Nicaragua's Political Crisis: Ortega's Assault on Democracy

On July nineteenth, well, the Senadista revolution, Daniel Ortega declared that Nicaragua would no longer hold elections that could allow the opposition to take power. Weeks later, Nicaragua's National Assembly took another step forward, making that declaration a reality, advancing a constitutional amendment package that would bar those designated as traitors to the homeland from running for office and further entrench the regime's power hold on power. Ironically, this is a culmination of two decades spent dismantling the very demo- democratic institutions that allowed Ortega to return to the presidency following the twenty two thousand six election. Even authoritarian governments like Russia and Iran preserve the appearance of fake elections as a source of legitimacy. Ortega is now moving towards dispensing with even that facade, and that should deeply concern us, not only for the future of Nicaragua, but for the future of democracy in our hemisphere. Alongside his wife and co-president, Ortega has spent years transforming Nicaragua from an imperfect democracy into an authoritarian state in the heart of the Western hemisphere, rewriting rewriting their constitution, eliminating presidential term limits, consolidating control over the country's institutions, and elim eliminating meaningful political opposition have become hallmarks of his regime. The consequences for Nicaraguan people have been devastating. Since violently suppressing nationwide protest in twenty eighteen when more than three hundred people were killed, the regime has intensified its repression, imprisoning and exiling political opponents, stripping hundreds of their citizenship, shuttering independent media and civil society organizations, and targeting religious institutions. Journalists, human rights defenders, political leaders, member of the clergy, and ordinary Nicaraguans have faced persecution for challenging or even being suspected of challenging the regime. Basic freedoms have increasingly been treated as threats to the state. But what happens in Nicaragua Nicaragua does not stay there. The regime has increasingly extended its repression beyond borders, using surveillance, intimidation, and threats. against those who have fled the country, while family members who remain behind can face retaliation. The message is chilling. Leaving Nicaragua does not necessarily put you beyond the regime's reach. And as Ortega has closed Nicaragua to dem- democratic opposition, he has increasingly opened the country to US adversaries and strategic competitors. The regime maintains long-standing relationships with Cuba and Iran, and has continued to deepen its ties with Russia. Moscow has supplied military equipment, supported security forces and established a Russian interior ministry training center. And China, too, has rapidly expanded its economic and diplomatic foothold, since Ortega Ortega served Nicaragua's long-standing relation severed Nicaragua's long-standing relationship with Taiwan. Governments seeking to challenge US interests are finding a willing partner and an opportunity to expand their influence in our own hemisphere. Meanwhile, political repression and economic hardship have driven hundreds of thousands from their homes, placing additional pressure on neighborhoods, neighboring countries, and contributing to irregular migration. Taken together, these developments should concern every member of this committee. The United States has a clear interest in a Western hemisphere composed of free, stable, prosperous and democratic nations. A Nicaragua where political opponents are imprisoned or exiled, religious freedom is suppressed, independent voices are silenced, and our adversaries are welcomed. with an open arm runs directly contrary to that interest. For too long the regime has escaped the scrutiny its conduct deserves, not for lack of effort by members of this committee, including our distinguished ranking member. It is time to put Nicaragua back in the spotlight, for the people and their right to determine their own future. The United States must stand with Nicaraguans defending fundamental freedoms, demanding accountability, and working toward the restoration of a democratic democratic government. Today's hearing is an opportunity to examine the regime, its repressions, its relationship with our adversaries, and the consequences for our country and our hemisphere. And it's an opportunity to send a clear message to those fighting for a free and democratic Nicaragua that United States is paying attention. With that, I would like to recognize the ranking member, my good friend, a senator with so much experience in this part of the world, for his comments.

