Summary
- All five Trump nominees repeatedly declined to directly state Joe Biden won the 2020 election, citing congressional certification instead of factual answers.
- Anna St. John (Nominee to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit) defended her arbitration record, saying victims should choose between litigation and arbitration.
- Sen. Blumenthal pressed Gregory Cook (Associate Justice, Alabama Supreme Court) and others on whether January 6 was an attack, drawing evasive answers condemning violence.
- Sen. Durbin (D-IL) condemned nominees' evasiveness on 2020 election, while Sen. Britt (R-AL) praised Cook's character and strongly urged confirmation.
- The committee will weigh lifetime judicial confirmations and key antitrust and sentencing commission posts after written follow-up questions are answered.
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Transcript
good morning everybody welcome all of you to today's hearing we have two panels first panel features an assay john nominated to the uh us court of appeals fifth circuit Our second panel has Gregory Cook, be Judge of the US District Court for Northern District, Alabama. Adam Kone-Dub, to be uh Assistant Attorney General for the Antitrust. John Cornyn, Cronin and Jason Mannion, to be Commissioners on the US Sentencing Commission. All of today's nominees are highly qualified. and reflect diverse backgrounds in law and public service. They continue President Trump's trend of nominating top-tier people for our country's most important roles. I have a personal honor today to introduce them three of our five nominees. So I'll do that right now. Adam Kendi do uh is a uh nominated to serve as assistant attorney general to oversee the justice department's antitrust division his career spans public service private practice and academia after graduating from yale university and the university of chicago law school uh he clerked uh on the ninth circuit and practiced law at two major firms for a better part of a decade. Uh the nominee then entered public service as an attorney advisor at the Federal Communication Commission for the past uh for the two decades thereafter. He was a professor at Michigan State University Law School where he taught many areas of law, including antitrust and criminal law. Notably, at at the end of President's Trump's first term, the nominee briefly returned to public service as Acting Administrator of the uh National Telecommunication and Information Administration, and then as Deputy Attorney General with the uh Justice Department. Uh, during President's second term the nominee has served as general counsel of the federal communications commission throughout his career uh he's done important work his scholarship and legal advocacy focused on protecting children from exposure to pornography and other obscene materials he's also a strong advocate for free speech and fighting censorship by uh social security companies during the biden administration uh next judge cronin been nominated to serve as us sentencing commission as a federal judge he obviously knows a thing or two about the sentencing guidelines that the commission sets forth and his understanding of criminal law stems from his career of public service before joining the bench. Judge Cronin served as assistant US attorney for the southern district of New York. He was also the chief of the Terrorism and Inter- National Carnetics uh unit. Judge Cronin saw over oversaw more than one hundred investigations and prosecuted a wide array of crimes, including complex national security cases against foreign terrorists. His career featured additional positions with the Justice Department, serving as Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General and Acting Assistant Attorney General of the Criminal Division. Uh in twenty, since twenty twenty, Judge Cronin has served on the U. S. District Court for the Southern District of new york he's done a great job and i thank him for his service finally judge manion jason manion has also been nominated to the us sentencing commission he brings a distinguished career that expand all three branches of government after graduating from harvard law mister manion clerked twice on the us court of appeals for the sixth circuit He served as Deputy Solicitor General for the State of Ohio, and he's also worked in support of this committee as special counsel for my colleague, Senator Cruz. Since twenty twenty two, Mister Mannion has served as an Assistant US Attorney for the Northern District of Ohio. And as a uh federal prosecutor, he's handled many cases and appeals uh dealing with sentencing issues and sentencing guidelines. During President Trump's second term, Mister Mannion has held multiple significant roles on detail from the US Attorney's Office, serving as Counselor-in-Chief of Staff to the Associate Attorney General, and then the Attorney General and is currently a General Counsel and Senior Advisor of the White House, on eliminating fraud. Uh, Senator Durbin.
