they have sought asylum. And the regime has extended the reach of its repression into these countries, targeting Nicaraguans in Costa Rica and Honduras, and other countries. And there has been some movement. In December twenty twenty four, the Biden administration initiated an investigation in Nicaragua's labor rights, human rights, and rule of law practices. After finding that those practices were unreasonable, the US Trade Representative announced an escalating set of duties on Nicaraguan imports, other than those that qualify under CAFTA-DR. But these would not kick in until after Nicaragua changes its constitut- constitution and effectively ends free elections. And before I can support new economic sanctions on Nicaragua, I need to be assured that Nicaragua is a priority for the Trump administration, and that any new authorities would be used as leverage in the negotiations rather than pressure simply for the sake of pressure. Let me be clear about how I see the US role here. Our role is to help the Nicaraguan people, those in the country and those driven into exile. What I'd like to see is a Nicaragua that has free and fair elections. It is able to pick and choose its own leaders. Uh, if this administration is serious about democracy, uh, in this hemisphere, unfortunately, I don't believe that the record shows it. The administration has propped up and strengthened the Delsey Rodriguez government in Venezuela. cancelled millions of dollars in democracy programs in the hemisphere, including in Nicaragua. We've also sent the wrong message to the Nicaraguans in exile, who are desperate for support, cancelling TPS for Nicaraguans, despite the danger in Nicaragua. And it has no oil or no oil to get the attention of a president who has brought back the Monroe Doctrine and nineteenth century resource grabs. So, what I need to hear today is what is the administration doing to prioritize Nicaragua? What tools are you gonna use? What's your vision? Especially during this window that we have in the next few months, what's your vision to effect change? With that, I go back.

21:43 – 22:28

Thank you, Ranking Member, and I think that uh this in this hearing we are going to be very much aligned with what we want. We want a Nicaragua with free and fair elections and for the Nicaraguans to be able to go back and decide their political future so I think we are aligned on that. Other members of the committee are reminded that opening statements may be submitted for the record and now we are pleased to have Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central America and Migration Affairs for the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs within the United States Department of State. United States Department of State. Ana Quintana Lovett is before today. Your full statement will be made part of the record. I'll ask you to keep it to five minutes. And now recognize you and welcome. Delighted to have you here. You'll

22:29 – 27:10

Thank you, I I am delighted to be here. Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro. It's funny, my colleagues were wondering why I was smiling on the way over here, and it's like cuz it's like a homecoming. Um but and and it and also and then distinguished members of the subcommittee, you know, thank you all for the opportunity to testify today. And I I I think, you know, the the message about the bipartisanship of Nicaragua I think could not be more emblematic than two of the gentlemen who are sitting behind us today. I distinctly remember a few years ago when they were imprisoned, Uh, Felix uh, Felix and Juan Sebastian's wives came to visit and we held a meeting with their wives. And I think it's because much of the advocacy from this subcommittee and for the, from the H from the foreign affairs committee at large, part of the reason why they're able to sit with us here today. Um, so, so chairwoman ranking member, President Trump has reasserted America's preeminence in the Western hemisphere and secured our national interest, ensuring that America's dominance in a, in the Western hemisphere will never be questioned again. And a key feature of this effort, and I do mean a feature of this effort means zero tolerance for anti-American and rogue states, and this includes Nicaragua. Our goal is a hemisphere of governments committed to making the region safer, stronger and more prosperous. But since twenty eighteen, Rosario Murillo and Daniel Ortega have transformed Nicaragua into a one family police state propped up by America's adversaries and corrupt criminal elements. And on September first of this year, they illegally rewrote the constitution for a second time in two years to entrench their illegitimate dynasty and indefinitely Nicaraguans a free and fair elections. And I do think that it's providential that this hearing was rescheduled, and somehow miraculously has happened, is occurring on Central America's Independence Day. And I think it's it's very important because the regime has transformed into what they claim to one day b- to one day previously be fighting against, a one party, one family dictatorship. And as Secretary Rubio said after the September first anou- the September first announcement, Murillo and Ortega's war on democracy threatens our hemisphere's stability and prosperity. These dictators have silenced, exiled, jailed under and jailed under horrific conditions, thousands of perceived political opponents, including American citizens and legal permanent residents. The dictatorship allowed the death of of political prisoner Brooklyn Rivera, and has disappeared Rivera's family and members of his community for requesting his remains. We continue to demand their release. Religious freedom violations continue unabated. These dictators continue to deepen their relationships with Russia, China, Cuba and Iran to support a pervasive surveillance network, enrich themselves, and threaten US security by providing de facto basing to Russia and to China, but to Russia, apologies Russia, and enabling our adversaries collection, intelligence collection in Central America. And and ranking member Castro to your point about what we intend to do over these next few months, the United States remains resolute, the Trump administration remains resolute in confronting these challenges, through a combination of both aggressive sanctions and bilateral and multilateral diplomatic pressure. In April twenty twenty six, we implemented financial sanctions on twelve individuals operating uh operating the Nicaragua's gold sector, and two of them including the dictator's sons, Fauriz Facundo, Maurice Facundo and Daniel Edmundo. In August, the United States mission to the to the OAS led an effort to launch a foreign ministerial process in on on Nicaragua which is the first since nineteen seventy eight. We had twenty eight countries voting in support, one country voted against, one country abstained, and one country was absent. But twenty eight countries voting against, one of our colleagues made a joke and said, we don't think we could have gotten twenty eight countries to agree on Simone Bolivar's birthday. But we got we got twenty eight countries to agree to this foreign minister foreign minister ministerial. We have achieved progress in in limiting Nicaragua's role as a conveyor belt to our southern border in February twenty twenty six a few weeks after the administration took office. The dictatorship yielded to our pressure and ended visa-free travel for citizens of a hundred and twenty-eight countries, including Cuba and Haiti. And we continue to sound the alarms on the dictatorship's abuses through robust public and private channels. And this is where we very much appreciate Congress's pressure uh Congress's pressure and Congress's voice. We are convinced that this is what has led to the release of almost eighty political prisoners since November of twenty twenty five. And to close things up, without Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela and with the Cuban regime in tatters, Murillo and Ortega are increasingly isolated at home and abroad. And under Secretary Rubio's direction, the State Department is committed to using bold solution to protecting US national security and economic prosperity in Central America. And working with this committee, we can ensure that US interests and to advance our goals and throughout the region, our we c- our we we can successfully deliver for the American people. And in closing, Chairman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro, and members of the committee, again, I thank you and I very much look forward to your questions.