Thank you. Well, I want to thank the chairman and thank his staff for working so hard to bring this hearing together. It is a very important topic. And you framed it up well, Mister Chairman, in your opening comments. This is timely and urgent because the human rights challenges perpetrated by the current regime in Nicaragua have to be taken seriously, both for the sake of Nicaraguans but also for the entire region. Um, I know very well the signs of autocratic government. The actions that they take, the human toll they inf- im- uh inflict on everyday citizens. I al- I also know the most autocratic governments are not stable and that eventually, they do for all justice and accountability ensue, but often not as quickly as we would hope. Um, I know this cuz I experienced it firsthand as a missionary in Honduras in nineteen eighty and eighty one living in a military dictatorship I saw the abuses perpetrated by an authoritarian regime in that country. They opened my eyes to democratic backsliding wherever it occurs. Uh that year, in nineteen eighty and eighty one, was the only time in my life that I visited Nicaragua. And it was shortly after the effort to depose a um dictatorship, the dictatorship of Antonio Somoza had succeeded. And it was very early in that chapter, and so there were really high hopes about Nicaragua finding a a positive path forward following decades of dictatorship. And that's what makes this hearing and the need to have it so sad. Um, because it's horrifying to see that many of the conditions in the com- in the country today, sort of mirror what was seen back in those days when everyday Nicaraguans who dreamed of a an ability to shape the destiny of their nation were instead being pushed around. A a key lesson that I took from my time in Honduras was that instability, weak governments and governance, and regional security are all threatened when ordinary people can't choose their leaders, express themselves freely, worship freely or hold their governments accountable. The return of Daniel Ortega to power in two thousand seven has has started a path of gradually weakening democratic institutions the consolidation of power in the executive branch and the setting of a foundation that we now see as critical today to today's authoritarian regime. Twenty eighteen marked a a significant point as the chairman mentioned the violent repression that came about as a controversial pension reform plan was being pushed through the country's legislature. Protesters filled the street and they were met with severe repression. Hundreds were killed, thousands were injured or detained, widespread human rights violations were documented. Then it led up to a uh um the uh a fraudulent twenty twenty one presidential election where s but additional semblances of democratic governance were weakened. President Ortega knew that he was deeply unpopular with the Nicaraguan people and that he would be likely to lose in a free and fair election. So what did he do? Instead of letting the people speak, he eliminated his opposition. Beginning in June of twenty twenty one, seven presidential aspirants were arrested, including Christiana Chamorro, Arturo Cruz, Felix Maria de Aga, Miguel Mora, Medardo Morena, Noel Villauri and Juan Sebastian Chamorro. We're privileged to have Juan Sebastian Chamorro here with us today. He and his colleagues were not defeated. They were not even allowed to compete. Instead, they were detained, imprisoned, convicted in a sham proceeding that lacked due process, stripped of their nationality, and ultimately expelled from the country. Unfortunately, the story of the witness we'll hear from in a few minutes is not unique. In February twenty twenty three, the regime released two hundred and twenty-two political prisoners, transported them all to the United States. In Virginia, we were proud to welcome them to the US via a flight that they made into Dallas airport. Now in America, these political prisoners, released from Nicaragua, thought they would be safe, but they're not. They currently exist in a state of legal limbo, facing active threats of deportation by the Trump administration. And I urge the administration to evaluate whether legal protections from removal can be extended to former political prisoners. That would be the right thing to do. It would be in accord with our values, I believe, and I hope to work with the chairman and my colleagues to elevate this issue with the administration. It is it is difficult to to be a harsh critic where criticism is warranted and at the same time possibly deport people back into conditions which we're complaining, are inhumane and violate rights.

Mm-hmm.

Um, while the current regime has dismantled semblance of democratic governance in Nicaragua, the regime has turned to Russia and China and others, as was indicated by the chair for assistance. And so what is happening in Nicaragua is a reminder that democracy doesn't always die from a coup or a military takeover as was the case in Honduras. The erosion starts when an authoritarian leader systematically undermines the foundations of free society, press, independent judiciary, weaponizing government against dissidents, and weakening other independent institutions. As a longtime member of the subcommittee and more recently the chair in ranking of the subcommittee, I think Congress has a responsibility to authorize the necessary tools to put pressure on regimes. We're not perfect. We got our own challenges to solve. And frankly, the the best way to do anything like this is not try to lecture somebody else, but to recognize our own imperfections and strive to get better. But we do have tools that we ought to be using to uh to pressure those who are violating the human rights of others and that's why Senator Cruz and I have recently introduced the restoring electoral fairness and opposition rights through mandates of accountability act the reform act which would provide the US with greater authority to sanction Nicaraguan officials responsible for human rights violations we've gotta continue to work with allies and partners I wanna conclude my opening statement and move into the most important part of this which is hearing from our witnesses and asking them questions and to again to the chair I certainly appreciate the opportunity to have a hearing on this important topic.