Thanks, Mr. Chairman. I've served on this committee for nearly thirty years. In that time I've attended countless nomination hearings, providing an opportunity for members to determine if nominees are qualified. Nomination hearings like this one today are an essential part of the Senate's role in providing advice and consent on presidential nominees. This constitutional duty is a critical check on the executive branch. And it has never been more important that the Senate exercise this duty because we now have a president and an administration determined to use every opportunity to push the bounds of power. I'm not going to revisit the nomination of Todd Blanch. We spent a good part of yesterday morning in this committee discussing his worthiness for that position. But I do wanna say that there's some elements underway in this administration that need to be addressed by Congress, I hope, if not by the courts. Dramatic changes. Corruption. Corruption used to happen behind closed doors. Now the doors are wide open. You can see exactly what's going on. First year in office, second term for Donald Trump was a good year for him. one point four billion dollars at least, some say two billion dollars, an amazing, amazing amount of money for anyone who would be president of the United States. And unfortunately, the fingerprints on that two billion dollars involves the crypto industry, cryptocurrency. They have their fingerprints on every act of corruption in Washington. And we see members of the cabinet, uh, would-be members of the cabinet, with personal holdings who are trying to explain their relationship with the crypto bunch. Judges may ultimately make the decision on this. That's why nominees will be asked some important questions. Insider Trading Boost, did you read about Truth Social? "For a hundred thousand dollars a month, just one point two million dollars a year, we're gonna give you the edge on information, official information from this administration. You may get thirty seconds, maybe that's all you need to punch the right A hundred thousand dollars a month. Was that sneaky behind the scenes strategy? No way. It was advertised in the front page. Wanna buy into this new information for insider training? Give the president's company a hundred thousand dollars a month. Does that sound right to everybody here? The third thing is US attorneys. For the record, in President Trump's first term, over eighty almost ninety, maybe I'm off a few, US attorneys who were approved by this committee, by voice vote, and then approved on the floor, by voice vote. I'm talking about Trump administration zero point one, one point zero. Now we go through each and every one of these US attorneys, and have a fight as to whether or not, we're going to have the ultimate uh last word on their selection, or whether they'll be acting US attorneys indefinitely. That's a change. What brought it about? I'll tell you exactly what brought it about. The decision by one senator from Indiana, now Vice President of the United States, to require separate roll calls on every US attorney under the Biden administration. He started it, I tried three or four times to get him to reconsider it, and to go back to the bipartisan approach, he wouldn't do it, and now we're stuck with it. We spend more time on the floor voting for US attorney nominees than we should. I hope we can return to the days where we trusted one another and didn't have this kind of arrangement. We're wasting our time in the Senate. In closing, I wanna note that two of the witnesses before us have been nominated to fill vacancies in the US Sentencing Commission. Congress created the Sentencing Commission in nineteen eighty-four, charged it with the critical task of promoting transparency and consistency in federal criminal sentencing. The commission collects and analyzes data, and then employs his expertise to help guide Congress in setting sentencing policy to guide the federal judiciary in making important sentencing decisions. Members of the commission are tasked with the the responsibility of establishing practices and policies that promote proportionality in sentencing and reduce sentencing disparities they must carefully consider revisions to sentencing guidelines, as they forever impact the lives of those facing the criminal justice system. The Commission has long operated in a bipartisan manner, a reflection not just of the statutory mandate for bipartisanship among Commission members, but also of the consensus-driven approach embraced by those who have served on this important body. During the Biden administration, I was proud to lead the effort to re-establish the Commission's quorum with a full bipartisan slate of nominees. so that it could continue its important work. Federal judges rely on sentencing guidelines promulgated by this commission for one of the most important aspects of their jobs, deciding on the appropriate penalty for a defendant. Thus, it is critical that members confirmed to the commission have the technical expertise, experience, and understanding so that they can face the gravity of their work and understand its impact on the criminal justice system. i look forward to hearing from the nominees thank you mr. chairman
senator kennedy for introduction
thank you uh mr. chairman um judge saint john is no stranger to this committee she was before us in february um where she was being considered for a position on the united states district court in new orleans on which she presently serves. President Trump has nominated Judge St. John to fill a vacancy created by Judge Engelhardt, who has served honorably and well on the federal fifth circuit. Uh, the president chose wisely. Um, Judge St. John's had an interesting career. She's uh, she's from a small town in Mississippi. She went to uh LSU and just absolutely knocked the top out of it. Magna cum laude graduate. An assortment of law schools, predictably tried to recruit her. She chose Columbia. Um she knocked the top out of it at Columbia. She got a JD and a master's. She was a James Kent scholar. She uh then clerked for a year for Judge Barksdale on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, very distinguished jurist. Then she went to work for one of the premier law firms in the in the world, Covington and Burley. Um At that level, when you practice with a firm as like Covington, um it's not a job, it's a lifestyle. Uh, she was there seven years. She would have been partner. Um, which just means, well, it means you get to work harder. You also make a bucket load of money. Uh, but she and Scott were married and she said, " You know, I'm, I'm rethinking things here. I, I wanna, I, I wanna practice with a smaller firm and have a family and uh not many people uh not many lawyers would would make that choice i mean you work so hard to to get to become a partner but there there there are other ways to in to uh contribute to the practicing of law she has been in in private practice with a small boutique firm one of the things she specializes in is class actions. And thanks to her work, um, she has ensured that that that the people who are hurt and are the subject of these class actions, who oftentimes don't get any money, all the money goes to the lawyers. She uh, she has worked to ensure that people get their fair share. Um, but but more than then her her accomplishments uh judge saint-john is uh she is obviously intelligent she is patient she is wise she is not a politician um she didn't have a squillion people call me to encourage her nomination either for the court of appeal or for the district court we do get a lot of those calls. She just applied. And I was going through the resumes and I saw hers and said, oh my god, um, I need to talk to this lady. And uh, I I checked around and she was obviously the most, one of the most qualified. And that's why for the district court level and the court of appeals, I I suggested her to president trump um judge st. john she understands the law she knows the law but more importantly she she appreciates the beauty of the law the elegance of the law the nuances of american law and the shortcomings of american law i i met a lot of smart lawyers who know the law but they don't really appreciate its application they don't really understand the human consequences of its application they don't understand it's as i said it's beauty or its shortcomings and so i'm happy to introduce judge st. john i talked longer than i thought um my work here is done Chairman, I can show my myself out.
Thank you, Senator Kennedy. Now, Senator Brett.