27:10 – 28:44

Mm. Thanks to you, Mrs. Quintana, I love it. Once again delighted to have you here so you can answer our questions and uh, now I recognize uh myself for five minutes of questioning. Um, you were saying that it remains resolute that the Trump administration really wants to do away with those countries in the Western hemisphere that are cooperating with our enemies we're talking about simple it's China, it's Russia, it's Iran. So I have this this picture back here. This is Aeropuerto Internacional de Punta Huete in Man in Managua. What is this? This is a five hundred million dollars investment from China in this Punta Huetes. And it's very uh troubling because it's what we call dual usage. Not only you can fly commercial planes, but Russian strategic bombers and uh Chinese Sian H six, which are more or less the equivalent to our B two bombers. This is happening right now, right there, very close to Manawa is closer to Miami, the city that I represent, than to Los Angeles. I remember Ronald Reagan would he would do something similar from the oval office saying that where Nicaragua was how close it was to Texas that we needed to pay attention so how what information do we have about this project and what is the trump administration doing about it

28:45 – 29:52

sure thank you for your question um i from from the information that we have that's available in in this setting that airport we are we are saying that the money that has been budgeted for that airport continues increasing yet the construction and the turnout and and and the actual the actual tangible things that are on the ground and what it had should be be it should become in terms of like the infrastructure for an airport is frankly not what is lining up with the contract and the terms of the contract. I think in terms of what the airport has the capability to the point that you were raising about dual use materials, um the dual use materials and equipment at the airport are potentially being flown into the airport. That is a conversation that we should probably have in a close setting because the that is something that we in the administration are watching. My understanding about that picture is I think that is the mock-up of the plan for what the airport intends to be but as of right now it seems to be that there is, um, there's a lot of smoke and a lot of, uh, concerning things that the Chinese and the Nicaraguans are negotiating privately as to what they're gonna do.

29:51 – 30:04

But there is the potential, the five hundred million dollars being invested in this airport, where the Chinese and the Russians could land, uh, planes that are not necessarily bringing in passengers to go to the beaches in in Manawa, right?

30:03 – 30:04

Oh.

30:04 – 30:04

So.

30:04 – 30:05

Absolutely.

30:04 – 30:10

We're talking about that we this is a beachhead that our enemies will have very close to us, correct?

30:09 – 30:10

Oh, absolutely. I mean,

30:10 – 30:12

So we gotta do something about it.

30:10 – 30:12

and the the No,

30:12 – 30:14

Is can we sort of sending the message back to the

30:12 – 30:12

look

30:14 – 30:24

State Department that we gotta we gotta stop this? Just like we don't like the uh uh Peruvian uh port with double uh d uh dual usage, it's the same concept.

30:25 – 30:45

Absolutely. And I look, I'll point you back to to the national security strategy in which the administration laid it out abundantly clear that we r that the administration rejects any presence by a foreign maligned actor and including things that can be used for dual purposes or things to undermine the security of the Western hemisphere. And this is the sort of critical infrastructure that was referenced in the national security strategy.

30:46 – 31:12

And this is Russia. Now we're going uh going back to China. This is China. We have Russia going back to China. Um, Ortega has given forty-three mining concessions to China, has signed fifteen major loans with China. and is spending three hundred and fifty million to modernize Puerto de Corinto on the Pacific coast. So once again, he's opening up the doors to the Chinese, which is exactly what we wanna do.

31:10 – 31:11

Mm-hmm.

31:12 – 31:20

We wanna close the doors of the Western hemisphere to the Chinese. What's the plan to stop this?

31:20 – 31:29

Sure. So so to the point that you and the ranking member raised about the concerns of Chinese mining concessions in uh particularly in indigenous autonomous regions, I mean, that's something

31:48 – 32:01

We will. And now inviting the ranking member, because this is nothing to do with the Democrats or Republicans. Oh, absolutely. that we both agree is that China is a menace, then do we have to stop?

32:01 – 32:35

Absolutely, and and what they're doing in terms of pillaging these indigenous autonomous regions, it's absolutely catastrophic, and it's something that all of our partners across the region have raised concerns. Costa Rica has raised concerns about this and through INL programming in Costa Rica. This is something that we're doing, we're trying to combat uh illegal Chinese mining in that in that southern region. I mean what's happening in the Bluefields, it's absolutely atrocious. So, just know this is something that the State Department is confronting both directly through our activities w through our activities targeting Nicaragua and our activities throughout the region I mean it is a full frontal approach, it's kind of an all hands on deck effort.