Thank you uh Senator Kane. I uh explained to my staff before this started uh I got uh quite a bit of tutoring on the correct pronunciation of names, but it must have been my native um second language is actually Chinese and I do very poorly uh with names so with apologies in advance if you will bear with me um. Eddie Acevedo will be our our first witness. He's Vice-Presidency for Policy and Government Relations at the National Endowment for Democracy, where he leads the organization's engagement with Congress and the executive branch on efforts to advance democracy and human rights around the world. He previously held senior positions at USAID and the Wilson Center, and spent six years on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, which I spent a sort uh spent a short stint on myself, where he oversaw the Western hemisphere portfolio and worked on issues, including democracy, Human Rights and Foreign Assistance. He holds a Master's Degree from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, and Bachelor's Degree in Psychology and Political Science from Spring Hill College. Mister Acevedo, the floor is yours for five minutes.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Curtis, Ranking Member Cain, thank you for calling this important hearing. The views expressed in this testimony are my own and do not necessarily reflect an official position of the National Endowment for Democracy. Fifteen years ago, When I served as a senior staffer on the House Foreign Affairs Committee under Chairman Ileana Ros-Leighton we also convened a hearing, titled "Democracy Held Hostage in Nicaragua." Former US Ambassador to Nicaragua, Robert Callahan testified then that Daniel Ortega's candidacy in the two thousand eleven sham election was, quote, " illegal, illegitimate and unconstitutional," end quote. He was right then and he is still right today. The Ortega regime is completely illegitimate. I mention this hearing for a reason. Congress has led on Nicaragua before and its leadership is needed once again. Members of this committee now have another opportunity to shape the US response against the tyranny of Managua and show the people of Nicaragua that the US is on their side. Ortega's recent statement that there will be no more elections is not new. For decades, the Ortega regime has denied the people of Nicaragua their fundamental human rights, including the opportunity to free, fair and transparent elections. Nicaragua also presents a direct threat to US interests and regional s- security. The regime has weaponized illegal migration as a source of revenue and leverage. Beyond its alliances with Cuba and Venezuela, Ortega has embraced China and Russia. Chinese-backed firms control more than ten percent of Nicaragua's territory through mining concessions, targeting a gold sector whose exports reached two billion dollars in twenty twenty five. Russia has provided tanks and surveillance technology that helps Ortega repress his people. In return, Ortega has authorized Russian military aircraft, ships and personnel to use Nicaragua as a forward operating base. A hostile authoritarian partnership is operating in our own hemisphere right under our noses. Ignoring it would only raise the eventual cost to the United States. In twenty sixteen, while working for Congresswoman Ross Liefen, I helped drive the effort and was responsible for drafting the Nicaragua Investment Condition Conditionality Act, also known as the NICA Act. Congressman Abel Sierras joined us in the House. In the Senate, Senators Cruz and Leahy led the way, joined by Senators Rubio, Durbin, Kaine, Capito and a few others. When Ortega's forces massacred, injured and unjustly incarcerated protesters in April twenty eighteen, I was at USAID, and I helped surge resources to civil society when those groups were under extraordinary pressure. Later that year, Congress passed the NICA Act and President Trump signed it into law. Today, the regime's assault on Nicaraguans continues. It has stripped more than four hundred and fifty people of their citizenship, rendering many of them stateless. The Ortega regime has also barred citizens from returning home and labeled critics as traitors, including me, when the regime sanctioned me and deemed me a traitor in twenty twenty three. The Ortega Murillo regime has banned more than twenty seven thousand religious processions, and sent security officials into churches to not only monitor sermons by priests, but also who's in the congregation. Americans have also become targets. In twenty twenty three, the regime arrested nine pastors affiliated with the Texas-based Mountain Gateway Ministry on fabricated charges. In twenty nineteen, Eddie Montes-Preslin, a US Navy veteran, was shot dead in a Nicaraguan prison. And Ortega's violence goes beyond Nicaragua's border. About twelve assassinations or attempted assassinations, attempts of Nicaraguans have been documented in Honduras and Costa Rica. Roberto Samcam was recently gunned down at his doorstep in Costa Rica. Two weeks ago, another Nicaraguan in Costa Rica was shot three times in the second documented attempt on his own life. So why all this brutality? The Ortega-Maria regime fears the Nicaraguan people. We know this. Its rulers know that the people who refuse to surrender their freedom threaten a system sustained by fear, repression, and illicit revenue. At the National Endowment for Democracy, I see every day what courageous Nicaraguans can accomplish. Inside Nicaragua and from exile, our Nicaraguan partners provide unceasing news, document abuses, protect victims, help religious communities, and build coalitions for peaceful democratic change. All are enormous personal risk. To conclude, I wanna offer some recommendations before you. First, sanction Daniel Ortega himself. The United States and our allies should send a clear and loud message that the architect of this repression will face direct consequences. Second, sanction the Nicaraguan Military Social Welfare Institute as an entity. It controls the army's public investment fund. Third, fully use the prohibitions of imports from Nicaragua and U S exports to Nicaragua provided under White House Executive Order one four zero eight eight This executive order was never enforced. The administration should activate these authorities now, and Congress should codify these restrictions into law. If left unchecked, The Ortega-Maria regime will continue to destabilize the region, deepen the reach of our adversaries, and threaten U. S. national security. Congress has changed the course of U. S. policy towards Nicaragua before. It could do so again on a bipartisan basis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Mr. Acevedo. Mr. Gil Garra is a fellow at the Hudson Institute, where he specializes in U. S. strategy toward the Western hemisphere with a focus on political, economic and security dynamics shaping Latin America and the Caribbean. His research includes hemispheric security, strategic competition, and the use of migration as an instrument of statecraft. He previously served as a senior policy analyst for immigration and security at the NISKAN center and as contributing writer at the dispatch, covering Latin American politics, immigration and US foreign policy. He holds a master's degree in global security and borders from Queen's University at Belfast. where he was a Mitchell scholar and a bachelor's degree from Swarthmore College. The floor is yours for five minutes.