Always my favorite. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. It is an absolute honor today to be able to introduce one of Alabama's finest, Alabama Supreme Court Justice, Greg Cook, who I am, um, fortunate to call a friend. Welcome to you and your entire family. Uh, In my opinion, this day has been a long time in the making. For those of you who don't know Greg and haven't had a chance to read up yet, um, I am so delighted that President Trump chose Greg to fill the role there in the judgeship in the Northern District of Alabama. Greg has served at the Alabama Supreme Court as an Associate Justice since twenty twenty two. Uh, he has reviewed and written numerous opinions on some of the state's most complex, both criminal and civil cases that were in front of him. He has an impeccable record of service. So when you look at Gregg and you see the way he conducts himself, he applies the law fairly and diligently to everyone who comes in front of him. Now, he's just been on the bench since twenty twenty two, but Prior to that, he spent years at one of our most distinguished firms in the state of Alabama, thirty-two years to be exact, earning the rank there of partner. But prior to that, he served in the Air Force. Uh, Greg made the rank of captain and also continued to serve our nation in the Air Force reserves. This is in his blood, love of country, service to those around him, in his community, and his family and his state and now for his nation. Greg graduated from Duke, uh also went on to Harvard Law. And despite the accolades that he's received in his life, the thing that has always been most important to Greg is his family. I say that's because of the values that were instilled in him and the Shoals, growing up. He loves his children. He loves his wife, his church. his community, and he has consistently bettered himself to be able to answer the call. I had an opportunity about four years ago to really get to know Greg. We had traveled around the state together and I got to see him interact with Alabamians. I got to see him connect with them. Wanna know what was happening and and how he could be helpful. I also got to learn that he wrote Alabama Rules of Civil Procedure book, which uh was quite a thick book, that shows he not only knows the law, he loves the law. And I have every, I have faith and confidence in his ability to answer this call. Greg, thank you for being willing to serve. You are such a fine human being. Your character is unmatched, your diligence, your intellect. I know that you will uphold the Constitution and you will apply the law faithfully in every single circumstance, and that you will be thoughtful, um, about the role that, that you are stepping into in a way that's going to make every one of us proud. So thank you for answering the call. I urge all of my colleagues to vote for Gregg, and boy, it was an honor to be able to send your resume forward. And I appreciate President Trump um for seeing what i saw on that piece of paper and in this human being in front of us so thank you greg and thank you mister chairman for allowing me to introduce him
thank you um judge st johns would you please come and before you seat i'd like to uh administer oath thank you uh you swear that the testimony you're about to give before this committee will be the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth so help you god very positive response now sit down and give your uh testimony uh and uh introduction of friends and family however you wanna proceed the uh proceed
thank you uh great
thank you thank you chairman grassley ranking member Durbin and thank you to all members of the committee for having me here today Thank you to President Trump for the great honor of this nomination. Senator Kennedy, thank you for those very kind remarks. No one could accuse you of being an easy grader, and so I'm just especially grateful for your support. I also wanna thank Senator Cassidy for his support. I am here today with my husband, Scott. He's an exceptional person, truly my better half. He is sitting with our three older children, Charles, Bertie and Anna Douglas. Our littlest and most energetic Jack is home with my parents-in-law, Joyce and Doug St. John. They have been wonderfully supportive over the years and I'm very blessed to be a part of their family. I'm here today only because of the support of so many people. Those include my siblings, aunts and uncles, friends and colleagues. Above all are my parents, Libby and Chuck Wagner. I wish they were still with us for so many reasons. But I know I didn't need to become a judge to make them proud. I just needed to be a good person. I continue to be inspired by their sacrifices and the values they live by. I'm also here today with my law clerks. I'm privileged to go to work every day at the US District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana. I serve alongside an incredible group of people. Those include my judicial colleagues, our court security officers, everyone in the court clerk's office, and so many more. Their hard work to make sure we have a strong, functioning, efficient judiciary is a testament to the strength of our country and its people. Being nominated to the Fifth Circuit is a profound honor on its own, made more so because that's where I started my legal career, clerking for Judge Reissa Barksdale. I strive to put into practice the lessons I learned from that clerkship every day, and will continue to do so if I am so honored. with by being confirmed again thank you for considering my nomination i welcome any questions
judge you've been serving as a district judge for just a few months now uh you seem to be managing a docket i'm told of about a hundred and twenty civil and criminal cases so you got uh a lot shoved on you right off the bat Uh, during your time so far, what's the most important thing that you've learned about being a federal judge?
Well, Senator Grassley, you're right. I really hit the ground running and I I learn more every single day. One um aspect of the job that's really been impressed upon me is the um impact that the court's work that my orders have on the parties as a district judge, you know, I I see the criminal. right in front of me with their families. I see the pro se litigants and interact with them. I I see clients with their attorneys. And it's really impressed upon me the need for judges to make sure that people have a full and fair hearing, that they feel that they're getting a fair um consideration of their case, and that judges provide reasoned opinions so that the parties know, that people understand that the court's rulings are based in the law, and not on any judge's personal preferences or beliefs.
I would think most uh people would agree with what senator Kennedy about said on your last confirmation he said quote unquote you are real student of the law uh beyond the law you've spent years working with new Orleans family justice center and that center is dedicated to ending family violence child abuse and sexual assault. Uh, tell us please uh why it's important for judges to prioritize victims and victims' rights when presiding in a case of that nature.