32:35 – 33:38

And I and I have one more question so I don't want to overextend, I need that door please to stay quiet because w I don't want any distractions, thank you. And uh the last thing is Russia, I'm not sure if everyone knows that the the Murillo Ortega tyranny has given Russia complete and total immunity. I'm not sure if you people know that no Russian national could be charged for any crimes. So if uh Russian uh personnel uh kills or rapes or uh does any type of uh aggression against a Nicaraguan they cannot be charged in any Nicaraguan court. And what have they received in exchange? W well the repression the the repression manual. The Russian Interior Ministry has a department in Managua that is advising the repressive apparatus of Nicaragua how to repress even more. Were you aware of that? Because I am flabbergasted

33:38 – 33:38

No, I

33:38 – 33:39

that that's reality.

33:40 – 33:49

I I think the levels of cooperation between Russia and and and and and the Ortega-Murillo regime frankly demonstrate where each country places its

33:53 – 34:26

In feeding anybody, right? Or giving them a job? Absolutely. It's not an exactly, it's not an In strangling them, politically speaking. Yes, and not providing the children of Nicaragua with an opportunity for a better future, absolutely not. That's correct. That's correct. So then, what are we gonna so I just gave you three very clear examples of the Trump administration. Mm-hmm. Yes. My political party should be taking into consideration and sending publicly a very clear message to the Rosario Murillo and Daniel Ortega regime that the game is over, that this cannot be happening, cuz they are going like that.

34:27 – 34:31

No, I I could I agree with you and like the secretary of state said recently that it's

34:31 – 34:31

Thank you.

34:31 – 34:41

no longer that foreign that our our foreign counterparts it's no long can no longer operate as though it's business as usual with the Ortega Murillo regime. And as we all know, when the secretaries speak, these are not just hollow words.

34:41 – 34:46

Thank you. I yield back and now recognize the ranking member, Mister Castro, for five minutes.

34:49 – 35:16

Uh, thank you, Chairwoman. And you're absolutely right. I share a lot of your concerns. Are there ma many bipartisan concerns that we have? Uh, I wanna ask you, you know, as I mentioned earlier, we now have four months until January when the Nicaraguan government looks to finalize their constitutional amendments, and effectively end free elections in Nicaragua. My question is, uh, do you, the State Department, the Trump administration, have a plan to respond to them? And what specific actions will the department take in the next four months?

35:16 – 36:05

Sure. So, specifically to to to that point, I mean, we have been working on the OAS foreign minister ministerial and sometimes, you know, the the regime grants you these gifts and the the greatest, one of the best gifts that they could have given us, uh, and has was for Daniel Ortega to say the quiet part out loud. I mean, even in Cuba they purport to hold elections. Sure, it's only one party that can vote. Sure, it's only certain candidates that can run, but Ortega has said that we no longer need to hold elections. And I think that was a jarring moment for many countries in the region and for many of our foreign counterparts. And so I I can assure you that at UNGA at at the UN High UN General Assembly next week, a high level week, Nicaragua will be a very featured topic of conversation between many of our principals and many of their foreign counterparts. I could we will be there all week long and there will be many high level touchpoints.

36:03 – 36:03

Sure.

36:05 – 36:06

And also

36:05 – 36:08

Well, let let me let me say this just cuz there's other questions I gotta get to,

36:07 – 36:09

Sure. Please, please, of course, sorry.

36:08 – 36:56

but um just i- if you all could, you know, for the record, uh submit soon, you know, what that plan would be, perhaps even after UNGA and once you go through that, uh, like what specifically are we gonna do, uh, to try to counteract this? Cuz, you know, as I said, and as you understand, what's at stake is no more elections there. I mean, literally democracy gone, and so we all share that concern, regardless of political party here. Uh, but let me ask you another question. Congress has mandated not less than fifteen million dollars for Nicaraguan democracy and religious programs in each of Fiscal years twenty twenty four, twenty twenty five and twenty twenty six. As of today, how much of the fiscal year twenty twenty five and twenty twenty six fifteen million dollar appropriations have you obligated? And will you give this committee a specific dollar figure?

36:56 – 37:23

Sure. My understanding and I I and I promise you my husband will agree with you in saying this that you never want me to give a specific dollar figure on anything 'cause I do not have a financial mind but my understanding is that we have obligated about twelve million I will get back to you For you know kind of for the purposes of the record of this of the committee to of the hearing. To ensure that that is an accurate figure. But I can tell you that we are providing robust democracy and humanitarian support. Um, humanitarian assistance, health programming.

37:22 – 37:25

So you think it's around twelve million that's been.

37:25 – 37:35

That is what I I that is to the best of my recollection right now. But I I will commit to you before kind of the record for the hearing closes out, uh to to get back to you with a solid figure on that.

37:36 – 39:23

All right. And now, you know, these are obviously very important issues, Nicaragua, uh, as you mentioned earlier, alluded to, a- and the chairwoman alluded to, there have been these authoritarian figures in the Western hemisphere, uh, including Ortega, including Maduro, um, obviously in Cuba and in other places. And so, you know, I appreciate this hearing, but what we also need is a complete picture of the administration's policies in the region. Issues regarding Venezuela have deep impl implications for the region, Uh, today's witness, our Deputy Assistant Secretary, even said that quote " without Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, and with the Cuban regime in tatters, Murillo and Ortega are increasingly isolated at home and abroad." But the administration has provided no information as to what our relationship with Venezuela looks like after Maduro and how that affects US policy towards the Western hemisphere, particularly Nicaragua. Uh, we're not meeting our most basic oversight responsibility if we don't have relevant information in front of us. And we had a hearing yesterday, or a briefing actually yesterday, with two gentlemen from the State Department, where myself and the chairwoman and others repeatedly asked them for information, uh, on, you know, this NAEP agreement, um, you know, the funds, the the oil funds, how they're being spent, how bad they're being taken in. And so, uh, you know, with that, you know, Madam Chair, pursuant to clause two M of House rule eleven, clause two K six of House rule eleven, I move that the subcommittee issue subpoenas to produce the agreement text between the US and North American Blue Energy Partners and the agreement between NAEP run by Alejandro Bettencourt and Interim President Delci Rodriguez by Tuesday, September twenty second. I make that motion.