Okay. Chairman Curtis, Ranking Member Cain, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for this opportunity to testify. Nicaraguans should be voting in their presidential elections this November. Instead, Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo have moved to postpone the election by yet another year. If the constitutional reforms introduced this summer are ratified, Ortega and Maria will be in office until at least January, twenty twenty nine. Given their insatiable appetite for excluding and imprisoning their opponents, they could very well be in office until twenty thirty six. If ratified, these reforms would end what little is left of democracy in Nicaragua. I have translated them into English elsewhere, and a more detailed summary can be found in my full written testimony, but in sum, they would move the date of the general election to twenty twenty eight, and extend term lengths for a wide range of officials. They would also exclude virtually anyone opposed to the regime from political life. These reforms appear to me to be the regime paving the way for Rosario Murillo to become the sole ruler of Nicaragua. I have analyzed thousands of transcripts of Murillo's daily broadcasts on state media. I found that from twenty sixteen to twenty twenty one, Murillo mentioned Ortega in about ninety percent of her broadcasts. So far this year, she has mentioned him in only thirty eight percent. This seems to me to be her preparing the public for her ascent to the Seoul presidency. But Murillo also seems concerned that the succession process will not go smoothly. Her recent broadcasts increasingly make references to traitors and coup plotters. She knows she faces unrest. These reforms will give her more time to appoint officials who will support her and to purge those who she suspects will not. They will also allow America's adversaries, particularly China and Russia, to deepen their presence in Nicaragua. Beijing and Moscow have a significant stake in the continued survival of the regime. Some of this stake is economic. By my count, since January twenty twenty four, the regime has granted Chinese-linked firms seventy-eight percent of new mining concessions. These concessions cover about ten percent of Nicaragua, an area roughly the size of Connecticut. The regime is also cooperating with China and Russia strategically, including through joint security training. A democratic government would reject these authoritarian ties, but the reforms would keep the officials who manage these relationships in office for even longer. Meanwhile, regime repression is intensifying, at least thirty-one people are currently being held in enforced disappearance. And the regime continues to persecute the Catholic Church in Nicaragua. In June, police twice detained Monsignor Juan Abelardo Mata, an eighty year old bishop, after he celebrated mass. His representatives say he remains under house arrest. We most mount a response to these reforms. We should be clear-eyed about what we can accomplish. The regime will almost certainly implement these reforms in January twenty twenty seven. We should do what we can to prevent that, but more importantly, we should work to convince the officials propping up Murillo that she is a bad bet. and that their lives will only get worse under her rule because they will. Unfortunately, our policy towards Nicaragua is out of date. Daniel Ortega is not on Treasury's sanctions list, nor are the police co-chief who ran a detention center notorious for holding political prisoners, Juan Victoriano Ruiz Urbina, or the army's political intelligence chief, Alvaro Pena Nunez. A full list of recommendations can be found in my written testimony. But I will mention three key items here. The first step should be to push for a ban on Nicaraguan gold imports. Gold is the most clearly exposed rent the regime has that we can reach. Second, pass the Cruz-Cain-Reframar Act. With amendments that cap its national interest waivers and require the release of all political prisoners before sanctions are lifted. Third, the full committee's chairman and ranking member should request global Magnitsky determinations on Rub Ruiz Rubina and Pena Nunez. The regime cannot win a fair election, so it is buying loyalty with time and committing itself to robbing Nicaraguans of their right to self-determination. Our response should be swift and unequivocal. Nicaragua belongs to its people, and the United States will not rest until it is returned to them. Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.

Thank you. Deborah Ulmer is Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean at the National D- Democratic Institute where she focuses on democratic governance. political and election reform, and democracy and human rights across the region. She brings nearly three decades of experience in democracy assistance and international affairs including previous service as Freedom House's Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean and the Caribbean, and worked leading a USAID supported transition program in Nicaragua. She previously spent more than two decades at NDI, primarily working on Latin America and the Caribbean. She holds an executive master's degree in international peace and conflict resolution from American University and a bachelor's degree from Seton Hall University. Miss Ulmer, the floor is yours for five minutes.