Sure. So judges and courts do represent the legal recourse that the more vulnerable in our society, um, have access to. And so it's so important for courts and judges to be, um, to uphold the law and be a source uh for enforcement and implementation of the law that's intended to protect our most vulnerable in society.
I think I'm going to quote uh something you said during your last confirmation hearing. You stated that quote " the best way to give effect to people's will is by construing the words used in the text with the meaning these words had at the time they were enacted pursuant to the constitutionally prescribed lawmaking process end of quote uh why is that approach so important
that approach is important because our constitution lays out the process by which law is created and that requires bicameralism and presentment what emerges from that process is the text of the law, and that text represents the will of the people as expressed through their representatives in the legislature. If judges are to add meaning to that or change the meaning of the text that was agreed upon through the legislative process as prescribed by the constitution, that constitutes judges um enacting their will rather than the will of the people. And so that's why it's so important for judges to, you know, stick to the text of the law.
Um, the next question and last question is something that I have a hard time with myself when people ask you which is the most important colleague you've had or president you've served under. Uh, so tell us which attorney or judge you most admire and why.
Well, Chairman Graslie, I started my career clerking for Judge Barksdale, as I mentioned, and that was really a foundational experience. where I learned how important it is to meticulously analyze each case, and make sure you understand the facts and the law, and have approached it with a truly impartial approach so that you are, um, giving each party a fair shake. It's also important, I've learned from that, from Judge Barksdale, um, to remember the role of the judiciary. We are not lawmakers. Uh, courts have defined powers. And it's important for courts to stick within the powers that have been granted to the judiciary rather than um taking powers beyond what they have.
Thank you and congratulations, Senator Erbut.
Judge St. John, welcome back. I'm not gonna revisit many of the questions that I asked you several years ago when you appeared before us. I I don't think your answers were responsive then. I don't expect they would change today. But there is one issue I wanna return to. At your previous confirmation hearing, I noted that in November twenty twenty one, when I chaired this committee, we advanced the ending forced arbitration of sexual assault and sexual harassment act by voice vote. I believe uh that the sponsorship of this legislation on was virtually unanimous, not completely, but close to unanimous. on the Senate Judiciary Committee. And of course, the membership of this committee embraces the American political spectrum from right to left. Virtually all of the members of the committee voted for this and supported it. Why? It was legislation that said to a woman, particularly, that you cannot be held by an employment contract which limits your options if you're a victim, uh, alleged you're a victim of sexual assault or sexual harassment. Some employment contracts, and I know you're well aware of this issue, some employment contracts do not give a victim, woman, in that circumstance an option to take her case to court before a judge or a jury. It has to be by forced arbitration and many cases the arbitrator is chosen by her employer. It creates a real disadvantage for you, those who are alleging that they're victims of sexual harassment. You testified in the House against this legislation, claiming that ending forced arbitration was quote, "not in the best interests of those subjected to sexual harassment and assault." You argued that the bill quote " turns these women into unwilling pawns, leveraging their private difficulties in pursuit of public policy objectives that don't actually benefit them." You said at one point as well, arbitration is faster, less expensive, way of resolving disputes companies may have, so they have more funds to devote to employee benefits, or to reducing, lowering costs for consumers. Former Fox News host, Gretchen Carlson, was a leading advocate for the ending forced arbitration of sexual assault, and sexual harassment act. following her harassment by Roger Ailes at Fox. She previously opposed your nomination to the district court, and this is what she said. "While women around the country bravely share the urgency of eradicating forced arbitration, St. John used her power and influence to gaslight these women and the public. She downplayed their stories and minimized their pain instead of listening to women who were forced to suffer in silence." Saint John tried to convince Congress that these women's understanding of their own experience were incorrect. These are the words of former Fox News host, Gretchen Carlson. "It's been several years since you've thought about this issue before one of these committees. Today is an opportunity for you to answer the question. Do you have any second thoughts about the position you've taken on this issue?"
Senator Durbin, I appreciate those questions, and I I wanna be clear, I think some of my words were taken out of context. Um, I was I did not oppose the litigation the legislation. I didn't presume to tell any senator or congress member how to vote. I understood my role as providing additional context about arbitration and additional information as congress members worked through this issue and figured out where to draw the line on these issues and how to how to legislate. one of the comments you you quoted from my testimony was referring to forced litigation my point is that women should have a choice to choose to arbitrate or litigate and i i i um continue to think that there can be benefits to arbitration in some instances there can be benefits to litigation and at no point do i think anyone should be forced to arbitrate their claims arbitration is only by consent of the parties
but that's exactly that's exactly the issue There's no choice in forced arbitration. It's a take it or leave it for the employees before this new law was enacted.
I certainly respect that Congress took, carved out those claims from the, um, from any kind of pre-dispute arbitration agreement. And I, I agree, even before the law, if an employer, um, did force somebody to sign an agreement, then under the law, that should not be valid. And, um, people should have a choice as to whether to take their claims to court if they wish.
I think it's a good response, but it it really is inconsistent with the role that you played and the testimony you gave before the House of Representatives. So let me just ask you today, do you think forced arbitration of sexual assault and sexual harassment cases is right or wrong?