39:24 – 39:33

And we will hold this matter in abeyance until the end of the hearing, so we can give um time to all the members that are present and then we will hold this vote at the end.

39:34 – 39:35

Sounds good. I yield back.

39:37 – 39:42

Now I will recognize Representative Smith from New Jersey for five minute.

39:41 – 39:42

Thank you very much.

39:42 – 39:43

Thank you.

39:42 – 41:39

Thank you very much, uh Madam Chair, for holding this very important and timely hearing. Uh you and I have held several hearings over the last several years on Nicar Nicaragua, um especially when all of the presidential candidates were arrested. You know when Ortega says uh he's not gonna hold any elections, well he hasn't, in recent years. What he did last time was to arrest the candidates, Felix and others, and uh who were behind bars, we didn't know where they were, what their status was, whether or not they're even alive. And I convened a hearing where their wives came forward, and Anna, uh the wife, said something very in her statement, " For years Felix has been the target of attacks by the Ortega regime because he speaks truth to power. He has been beaten, confined to house arrest and threatened. For months he's endured twenty four seven surveillance by the police. They have tried again and again and again to silence him, but he will never stand." down. What courage in the face of tyranny, repression, and a brutal dictator. My hope is that, you know, anyway, so he said he's not gonna have elections, well if he does, anybody who runs, they're on a one-way ticket to the gulag, uh under the Ortega regime. I would point out that in nineteen eighty-four, when he was commandant Ortega, Frank Wolf, Tony Hall, Bob McEwen and I visited him in Managua. We came in to talk about human rights, The pervasive use of torture, this is back in nineteen eighty four. We had with Thomas Borges who was the minister of uh uh uh one of his ministers, uh a of interior, and we were shocked at just how brazen and how he couldn't care less. He poisoned our water, the three of us who drank it all got sick. I mean this guy is a dictator uh uh like few others throughout the world. My question is um, and we also had hearings on Alvarez. Bishop Alvarez, what an amazing man, and all of his clergy who have suffered. You know, I I read at the time when we had a couple hearings on him, uh just what a peaceful man he was,

41:40 – 41:40

Mm-hmm.

41:40 – 42:52

a godly man. And he put him in prison, uh and then finally sent him to um to into exile, as he did the presidential candidates. My question is, the president will be meeting with Xi Jinping uh at his summit. My hope is that there is a action plan or a series of recommendations that will be made when he meets with Xi Jinping. Xi Jinping is a dictator, he commits atrocities himself every day of the week, but to have that at our doorstep as well, uh and for him to be aiding and abetting, including with that picture of the airport we just saw, and all of the other, my hope is that that you know your office uh will be asking the president to raise Nicaragua, uh and also finally, I'm gonna run out of time, but the issue of the UN. Where is the Convention Against Torture treaty body and all the others that have real solid, they can you know, they they put out reports, uh where are they now? There has to be a a renewed effort to expose this brutal dictator. You know, injustice need not be forever. And Ortega thinks it will, as does his wife, so we need to give other interested parties like the United Nations to do more. Yield.

42:52 – 42:55

Thank you, thank you, sir. And I and I completely agree with you.

43:05 – 43:07

Hitler thought that too, thousand year reign.

43:06 – 43:53

Exac exactly, or, you know, Maduro also thought that as well. Um, the the I I I take all your points and I will make sure to communicate them back to all my colleagues who handle each of these relationships in particular but I I did wanna touch upon your your request for action on the on on getting the UN a bit more involved in the convention on specifically the individuals who have the jurisdiction on the convention against torture. And I think this is where we from the from the Trump administration have very have, would very much welcome other actors, particular multilateral bodies and international organizations, playing a stronger role here and returning back to their fundamental mandate and to the principles by which they were founded and to tackle the issues. I mean, the Nicaragua is the most emblematic example, and you would presume that, you know, uh, that that our our colleagues, other our

44:18 – 44:32

I thank you, and I I again remind everyone De Caragua is a signatory to the convention against torture in two thousand five. Uh these treaty bodies need to stand up and hold him to account. Uh I mean he gets away with murder, literally.

44:35 – 44:44

Thank you, Representative Smith. Now I recognize Representative Stanton from Arizona for the next five minutes.

44:44 – 45:33

Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you, Miss Quintana Lovett, for taking the time to testify today. Welcome back to the committee. The human rights abuses committed by the Ortega regime, including the killing of indigenous peoples and the arbitrary detention, torture and prosecution of dissidents, does deserve our utmost attention. We're all in agreement on that. This morning I want to put a spotlight on China's growing presence in Nicaragua and in Latin America as a whole and its implications for the region. In December twenty one, President Ortega broke long-standing diplomatic ties with Taiwan to establish relations with the People's Republic of China. Since then, Nicaragua and the PRC have struck a free trade agreement, while PRC mining firms have been granted concessions over more than eight percent of Nicaragua's land. Miss Quintana Lovett, how is Ortega's regime profiting from the Chinese mining concessions?

45:35 – 46:38

I I mean the mechanisms by which the regime profits off of these mining concessions and just their more broad r relationship with with China, uh, is endless. I mean, the Chinese are creating and subsidizing housing for regime officials and those close to to the Ortega regime. I mean, they are profiting off of the fact that they have been granted the most preferential, you know, kind of infrastructure projects, but on these kind of specific land concessions, these are the ones that frankly are are the most concerning because they are the ones that are the most opaque. Because if you think about what the trafficking route needs to be for gold mining and other things that are mined, there are various other actors besides the Chinese who are involved and others who will benefit and who who who profit along along the way. So this this opens the door for other organizations to be involved, including organizations that could or could not be designated as foreign terrorist organizations. I mean, so the mechanisms by which and the opaqueness of all of this is quite um, it is quite concerning and it is it's quite extensive.