Thank you, Chairman Curtis and Ranking Member King. Thank you for this opportunity to address the hearing on Nicaragua's political crises. I have lived and worked in Nicaragua for seven years, including in two thousand eighteen, where I witnessed the atrocious human rights violations that shocked the country. Standing with the brave Nicaraguan people in defense of freedom and democracy reflects our nation's most cherished values. I'm grateful to have this opportunity to join you in shining a light on the assault on democracy in Nicaragua. The hearing represents a moral imperative, a strategic necessity, and a national security priority. On July nineteen, President Ortega announced the elimination of elections. brazenly confirming he has no intention of maintaining even the pretense of democracy. But the erasure of fundamental freedoms did not happen overnight. For the past two decades, President Ortega and his co-president and wife, Rosario Murillo, have l hollowed out institutions, consolidated a family dynasty that echos the Samosa era, and dismantled democracy. The duo has clung onto power by unleashing a brutal campaign of repression, arbitrary detention, and forced disappearance, confiscation of property, including of US citizens, including mine, denationalization, and forced exile. A countless number of Nicaraguans have been uh directly affected by this ongoing impress repression, including the four hundred and fifty-two Nicaraguans stripped of their citizenship, such as independent journalist Luis Galliano, scores of exiles, and the remaining estimated sixty-eight political prisoners, including Bishop Matta. Washington has good reason to care about what's happening in Nicaragua. The country has become a fertile terrain for China and Russia, just two thousand miles from our southern border. At the United Nations General Assembly last week, Nicaragua's foreign minister endorsed the policies of both of their strategic allies China and Russia, And as you know, Iran is also considered a close ally of Nicaragua's. In addition, the regime's growing pattern of transnational repression poses a regional security threat. The twenty twenty five assassination of retired Nicaraguan army major Roberto Sancam in Costa Rica underscores this threat. According to the UN group of human rights experts on Nicaragua, These cases are not isolated incidents. Their latest report state that violations investigated since two thousand eighteen including murder torture and transnational persecution on political grounds amount to crimes against humanity. Ortega's recent announcement made it clear that the regime no longer believes it needs to maintain even a facade of electoral democracy. Yet the autocratic arrogance should not be mistaken for strength. In fact, it may serve as a sign that Ortega's eventual succession will represent a moment of vulnerability. Now is the time to act. NDI applauds the Senate's bipartisan Reformat Act to enhance sanctions on economic sectors generating revenue for the Ortega family. Congress can go further by targeting the intermediaries and the corporate enablers than en allow the regime to evade sanctions. especially in the gold sector. The United States should scrutinize China's expansion into ports and telecommunications, Russia's satellite facilities in Managua, and both countries' police training activities. As China and Russia deepen their foothold in Nicaragua, action is needed urgently. The hearing is timely in light of the organization of American States' consultation of foreign ministers this week. It brings a welcome opportunity to coordinate regional action under the OAS democratic charter, which affirms representative democracy is essential for peace and stability. Member countries should use all tools at their disposal to pressure Nicaragua into concrete verifiable steps toward the restoration of democracy and fundamental freedoms including the release of all political prisoners, the restoration of nationality, and a pathway to credible elections. Despite relentless repression, opposition members inside the country and in exile are building consensus around a peaceful democratic future. The United States should renew and sustain assistance to democratic actors so that they are prepared when a political opening emerges. At the National Democratic Institute, we know that when people have a choice, they choose democracy. But now, Nicaraguans do not have that choice. Thank you again for this opportunity to testify. I look forward to your questions.

Thank you, Miss Ulmer. Juan Sebastian Chimaro is a Nicaraguan economics, political leader, former presidential candidate and current coordinator for Citizens for Liberty. He participated in negotiations with the Nicaraguan government following the twenty eighteen protest. In twenty twenty one he was detained alongside other opposition opposition leaders and spent nearly two years as a political prisoner before being released and banished. in February of twenty twenty three. He previously held senior positions in the Nicaraguan government and led the economic led an economic think tank. From twenty twenty three to twenty twenty five, he was a Hewlett visiting fellow at the University of Notre Dame. He holds a PHD from the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and a master's degree from Georgetown University. Mister Chamarro, the floor is yours.