I don't think anyone should be forced to arbitrate their claims.
You've changed your position.
I've I've always taken the position that arbitration is by consent only.
Well, that is a dramatic change from where you were when you testified before congress. Thank you, Mister Chairman.
Yeah. Uh, before I call on Senator Kennedy, entering in a record, a letter in support of the nominee from Melissa Holyoke, uh, US Attorney, District of Utah. Uh, they worked together on consumer protection lit litigation in private practice. The letter praised Judge St. John and stated Quote, " As her colleague, I was consistently impressed by Anna's disposition while engaging with our colleagues, other counsel, and the courts. She would carefully consider differing viewpoints, oppose, approach opposing arguments with intellectual honesty, and always kept her composure during the circumstances." End of quote, Senator Kennedy.
thank you mister chairman um judge uh your your uh spouse scott's a pretty good lawyer in his own right isn't he
clearly
yeah i'm sorry i neglected to mention that when i was introducing you um this issue about
heard some proposals from
uh your your feelings about sexual harassment and
no i don't think it's
the recourse of people who have been harassed seems to have arisen
position of the title
when you were testifying as a private citizen back in two thousand and twenty one
but i don't know
before the house
agree
so i understand
excellent
and and i've i've read your testimony i've read the record
hold on it
um uh i don't see how any fair minded person can conclude that you were trying to do anything to impede someone who is a victim of of sexual harassment from from from being able to address the wrongs um uh uh here's a quotation i wanna from your testimony quote Your words, not mine. Allegations of sexual harassment and assault should be taken seriously.
Where's the information? Sexual.
And accusers afforded the full protections of the law as they seek to hold those responsible to account. Removing one form of dispute resolution, however, does not further those goals. Did I read that correctly?
That is correct.
Now, do you do i- if if I am a victim of sexual harassment, I have a number of options. I can file a complaint and try to resolve it privately if it's in the workplace with my employer and and the alleged perpetrator. Can I not?
Yes, you can.
Or I could choose to mediate the dispute. Could I not?
Yes, Senator.
Or I could choose to arbitrate the dispute, could I not?
Yes.
Or I could choose to go to court, could I not?
That's correct, Senator.
Now, do you oppose removing any of those uh uh of those options for someone who's an alleged victim?
No, Senator, uh victims should have their choice of how to deal with these issues.
And, i- as I understand your Tell me if I read it wrong, but I looked at it pretty carefully. What you were saying i- is that at least as I appreciate it, that that all forms of redress should be available to the alleged victim. Right?
Yes, Senator.
I mean, would you elaborate on that a little more? Cuz I I honestly, I don't get it. I mean, I get the politics. You know, the folks that democrat and republican and all that but my experience uh you're not a very political person and you were asked to come testify um as a lawyer and an expert in the law so tell me what you said
thank you senator and when i hear these criticisms it feels very disconnected from my actual testimony i would never try to silence a victim of sexual assault or harassment my point in my testimony was to provide some context for how many different options for resolving these claims and addressing these claims should be available to women. Um, and you know, forcing them into litigation or forcing, you know, taking away their choice of one option or another, um, is not actually supporting the victims and and Congress should do as it sees fit to um, make sure that these victims still have options for resolving this these terrible events.
OK. Well, let me be sure I understand your testimony. Um, do you do you consider acts of sexual harassment to be repugnant?
Yes, of course.
And do you support the right of anyone who claims to be sexually harassed to to to be able to have their allegations heard in accordance with the rule of law in due process?
Yes, absolutely.
Are you d in your testimony, did you support all forms of redress? Do you think we ought to preclude somebody from going to court or not going to court or arbitrating or not arbitrating or mediating or not mediating?
No, I didn't take anything off the table.