46:39 – 47:00

One of the recent companies granted a mining concession this month is a sister firm of a US sanctioned Chinese miner. That obviously is c- extremely concerning. Earlier this year, Congress appropriated four hundred million for the countering PRC influence fund. Has the department obligated any countering PRC fund dollars to address China's increasing consolidation of land and influence in Nicaragua?

47:02 – 47:13

I will have to confirm as to what specific lines of effort have been funded through CPF funding that I cannot, I I I don't recall that off the top of my head, but I will, I commit to to getting back to the committee on that.

47:14 – 47:31

During last year's presidential campaign, Honduran President Nasri Asphura said Honduras needed to break diplomatic relations with Beijing and recognize Taiwan because Honduras' ties with China have not yielded the expected economic benefits. Does the department expect President Asphura to follow through on that commitment?

47:32 – 47:39

We we look we have met with President Asphoda back when he w- af- recently after he was um after he won the presidency and

48:05 – 48:25

Thank you. Recent report indicates United States has a Deported nearly twenty-three hundred Mexican nationals to Guatemala this year with additional Mexican nationals sent to Honduras rather than returning them directly to Mexico as has traditionally been the practice. The Mexican government has objected to this policy, made clear that Mexican citizens should be returned to Mexico.

48:24 – 48:25

Mm-hmm.

48:26 – 48:34

I want to understand the administration's calculation here. Is the administration using the deportation of Mexican nationals to third countries as a leverage against Mexico?

48:33 – 48:33

Mm-hmm.

48:34 – 48:37

Are you concerned that this approach will undermine Mexico's

48:42 – 49:26

Sure, and I I'll be very quick in in in this response, cuz I know we have a minute and this is a topic we could talk about for a very long time. I think one the the second part of your question, are we concerned that this could undermine cooperation with Mexico? I think the cooperation that we've seen with Mexico over this last year and half of the administration has been in office has been quite extensive and robust, and we've seen a lot of improvements. Again, there's a lot of work to be done. Now to the point of the reported number, you said it was twenty three hundred, I'll have to see the accuracy of that, but the, there are various legal reasons and legal impediments as to why a particular citizen cannot be returned back to their to their particular country, whether it may be a court ruling in our country or a court ruling in their particular home country and so, that just makes it unfeasible.

49:26 – 49:39

Thank you very much, and I just wanna say the thank the ranking member for bringing up the issue of Venezuela in that agreement it's critically important that we provide full transparency to the American people Uh that agreement affects the entire region, arguably affects the entire world, and is very relevant to our discussion here today. Thank you.

49:41 – 49:48

Alright, thank you, Representative Stanton, and now recognize Representative Representative Bell from Missouri, for the next five minutes.

49:52 – 51:05

Thank you Madam Chair, Ranking Member. I'm Miss Quintana Leavitt. Um this hearing is called " Confronting the Talit- the Totalitarian Regime". And Ortega and Murillo deserve every bit of this commu- this c- um committee's scrutiny. Together they lead a regime that rewrote its own constitution two weeks ago to ensure they never have to face voters again. But I wanna talk about something this committee doesn't seem eager to confront. Whether this administration's Western hemis- hemisphere policy is even about human rights at all. or whether it's about who gets paid. Since this administration took direct control of events in Venezuela, we've seen a pattern reported across multiple outlets, business figures with personal ties to President Trump and his family, moving into deals and investment opportunities that opened up in the wake of US policy decisions there. Miss Quintana Leavitt, yes or no, is the State Department tracking whether US foreign foreign foreign policy decisions in this hemisphere are creating financial opportunities for people connected to the administration.

51:05 – 51:08

I can take that question back to my colleagues who handle Venezuela, sir.

51:09 – 51:12

So to your knowledge so you're not aware of any

51:13 – 51:16

Sir, I I handle Central America and migration policy.

51:13 – 51:13

traction with that.

51:16 – 51:27

I'm I'm I I'm happy to if we are having a conversation on Nicaragua or even anything broader on Central America but if it's a question on an unrelated topic, I'm more than happy to take that question back to my colleagues.

51:26 – 51:28

And you'll get that answer to a. OK.

51:28 – 51:31

I'm more than happy to get an answer to make sure the committee gets an answer.

51:30 – 51:59

I'm gonna reclaim, because I I wanna I don't have a whole lot of time. The pattern being reported isn't subtle. And so how are everyday Americans supposed to feel when access and opportunities are so clearly flowing to people close to the president, in the same countries where we're supposedly leading with our values? Um, and so let me ask you, has the department conducted any internal review of whether policy decisions in the Western hemisphere have been shaped by those kind of connections that you're aware of.

52:00 – 52:12

I we have robust ethics obligations at the department, but again your specific question, I will have to take that back. I that I I can now provide you with an answer.

52:11 – 52:12

You'll get an answer for me?

52:12 – 52:18

I will I we will I will make sure that I will take that back to my appropriate colleagues, who who can who can handle that question.

52:17 – 53:18

Right. Uh I think we both know the review probably doesn't exist, but I am interested to get an answer. So back to Nicaragua. President Trump wants this committee to believe he is the region's foremost defender of democratic accountability. But in reality, he's not. In fact, the president, his family and his associates are exploiting the decline of democratic institutions in our backyard in order to boost their own investment opportunities. Madam Chair, this committee can call this hearing confronting the totalitarian regime, but so far this administration this administration's Western hemisphere policy looks less like confronting a dictatorship and more like doing business with one foreign policy is supposed to serve the American people's interests not the president's balance sheet. And until this administration can tell the difference, I don't think this committee or the American people should take its commitment to democracy in this hemisphere seriously. I yield back.