Thank you very much, Mister Chairman, Ranking Member Cain, thank you very much for the opportunity to testify. I come before this committee with a great sense of gratitude for your attention to the political crisis in Nicaragua and for tho- all those killed disappear and persecuted by the Ortega Murillo regime. I come as a former presidential candidate and political prisoner and as one of the two hundred twenty-two Nicaraguans who were expelled from our country. strip of our nationality and confiscated of our properties. I'm proud to represent at least six members of this group in this hearing. I also thank the members of this committee who supported the NICA Act and the RENASER Act. That pressure helped make our continued imprisonment more costly than releasing us to the US Department of State in February twenty twenty three. In twenty twenty one, I was competing to become a candidate for president of Nicaragua, seven candidates were competing in an election campaign. When the opposition organized into a single primary, the regime arrested every single candidate. There was no independent evidence or genuine opportunity to defend ourselves. I was sentenced to thirteen years in prison for so-called treason to the homeland. The sentence had been written well before the proceedings even began. I spent, along with many, the next six hundred and eleven days in prison. For the first three months, I was forcibly disappear. During that time, my wife and my daughter have to leave Nicaragua and I didn't have the opportunity to talk to them for twenty months. The conditions of imprisonment were designed not simply to break or to deprive us of our freedom, but to break us physically and emotionally. I spent weeks in isolation, as well as my colleagues, and endure brutal interrogations, threats, intimidation, psychological torture. Food was inadequate. Basic human needs were considered privileges. And electric light was on twenty-four hours a day. We witnessed Hugo Torres, a fellow political prisoner died in custody. Punishment cells were small, hot, and barely large enough to move. So, how did we survive? We rely on our faith and physical activity. In my case, I exercised, I prayed, and walked around three thousand laps around myself every single day. My faith reminded me that the regime could imprison my body. but it could not determine who I was and what I believe in. Confiscation for all of us has been equally devastating. In my case, a property taken by a presidential decree represented the family history inherited from my father, memories, identities, lost. My wife, also targeted by the regime, built a family business for decades. a source of income and security of our family, also confiscated. My written testimony documents the broader persecution of leaders, clergy, NGOs, journalists and other govern another movement, as well as the regime's growing ties to China, Russia and Iran, and the implication for US hemispheric security. I also have included specific sanctions to be applied on the financial, economic and individual. Mr. Chairman, members, the Ortega Murillo dictators do not respond to condemnation. They are inherently evil. They respond only when the political and economic costs of their actions become consequential. This is no longer a conventional authoritarian regime. This is a criminal family control system that use capture state institutions. Economic sectors, multilateral financing, and relations with hostile foreign powers to repress the Nicaraguan people. The Reform Act, led by Senator Cruz and Cain, will call upon the international community to isolate the Ortega Murillo regime. The bipartisan nature of this legislation is what Ortega Murillo fears the most. I cannot stress enough how critical and timely your legislation is. I know time is short, but I would like to personally appeal to you on behalf of the Nicaraguan people, to pass this legislation this year before the regime enshrines its dictatorships in law this coming January. Thank you, sir.

Thank you, doctor, and thank you for sharing uh that with us today. I'll begin our questioning and thank all of you for being here. Uh, mister Garal, let me start with you, how would you define the administration's current strategy in regard to Nicaragua?

I I think that the current strategy is uh somewhat premised off of the actions that we took uh in January towards the Venezuelan regime there there seems to be this sense that Nicaragua is after Cuba so we took care of Venezuela first next we'll have Cuba and then perhaps after that we will we will reach Nicaragua. There have been some actions that were taken, there were some gold firms for example that were designated uh earlier in the spring as well. But what I would like to see is perhaps having Nicaragua take more of a priority, uh e- even at least equal to to Cuba with it so far. We haven't had any new designations, for example, since the last ones that were announced in April. Uh, I believe that we are long overdue for additional designations on Nicaraguan figures.

Thank you. Mister Acevedo, transnational repression is a threat to democracy everywhere. It's a tool of dictatorships. We see it in China, Russia, Iran. Can you speak to the tactics of transnational repression, specifically employed by this regime, uh and those that are are unique to this regime?

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In terms of the tactics, um, uh what comes down to is there's a lot of surveillance that is happening. Ortega and his regime sends the thugs to the other neighboring countries, so we're seeing that a lot in Costa Rica and Honduras. threats, their surveillance, and then someone uh obviously at the highest level makes a call to be able to uh assassinate or try to assassinate folks. But one of the issues that we have is um in Costa Rica and Honduras, those governments are not taking this as a priority. In Honduras there's very little investigations, the same in Costa Rica, so much so that President Fernandez was quoted, they asked her about Nicaragua and she said quote, That is the government that they have chosen to have. She walked back those comments, the foreign minister walked back those comments, and then the foreign minister for an unrelated matter was fired last week. The Costa Ricans tell the Nicaraguans to keep a low profile or leave the country. That is not the signal that we wanna be sending. However, I do wanna stress, Mr. Chairman, I recognize that Ortega has a gun to their heads because he leverages the border and threats to close the border that it keeps the Costa Ricans um sort of at bay, the same with Honduras. So I think we also need to send a clear message to Ortega not to close the border to cause immigration pipeline and trade problems in the region.

You you're ahead of me, but I wanna I wanna ask you my next question is what what do we do? So i- in addition to to that, wha- what are your suggestions for how the US can engage on this?

So um one of things that we are doing so at the net for example we are supporting NGOs who are documenting the transnational repression that's going on through the region I think that is very important secondly I think we can uh ask for INL and DRL they also have prioritized transnational repression within Latin America and I think they can provide technical support and law enforcement support to these countries to build their

Treasury sanctioned in April of this year, uh some of the sanctions included two of Ortega's sons who serve as government officials. And it feels like we're watching Nicaragua evolve from a dictatorship into a family dynasty. If nothing changes in Nicaragua d- uh democratically and Muriel Muriel succeeds her husband, what is the suspected trajectory in the next five, ten, fifteen years?