OK, I didn't think you did. I read it pretty carefully. All right, well, thank you, Judge. Um. i i appreciate your candor i'm done mr. chairman
by the temporary power vested in me i recognize senator whitehouse
thank you mr. temporary chairman um i'm not gonna be able to vote for this nominee and i wanted to uh explain why um her history with uh hamilton lincoln law institute center for class action fairness competitive enterprise institute and independent women's forum creates concerns for me that she has simply for too many years inhabited the leonard leo coke brothers judicial slash political operation machine um i think that group of interwoven organizations has a very specific goal, which is to put people onto courts who, when the time is right, can be relied on to make the decisions that they want. And, um, I don't think that's what being a judge is about. I don't think that's what this committee should be about. It has nothing to do with conservative versus activist. I think some of the most activist decisions that have been rendered have come from judges who've come out of that same Koch brothers, Leonard Leo network of judicial slash political influence. Um, competitive enterprise institute, a frequent dark money amicus, in courts, has taken roughly ten million dollars from donors' trust and donors' capital from twenty twelve to twenty twenty two, four hundred thousand from Koch organizations from twenty fourteen to twenty twenty one, and its president became the president of donors' trust in twenty fifteen. Donors' trust is described as the dark money ATM of the far right. Hamilton Lincoln Law Institute took at least one point two five million dollars in litigation grants from donors' trust since twenty twenty one. Independent Women's Forum took three hundred thousand dollars from Leonard Lio's judicial education project in twenty eighteen, and more than thirteen million dollars from donors' trust from two thousand seventeen to two thousand eighteen. I don't know why Donald Trump called Leonard Leo a sleazebag. Something's going on that's a little weird there. But what I do believe, is that a persistent effort by the far right wing, funded by a lot of billionaires who anonymized their money through Donor's Trust, and in two front groups, is a very, very powerful force in judicial appointments right now. And, Miss St. John, I'm sorry to say that, um, based on that record, I can't help but believe that when the time comes, and the right amicus comes before you, that'll be the signal for you to render the decision that they want. So that's why I'm not gonna be voting uh for this nominee. Um I'd also like to add, because it's just been in the news recently, um comment on the situation with the US Attorney uh Junine Pirro and uh the action that the District Columbia, t- US Attorney's Office took in the reflecting pool case. We saw an awful lot of lying take place. For instance, the Secretary of the Interior just a month ago on CNN was asked about that lining. It peeled off. Why did that happen? Do you know? It didn't peel off, he said. There was "There was vandalism", he said. "There were box cutters", he said. The question came back, you're one hundred percent sure that what happened with the liner was vandalism. You can prove it. "Oh yes, absolutely", he said. US Attorney Pero said the same thing in a big press splash announcing the indictment of the former Olympian against whom the charges were just dropped. Why were they dropped? They were dropped because the case ran into a wall. A wall, based on a decision called Brady versus Maryland. Which, creates a constitution constitutional duty. On the government. To disclose exculpatory evidence to anyone it is charged with a crime. And the US Attorney's Manual, which they now call the Justice Manual, actually has a robust section directing prosecutors not just to adhere to the minimum constitutional standard, but to go out of their way to make sure that all exculpatory evidence gets delivered to the defendant. So the actual lawyers going to actual court were looking at having to turn over exculpatory evidence that according to the US attorney's own pleading was withheld from them by the Department of Interior. So a US citizen was falsely indicted based on incomplete information while the government, at least at the Department of Interior, held information that it did not disclose to the Department of Justice that would have blown up the indictment, that should have been disclosed to the grand jury. This whole exercise was disgraceful. And the fact that senior government officials still continue to lie about the vandalism, after what they've seen, just makes it worse. Thank you, Chairman.
Senator Brumethal.
Thanks. Thanks, Senator Durbin. Uh, just say, John, you were here just months ago. february fourth twenty twenty six and i asked you a number of questions i'm gonna ask you the same questions beginning with who won the twenty twenty election
senator excuse me pursuant to the twelfth amendment and article two the electoral process is the process by which a president is selected and in january twenty twenty joe biden was certified by the electoral college and served for four years
though you are unwilling again to answer that question truthfully correct
senator i've provided a response that is ethically appropriate and legally correct under the the judicial code
it is ethically inappropriate for you to fail to be candid with this committee and to give us the canned rehearsed answer that you have been programmed by the trump white house to provide let me move on uh was the united states capitol attacked on january sixth twenty twenty one
senator i have reviewed some testimony and news reports excuse me some videos and news reports um showing that there were some physical assaults on law enforcement and i completely condemn any kind of violence against law enforcement
was the capitol attacked
You know, I wouldn't be careful with the specific language I use because I am a federal judge and subject to the codes of conduct.
You're you're a federal judge. Judge St. John. But federal judges have not only acknowledged but stated clearly that the Capitol was attacked. Justice Amy Coney Barrett in her dissent in fisher versus the united states said and i'm quoting a mob of rioters that breached the capitol on january six twenty twenty one and that the rioters quote conduct which includes trespassing and a physical confrontation with law enforcement was part of a successful effort to forcibly halt the certification of election results do you agree with justice coney barrett
Well, I I was going to um agree that the Supreme Court has used the term " the Capitol is breached". And given that I'm subject to Supreme Court precedent, that's language that has been used by the courts, I'm comfortable adopting that language. Yes, Senator.
So, you agree that the Capitol was attacked on January sixth.
You know, I I w- again, I wanna be very careful with my language because this is a politically controversial subject and I'm subject to the judicial canons. As I, as you noted, the Supreme Court has described it as a breach of the capital.
Justice Barrett said that a mob of rioters breached the capital. And Judge Timothy Kelley, also a Trump appointee, said quote, as the court has said many times, the attack on the capital on January sixth, twenty twenty one was a perilous event. It was an attack on people, including police officers, many of whom were injured. Do you think Judge Kelly is being less careful than he should be, calling it an attack?
I wouldn't be careful with my own personal response and in all of the attacks against law enforcement, again, I completely condemn.