53:29 – 53:37

Thank you. And uh now I would like to recognize my good friend, representative Weisserman Schultz from the beautiful state of Florida, for five minutes.

53:37 – 53:48

Thank you so much, Madam Chair. Um it's can kind of love it. It's good to see you. Always good to have s a fellow South Floridian in front of the committee. Um and to be clear, you're from Miami, correct?

53:50 – 53:51

I'm specific, I'm from Hialeah.

53:51 – 53:53

Highly, OK, I know what that means.

53:52 – 53:52

Yes.

53:53 – 53:59

So, even more important though, um, your parents came from Cuba as Marielitos, correct?

54:00 – 54:02

My mother did actually, my father did not,

54:01 – 54:02

OK.

54:02 – 54:02

but my mother did.

54:02 – 54:10

OK. So, when when President Trump says that immigrants are poisoning the blood of our country, you and I both know that's not true, correct?

54:12 – 54:18

Ma'am, I I I you know, I I think would I'm not sure how to answer that question.

54:16 – 54:18

Come on now, yes or no?

54:18 – 54:19

I I'm not sure how to

54:18 – 54:20

I mean, you know that immigrants are not

54:23 – 54:31

What I would say is, look, I think President Trump has been very clear about what his policies are and what the immigration policies are of this country.

54:30 – 54:51

O okay, but you're you're Come on. Uh, someone of your stature and background can't even bring themselves to say yes, immigrants aren't poisoning the blood of our country? That that is stunning to me. You're the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Migration Issues. Uh uh I mean you had to anticipate that an issue like this would come up.

54:52 – 54:59

During it ma'am, what what I would uh uh one I thought this was, and at least how this committee has always operated, is that the topic of this conversation is Nicaragua.

54:59 – 55:03

The topics of the conversations claiming my time in this subcommittee,

54:59 – 55:00

We're here to

55:03 – 55:44

and I don't have a long tenure on it, but I've waved on many times when I was not a member, are whatever the members have questions about. And clearly, in your portfolio, it would fall into your jurisdiction to know how you feel about whether or not immigrants are poisoning the blood of our country. But I'll I'll move on. Um let let's start with Nicaragua. I I I it I it saddens me that you can't just say yes. Uh I think most of your testimony was dead on. Nicaragua's a totalitarian state. It's under the boot of the Ortega Murillo regime. Uh it's a prime example of the failure of communist policies and autocratic populist politics. Ca can you explain how briefly state ownership of the means of production and centralizing power in one

55:50 – 55:59

I would like to get back to your initial question that you were asking, and I think to be very abundantly clear, it is these gotcha questions, these yes and no questions,

55:58 – 56:01

It's nothing gotcha, about asking what do you think immigrants are

55:59 – 56:01

that is that is an attack,

56:01 – 56:02

the poisoning of a lot of our country.

56:01 – 56:11

and it's frankly a question that was not asked in good faith. And to be very clear, I am deeply proud of the fact that I work for President Trump and deeply proud to serve him at the State Department.

56:10 – 56:12

OK, reclaiming my time, if you could answer the question.

56:12 – 56:12

Fantastic.

56:12 – 56:26

Can you explain briefly how state ownership of the means of production and centralizing power in one family, made ordinary people worse off in America. Excuse me, in Nicaragua. That's a question about Nicaragua, directly in your pur portfolio and what we're talking about today.

56:26 – 56:36

I uh sure, but I I I disagree with with the premise considering the fact that there is a that the the centralizing I'm sorry, can you repeat that one more time?

56:36 – 56:39

Centralizing state ownership of the means of

56:36 – 56:37

That was a very

56:39 – 56:50

production and s and power in one wealthy family, made ordinary people worse off in Nicaragua. Can you explain how that occurred? Why that that's certainly not a good thing, correct?

56:50 – 57:00

No, that is absolutely not a good thing. I mean, the regime over the last few decades has reformed the constitution, has lowered the percentage that it requires in order for it to be elected. I mean, it has.

57:00 – 57:02

OK, so reclaiming my time, we're we're

57:01 – 57:03

Is there's a co-president that who is his wife.

57:03 – 57:23

we're on the same page there then. Presidential seizure of private enterprise and rerouting the state to serve their own personal financial interests should obviously be avoided. On that note, do you have any analysis to provide regarding President Trump taking state ownership of US companies or Venezuelan oil reserves? Or about his abuse of his position to enrich himself, his family and his political allies?

57:25 – 57:30

I mean, I'm sorry, I I'm taking a moment to pause because I'm trying to follow the logical leap and I'm also trying to that hope.

57:29 – 57:33

Well the state ownership of private enterprise is not okay in Nicaragua.

57:31 – 57:32

Sure.

57:34 – 57:41

It's certainly not okay in the United States. And it's not okay that we have a president who is enriching himself. at the expense of Americans in the taxpayer.

57:40 – 58:00

Sure, but I would like to I would like it for also to be clarified for the record, because there was an attempt to claim that I quote that I said some specific words, what was it, that presidential some odd. I did not say that you said you you replied to what after my you replied after my response, and you said yes, you agree, and you said a a host of words which I have no idea that never came out of my mouth.

58:00 – 58:05

You you said you you agreed that state ownership of the mean you n you listed a number of things

58:00 – 58:08

And I think You asked me to explain you didn't ask me to agree,

58:06 – 58:08

that relate to state ownership.

58:08 – 58:09

you asked me to explain

58:09 – 58:10

No, no.