So we are already seeing that transition happen be- before our very eyes. Um, one of the things that Murillo is seeking is a little bit of legitimacy. But obviously, that's not gonna happen as they continue to uh sharpen their elbows in terms of the abuses. And one of the things that she has done is Ortega for a very long time has had a really close inner circle. She has replaced many of the people in his inner circle. They are now in jail or they are in house arrest. Why? Because she recognizes that the senior leadership of uh of the FSLN, and even the military, do not support her. So she is moving these people out, putting her people in place, so that when the transition happens uh sort of a hundred percent, um then she has her people in the positions to be able to maintain power.

Thank you. I I have uh some additional questions. perhaps we can move to a second round, but let me now yield uh to the ranking member for his questions.

Thank you to all of the witnesses for your testimony. Um, and Doctor Chamorro in particular, reliving those experiences is not pleasant, no matter how many times you share them, I'm sure it's difficult. Um, and we're glad that those days are in the rearview mirror and you're here now, advocating for your country, men and women. Um, can you talk a little bit about what conditions are like now in the United States for the two hundred and twenty-two former political prisoners who were here, given the kind of limbo status that they're in. And my understanding is that six of these dissidents who stood up to authoritarianism at home have been detained by ICE. Am I correct in that?

Yes, you are. Yes, you are correct, sir. So six uh former members of the two hundred and twenty-two have been uh detained. Uh we uh came, as uh you know, from uh a plane um um contracted by the US State Department. We came with uh sp um condition of uh humanitarian parole. And we were uh given a number. And the majority of the two hundred and twenty-two are, as you said, in uh uh legal limbo, waiting for um the meeting uh to uh to take place. Um many of them uh the majority of them actually um introduce all the paperwork. So I have to uh I have to say that just uh a few numbers of uh two hundred and twenty-two have actually been called to this initial meeting to get the the asylum I think the Nicaraguan case uh is an example of why political asylum should exist.

Right.

Uh because in addition to the this uh condition uh we were stripped of our nationality and the the difficulties of being

Yeah.

stateless cannot be exaggerated.

Right.

it it basically you don't exist. So these people and and not only the two hundred and twenty-two, but the four hundred ninety-four uh that the list was extended, uh statelessness brings all kinds of complications for whatever but uh paperwork that you wanna do in any country be in Costa Rica, Spain, the US, because you basically do not exist to the uh to the state. So for me, the I think this uh this

And and it would be one thing to be sent to another country when you're sort of a stateless individual, but it would be another thing to be deported back to the country that had imprisoned you tortured you convicted you stripped your nationality and and sent it away.

Yes, sir.

So I agree, some, you know, sometimes there's some concerns about the overuse of humanitarian parole or the overuse of refugee or asylum status but these political prisoners who came to the United States um in political exile after their nationality had been stripped is the core of why we have this. program and I look forward to working with you and others to make sure that you can stay.

Thank you. Thank you. And I will I will just insist that the reason why political asylum should exist as a figure uh this is the best representation of a case of why this country can yeah.

Yeah. Exactly. Uh, Mister Garib, you you touched on and a number of you did on the illicit gold mining issue. Uh, and just for those of us who are not so focused on it, I do have a bill with Senator Cornyn uh that we've got through the uh the SFRC that we're trying to pass. dealing with illicit gold mining in the region. Talk about how this gold mining issue is of concern and we should be paying attention to it as we consider sanctions.

I think one reason why it is of concern is that it has fueled a rise in organized crime at the Costa Rican border area. One of the things that we've seen and perhaps one of the reasons why the Costa Ricans have been somewhat ambivalent about really taking further action on this is that they may feel that they do not have the current security capacity to actually deal with some of the demand for gold that has driven illegal mining it has led to environmental depredation on the border area but in addition to that it is also something that supplies the regime with quite a lot of money they have a form or formal three percent take that they have on it but many of the firms that they have this is one of the things that they can offer to the Chinese it is one of the main concessions uh as Mister Acevedo and I both pointed out that seems to be rising seems to be a an increasing natural resource that they are offering the Chinese. And it is also one where they are uniquely exposed to the United States. And you can get different numbers according to UN common trade statistics, we take about thirty-seven percent. According to the Nicaraguan central bank statistics, it's about fifty-seven percent. So there's a bit of a discrepancy there, but in either case we take a significant share of gold, so it is something that we can actually influence.