You know, other judges have similarly acknowledged that there was an attack on the Capitol on January six, twenty twenty one. I think it is fundamentally disrespectful to the capital police who fought back against that attack it is disrespectful to the truth of what happened on that day but most important it indicates that you are continuing and emphasize continuing to adopt the president's distorted and inaccurate illusion about what happened on that day that he has in effect used to try to rewrite history and it indicates a lack of independence i think that lack of independence is disqualifying for you to be a judge on the district court not to mention the court of appeals it's the reason that i voted against your nomination for the district court but now that you are on the district court you have a lifetime appointment president trump can't do anything to you you have no reason to fear his wanted vindictiveness against anyone who would defy his illusion about january sixth and your failure to basically speak truth to this committee i think indicates that you will fail to speak truth to power if you are confirmed as a judge on the court of appeals uh the the rehearsed and regurgitated language that you've given us today i think is disqualifying and i regret that i regret that you can't do better thank you
if there's nobody else to ask your questions except uh sir you're gonna get a lot of questions for the record uh answer them
thank you
ok if you'll uh got one more nominee to come here then i'll administer the oath um i'd like to swear yeah at this point do you swear that the testimony you're about to give before the committee will be the truth all truth and nothing but the truth so help you god
yes sir
all answered in the affirmative please sit down and uh we'll start out with you uh mister cook and go across you can make your opening statement introduce your family and friends what say whatever you wanna do with this
Thank you, Mister Chairman. I appreciate the time of everyone today on this committee. I want to thank President Trump for this nomination, which is the honor of my lifetime. I want to thank Senator Tuberville and Senator Britt, who lent their support and made this nomination possible. I want to thank my wife of thirty-eight years, Kimberly, who has been with me every step of the way. Through my time in the United States Air Force, through law school, and through raising our three children, I am truly blessed. I would like to thank my parents, Gene and Dottie Cook, my dad, also an Air Force veteran, passed away when I was running for the Alabama Supreme Court, but my mother is here today. I would like to introduce some of my, uh, many friends and family who are here today with me. My son Jeffrey and his wife Mary of Virginia. Her mother, Lisa Klein of Delaware. My daughter Mary Catherine and her husband, husband Sam Jenkins of Alabama and his parents, Steve and Carla Jenkins of Arkansas. My son, Will Cook of Alabama. My brother, Steve Cook of Florida, also an Air Force veteran. My cousin, Jamie Estes of Florida. My senior staff attorney, Claire Veal, and my law clerk, Alan Crisol- Crisolago, and his wife, Caroline. I also want to thank my many friends and family watching back in Alabama, including my wonderful colleagues on the Alabama Supreme Court, who taught me how to be a judge. And my former partners in my firm of thirty-one years, Baljib Bingham, who taught me how to be a lawyer. Most importantly, I want to thank Jesus Christ, my personal savior, who is the reason I am here today. I'm honored to be here and welcome your questions.
A pleasure. Namaste. Can do be. Uh push the red button.
Thank you, Chairman Grassley, uh for your kind introduction, um as well as ranking member Durbin for welcoming me uh to the committee. I thank President Donald J. Trump for this nomination, which is a tremendous honor. Allow me to introduce my family, who came from Michigan, to be with me. My wife of twenty seven years, Julie Teiber, my son Jonah, and my two daughters, Lucy and Georgia. as well as my sister, Debbie. I would also like to acknowledge a a gaggle of Michigan State College of Law alumni in the chamber they are my former students who showed up here for their old professor I'm incredibly touched by their support if I didn't give you all As, I'm sorry, I should have. Almost thirty years ago, I began my career in the city um in private practice and then worked for the Federal Communications Commission. My practice focused on the remains of the old AT&T telephone monopoly merger policy, and remedying anti-competitive behavior. In two thousand four, I was appointed assistant professor at the Michigan State University College of Law teaching topics such as technology, antitrust, and free speech, and eventually earning tenure. Though starting with telephones, my work shifted from competition issues related to a new technology, broadband. And more recently, my attention shifted to another dominant telecommunications technologies, internet platforms and social media. But this time I took a more active role, litigating cases concerning social media censorship of consumers and the protection of children. I was asked to enter the first Trump administration as deputy, later acting Assistant Secretary of Commerce for NTIA, the National Telecommunications and Information Administration, and served briefly as Deputy Associate Attorney General at DOJ. After the first Trump administration, I continued to work on cases, as well as scholarship and policy work. focused on protecting Americans' free speech rights and protecting kids from the power of dominant online platforms. I'm currently serving as General Counsel for the Federal Communications Commission. My career centered around laws responses to market power has taught me a few things. It is competition and innovation that best remedy market power. The amazing development I just described from the AT_and_T, rotary dial telephones I grew up with, to AI mediated online experience, happened because of free markets, because American antitrust enforcers chose to unleash competition and encourage innovation. Anti-intrust antitrust antitrust enforcement, therefore, should proceed with the greatest care. At the same time vigilance is necessary. Consumers must be protected against market power, um, that hurts consumers, um, uh, and especially when constitutional rights are at stake. If confirmed, I will bring to the antitrust division what I've learned from my career as a public servant. First, given its limited resources and this administration's commitment to affordability, the antitrust trust division must direct its limited resources to those pocketbook issues that matter most to Americans. For instance, food prices and what I term the three H's, housing, health care, and higher ed. If confirmed, I will make these issues my priorities. Second, I believe despite the dizzying technolog technological changes I've seen in my Uh, the more things change, the more they say the same. The Sherman Act of eighteen ninety, the foundation of American antitrust law, passed largely through the efforts of farmers and ranchers. They sought to combat the railroads and shepherds and grain elevators who abused their anti-competitive position. Today, farmers and food processors, producers face different anti-competitive threats. Um, but the antitrust division must remain vigilant. Finally, I am committed to protecting everyday Americans against market power that would deprive them of their free speech rights and their ability to speak to their fellow Americans. The possibility of serving this country as assistant AG humbles me. I look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Gander. But now, uh, Miss Judge Corder.