58:13 – 58:16

And and how centralizing power in one wealthy

58:13 – 58:19

And and how centralizing power in one wealthy family made ordinary people worse off in Nicaragua.

58:16 – 58:20

family made ordinary People worse off in Nicaragua. That was the question.

58:19 – 58:28

That was the question. How it not how it occurred in Nicaragua, how it made people in Nicaragua worse off.

58:27 – 58:28

OK. Well, I explained how it occurred.

58:28 – 58:30

Do you not agree with that? Do you not agree that it made people

58:29 – 58:32

I explained how the situation occurred in Nicaragua,

58:32 – 58:33

You don't agree with that.

58:32 – 58:34

because I understand that you're trying

58:33 – 58:35

You don't agree that private ownership

58:34 – 58:35

Yeah, I understand.

58:35 – 58:37

made people worse off in Nicaragua.

58:38 – 58:42

Thank you, Devi. Your time has expired. I appreciate it.

58:41 – 58:43

Congresswoman. Thank you very much, Madam Chair.

58:42 – 2:02:09

And uh of course. And uh we need to take a quick recess before we take up the next matter. We would like to uh just take few minutes of recess before we can hold this matter, um the next matter that we need to mm deal with. So if you grant us few minutes so we can um do what we need to do in the next uh few minutes. Having said that, we'll have a short break.

2:02:12 – 2:02:12

Okay.

2:02:46 – 2:05:40

That's great. The subcommittee and uh Western Hemisphere Affairs is resuming its business and um the committee will now take up the motion offered by ranking member Joaquin Castro to subpoena the documents um created between the United States government, specifically the Department of War and the North American Blue Energy Partners, owned by Alejandro Betancur. Um before I give the opportunity to all the members uh to give their comments and 'cause I know that when we are subpoenaing documents we as according to the rules, we should open the floor or at least the committee members to give their um comments. I just wanna share with the ranking member who came up with this idea that I just had a long conversation with secretary Marco Rubio. And I explained to him uh that there is great concern and interest not only from the Democratic Party, from the Republican Party, and from the American people to really see and understanding what type of agreement the Department of War signed with the Vetincours um company. Marco Rubio assured me and that he is going to release those that the the documentation that explains what type of deal with we have created, And I do believe that he is going to release those documents. For that reason, I um advise my colleagues on the Democratic side to give an opportunity to the secretary to produce those documents. We, at least my office, tr um Congresswoman Salazar, we have never sent a formal request formal request to the Department of State to show not only that uh agreement that was created with Bettencourt less than thirty uh days ago, but all the different auditings from the private accounting office that is auditing the whole uh affairs with Adelce Rodriguez interim government. For that reason, I'm not sure if I could be doing that, but I am saying it to all of you that I have that assurance. I'm sharing your concerns, as you heard me yesterday ranking German, but I do believe that we give uh we should give a vote of faith to Marco Rubio, who just uh promised me that that was going to be very will be released to the American people and to the public within the very within few days. Having said that, now I grant the the floor to my ranking member, Mister Castro.

2:05:40 – 2:07:06

Thank you, Chairwoman. You know, when Secretary Rubio first came to testify in front of our committee this term, I told him something that I believe, that many of the members of Donald Trump's cabinet were not qualified for their offices. But I said that I believe that he was the most qualified of all those who was appointed to the cabinet. Uh, and even though I deeply disagree with a lot of the decisions that Secretary Rubio and the ca and the State Department have made these days, I believe that when he was appointed, he was qualified for that role. That said, as I noted yesterday in our briefing, uh, we have been asking for information on this Venezuela agreement, on the NABEP agreement, and have received nothing, nothing on Venezuela for nine months, as you know. Uh, and, and I was really inspired by the, the chairwoman's questioning of the State Department officials yesterday, uh, and how diligent she was in trying to get them to release information about, uh, about NAEP, uh, about the funds, uh, who's doing business with Venezuela, where that money is going. And yet, uh, they would hardly tell us anything. They were stone stonewalling us. And they were the first ones to show up at the committee hearing. Literally, this has been going on since January. This is the first time anybody from the State Department showed up, and the comments they made most of the time were, we, well, I can't answer your question, I have to go ask our lawyers. Well, then why wouldn't you have the lawyers show up? Now, so with that, uh, uh-huh.

2:07:06 – 2:07:08

Member, and I'm just just claiming,

2:07:07 – 2:07:08

Uh-huh.

2:07:08 – 2:07:10

I'm I'm gonna give you more time.

2:07:10 – 2:07:10

Sure.

2:07:11 – 2:08:05

Reality is that this will be the first time and I invite you to write a joint letter to the State Department and to the Department of War and to the White House requesting officially. We have never done that in tandem. And I invite you to do that because as you just said, thirty seconds ago, I was the first one who asked the two gentlemen, one from the Department of State, both from the Department of State, to give us information, something that is simple, the auditing, uh the the business, where is the money going, the money from the oiled uh proceeds, where is that money going, and in now and this this deal with Vetincourt. So I'm just asking you to give one vote of faith to Marco Rubio, whom just said, and I agree with you because he is my constituent and he is Cuban-American, just like I am. Give him one vote of confidence to produce the documentation that we are going to subpoena according to your initiative.

2:08:05 – 2:08:05

Yeah.