Great. Um the last thing is just a point that I'll make. A number of you touched upon religious persecution. You mentioned the uh the arrest of the bishop whose status is still as a political prisoner, the the the breath of the religious persecution is shocking. The Mother Teresa's order has been kicked out of of Nicaragua. I mean, talk about a non-political operation that's just existing to help the most destitute people. And all these processions cancelled, and there's there's just sort of a fear that if anybody is gathering for any reason they might be talking about the government in a way that is fueling this paranoia by the president and his co-president and spouse. And so this committee, I'm just looking at all the members of this committee, everybody here has been really active on the foreign relations committee in actions against religious persecution. The Reform Act deals with that issue and I know the committee will continue to be diligent about that in Nicaragua and elsewhere. My time is up until I have a second round, so I'll hand back to you, Mm-hmm, good, thank you, thank you. Mister Chair.

Thank you, sir, okay, I'd like to um like to turn the floor over to the senator from Florida.

Uh, Chairman and Racky member, thank you for doing this, this uh this is a very important issue. Um, I'm from Florida and um we have a lot of Nicaraguans, um Cubans, Venezuelans, Argentinians. We have a lot of people in Latin America. They've come to to Florida and the ones that have been able to get there are becau- it's because all the oppression uh in all these countries. And um what the Ortega Ortega regime is doing is just despicable to the people of um of Nicaragua. So, Mister Chamorro, the Ortega regime appears intent on eliminating independent institutions that can organize, serve or speak for Nicaraguans, which is a typical approach somebody takes when they take over a country like this. This includes the Catholic Church, religious charities, universities, civil society groups. What steps can we take to protect these networks that we can take? Um, sustain democratic voices inside and outside Nicaragua, ensure that the Nicaraguan diaspora, including those in Florida, has a meaningful role in shaping the response.

Thank you, Senator. Uh first uh to move from individual sanctions which are which can happen, but also to and I think my some of my colleagues have also mentioned uh sanctions to economic sector economic institutions that represents funding for the Nicaraguan regime to uh repress this is something that is included in the written testimony um froze assets of the uh government of Nicaragua, sanctioned the issuing of bonds and securities, all of those elements that allow the regime of Nicaragua, of Ortega Murillo, to uh get resources uh to repress. Basically um move from, as I said, individual sanctions to sanctions that overall touches the the structure. The oil se the uh gold sector is a good example, but it have to go beyond the specific companies being targeted, because there's a whole line of supply and basically what they do with the Chinese collaboration is to evade those uh sanctions. So more investigation should be taken into once those sectors are being uh uh sanctioned to investigate how the bad guys are moving to evade uh uh those sanctions. Uh there are other sectors, and I think the legislation, the reas one of the reasons why why we support the le legislation is because it leaves the space open to other sectors of the economy that can be identified, and represents um resources to the regime without affecting the Nicaraguan, the Nicaraguan people. That's why we mentioned, we said that it is important for the regime to know that their economic financial consequences of of their action. We can talk about the financing of China, which is a little bit more difficult to stop, but things can be done on that regard as well.

So what do you think what what do you think about the stuff the administration has done so far with the the gold sector regime, family sanctions, the two thousand three hundred visa bans, um and uh the you know pressure in the regime to shut down Nicaragua's visa free springboard from Cuba. What do you think about those things?

I think those are necessary. I think those uh create the the right pressure, but we we need to think uh in terms of uh a more integral uh strategy that involves not only uh the administration but also Congress. That's why we're talking about this legislation and other uh steps in the uh with the international community. We're two days away from the organization of American States to have this, uh important meeting to recommend specific actions. And I think the leadership of the United States, the administration has been proven to be influential in bringing all these uh uh governments. As I mentioned, you know, I think the uh the administration could also consider um uh specific uh sanctions that will touch the core of the money making mechanism and and and gold is a is a good example. But it's not the only one, energy and other sectors as well.

Alright, thank you. Major Acevedo, what are the remaining lifelines the Ortega regime is using to survive? What where are they getting their money now and how and how much are they getting from each sector?

So uh I will answer that question in in three parts uh Senator and as a as a fellow Floridian, it's it's great to be here from Miami. Um one I would say uh just to put a little bit of perspective on the gold, I know we've all mentioned that gold is the number one export of Nicaragua right now. It's not coffee, it's not apparel, it's not beef, it's gold, so when we mention it that's number one. Number two I would say, Senator, that uh it's important to look at uh Treasury should probably investigate the Nicaraguan central bank. There is some anecdotal evidence that suggests that the central bank is playing a role in circumventing sanctions. So the Nicaraguan officials that have been sanctioned, they cannot go to a US corresponding bank, cuz obviously they're sanctioned. So the central bank is playing the role to facilitate. And the other thing you can look at is the halting the US importation of Nicaraguan beef. Just in twenty twenty five, uh, the US imported four hundred and fifty million dollars of Nicaraguan beef. That's another leverage point that we can use. But the family, the Ortega family is involved in real estate, energy, telecommunications. These are all uh uh high value targets, Senator, that the the OFAC can use to apply pressure.