2:08:05 – 2:08:08

That is my but obviously you have the final

2:08:06 – 2:09:35

Sure. But it's if this was a matter of lesser stakes, I would be glad to do that. But I have to reiterate my motion for subpoena. which uh to catch everybody up that wasn't here, because we didn't have all the members here, I I said uh that Madam Chairwoman pursuant to clause two M of house rule eleven, clause two K six of house rule eleven, I move that this sub subcommittee issue subpoenas to produce the agreement text between US and uh to put subpoenas to relevant federal agencies and private companies, um to produce the agreement text between the US and North American Blue Energy partners, NAEP, and the agreement between NABIP, run by Alejandro Bettencourt, and Interim President Delsey Rodriguez, by Tuesday, September twenty second. And, and let me just say, that I am alarmed as you are, that Alejandro Bettencourt, who made his money under Hugo Chavez, who was under criminal investigation, that a vote unfortunately to block the subpoena, is a vote to protect Alejandro Bettencourt corruption that we've seen. The Venezuelan people deserve to know, the American people for everything that's at stake, billions of dollars at stake for us. And all of the region, the Western Hemisphere, they deserve to know what's going on. And we can't wait any longer. This is an urgent matter, and that's why I've made a motion for this subpoena.

2:09:34 – 2:10:11

And I am not disagreeing with you that we need to know every single detail of that business between the Department of War and uh the company owned by Bettencourt, the North American Blue Energy Partners. I agree with you on that. Where I do not agree is that let's give this administration and Marco Ruvio and the Department of War more time the deal was announced on August twenty eighth. It has not even been three weeks, it has to be thirty days before that document, that business arrangement can be revealed. All that's all I'm saying, I'm I do not agree with you on the content,

2:10:09 – 2:10:10

And and I

2:10:11 – 2:10:12

I agree with you on the

2:10:12 – 2:10:12

Sure.

2:10:12 – 2:10:13

I disagree with you on the form.

2:10:14 – 2:10:14

Well, let me,

2:10:14 – 2:10:14

Have on the form.

2:10:14 – 2:10:40

let me make a few closing, just a few seconds of closing remarks, and then we can go on to the other members if they have comments. Um, and remember, this is nine months in the making. There are billions and billions of dollars at stake. Contracts are already been given out. We don't know where the money is coming or going. Uh, and there are a lot of people who are suffering. A lot of Venezuelans who are suffering. A lot of, uh, Venezuelan Americans. in my home state and yours,

2:10:41 – 2:10:41

Yes.

2:10:41 – 2:11:13

who demand to know and want an end to the corruption in their country. That's why this motion is important. We cannot let that corruption, we cannot let Alejandro Bettencourt, who's had issues in the past, completely off the hook with no oversight. You know, we need to stand up for ourselves as a Congress, as a, as a legislative body, uh, as a branch of government. To do so, if we don't, we may as well say, let the President do whatever he wants, let the executive branch do whatever they want. and Congress is just gonna go away. I refuse to do that, and so I move forward with my motion.

2:11:14 – 2:11:29

And you have all the right in the world, and I agree once again, I agree with you, let's just give Marco Rubio and the Department of War one couple of more weeks for them to produce the documents that you are subpoenaing today. So, all those in favor signifying by saying aye.

Clerk2:11:29 – 2:11:30

Aye. Aye.

2:11:30 – 2:11:33

All those opposed by signifying saying no.

Clerk2:11:33 – 2:11:33

No.

2:11:33 – 2:11:34

Roll call vote.

2:11:35 – 2:11:40

Alright. So, a recorded vote has been requested. The clerk will call the roll.

Clerk2:11:41 – 2:11:43

Representative Smith.

2:11:43 – 2:11:43

No.

Clerk2:11:43 – 2:11:54

Representative Smith, no. Representative Lawler. Representative Lawler. Representative Mills. Representative Mills. Representative Biggs.

2:11:54 – 2:11:54

No.

Clerk2:11:54 – 2:11:58

Representative Biggs, no. Representative McKenzie.

2:11:57 – 2:11:57

No.

Clerk2:11:58 – 2:12:04

Representative McKenzie, no. Representative Fein. Representative Fein, no. Representative Gallagher.

2:12:05 – 2:12:05

No.

Clerk2:12:05 – 2:12:09

Representative Gallagher, no. Ranking member Castro.

2:12:09 – 2:12:09

Aye.

Clerk2:12:09 – 2:12:13

Ranking member Castro, aye. Representative Stanton.

2:12:13 – 2:12:13

Aye.

Clerk2:12:13 – 2:12:17

Representative Stanton, aye. Representative Titus.

2:12:16 – 2:12:17

Uh.

Clerk2:12:17 – 2:12:21

Representative Titus, aye. Representative Jacobs.

2:12:20 – 2:12:20

Aye.

Clerk2:12:21 – 2:12:25

Representative Jacobs, aye. Representative. Comlogger Dove.

2:12:24 – 2:12:24

Yes.

Clerk2:12:25 – 2:12:28

Representative Comlogger Dove, aye. Representative Bell.

2:12:28 – 2:12:28

Yes.

Clerk2:12:28 – 2:12:31

Representative Bell, aye. Chairwoman Salazar.

2:12:31 – 2:12:44

I will say no. with the caveat that I do hold Marco Rubio's word, I do know that he's telling me the truth and those documents will be released without need of any type of subpoena.

Clerk2:12:44 – 2:12:46

Chairman Salazar, no.

2:12:46 – 2:12:46

Yes.

2:12:47 – 2:12:48

Yes?

2:12:48 – 2:13:02

It's a no, it's a no, yes. Have all the members voted? Does any member want to record or or change his votes, his or her vote? So the clerk will report the tally.

Clerk2:13:06 – 2:13:09

On this vote, the ayes are six, the noes are six.

2:13:10 – 2:13:32

So, the motion has failed, is not agreed. Pursuant to the committee rules, all members may have five days to submit statements, questions and and other type of material subject to the length and limitations, Without objections, the committee stands adjourned.

Clerk2:13:44 – 2:13:46

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