Good morning, Chairman Grassley and Ranking Member Durbin. Thank you for convening this hearing and good morning as well to the rest of the committee. It is an honor to appear again before you. At my hearing about six and a half years ago, I was introduced by Senator Lindsey Graham, who was chair of the committee at that time. I was thinking back this morning to the kind words he said that day. At the outset, I wanted to express my condolences to the committee. I know everyone is doing their jobs with heavy hearts. Over my six years on the district court and my long career as a federal prosecutor before that, I've come to appreciate the critical role of the United States Sentencing Commission. The Commission's work is tremendously valuable. As district judges perform far and away our most difficult task, deciding whether another person should lose their liberty, and if so, for how long and under what conditions. I am humbled to be considered for the Commission. I'm joined this morning by my my uh amazing wife, Michelle. I thank her for always supporting my career and if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed agreeing to let me take on this additional responsibility. I thank my mother, who raised me with my grandmother and together they instilled in me any positive qualities I may have. My mother was at my hearing in twenty twenty, but today she is home taking care of our three three year old son, so Michelle is able to join me this morning. I would like to acknowledge the wonderful judges that I had the honor of clerking for, Judge Barrington D. Parker of the Second Circuit and Judge Robert A. Katzman of the Second Circuit, whom we lost in twenty twenty one. And I thank my current and former colleagues, my family of outstanding law clerks and interns, and my long-term uh courtroom deputy, Megan Henrich, who is at home with her newborn. And I also should note that some of my uh clerks and interns are here today uh ben kessler dory feith hyun joo han and abby garden and finally i'm extremely grateful to president trump for the trust he has placed in me with this nomination i look forward to answering the committee's questions
thank you judge mr. mainer
good morning thank you to chairman grassley ranking member Durbin and the member the members of this committee for holding this hearing i want to start by thanking president donald trump for the honor of this nomination. I am proud to have served in his administration, first at the Justice Department, and now on the White House Task Force to eliminate fraud. And I'd like to thank a few people who helped make that possible, Attorney General Pam Bondi, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanch, FTC Chairman Andrew Ferguson, and Vice President J. D. Vance. I look forward to continuing my public service on the sentencing commission, if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed. i started at the justice department during the previous administration as a career federal prosecutor in cleveland ohio in that role i litigated dozens of complicated sentencing guidelines issues both in district court and on appeal my service as a federal prosecutor gave me a deep appreciation for the important role that the sentencing commission can play in our criminal justice system including by implementing new sentencing legislation from this body resolving circuit splits that arise in the lower courts and responding to supreme court decisions involving the guidelines. It would be a great honor to serve alongside Judge Cronin and the bipartisan group of commissioners, led by Chairman Reeves, who currently serve on the commission. In closing, I want to express my gratitude just to be sitting here today. I have lived the American dream. I grew up a poor kid in the middle of cornfields in central Ohio. The closest town had a couple stoplights, fewer than two thousand people. I certainly would not be here today, except for the blessing and grace of God, and the help and generosity of far too many people to count. But a few of those people are here with me today, and I'd like to briefly recognize them. First, my parents, Joseph and Cynthia Manion are here. And they instilled in me faith, patriotism, and a strong work work ethic. And for that, I am really grateful. Second, I'm joined by several colleagues from the Justice Department and the White House, whom I've been lucky to serve alongside. And I appreciate their support and friendship. finally certainly not least i'm joined by my wife sarah welch who also serves in the justice department she's an extraordinarily good lawyer the best life partner i could ask for thank you again to the committee for holding this hearing i look forward to answering your questions
thank you uh mr. candio i'm going to you mentioned in your opening statement uh my some of my first question but let's zero in farmers generally can't set prices they pay for inputs or the prices they receive for their crops they depend on real competition among seed and other ag suppliers to keep costs down and make sure that there are multiple options to choose from smaller independent ag companies help provide that competition when larger actors don't play by the rules these smaller companies need to feel confident that they can
Uh, thank you for the question, Senator. Um, uh, I'm from Philadelphia. I'm from from Pennsylvania. We don't do much food production. I'm there. But my wife of twenty-seven years is from Northeast Iowa. I'm from Waverly, born and bred. Uh, her grandparent, great-grandparents were farmers, her grandparents were farmers, and her uncle, um, still farms. Um, in my many years of marriage, I have spent countless hours in the, in the beautiful, uh, rolling hills of northeast iowa and i've learned about the difficulties and challenges of of farming life um of the the dedication and hard work of our farmers um and and what they do to make sure that we have food everyday to eat um you can be assured senator that these issues will be a top priority um if i'm so confirmed um as i mentioned in my opening statement um it is um the need to treat farmers correctly and to protect them from anti-competitive abuses um that was one of the the the motivations and the genesis of the sherman act
thank you they need an honest referee i hope you can be that uh also to you i remain concerned about pbm consolidation drug pricing steering uh favoritism and hidden competition i'm also concerned about abusive drug company tactics that delay generic and biosimilar uh competition. How will the antitrust division use its its authority to address this sort of anti-competitive conduct in prescription drug markets, that especially harm rural patients and independent pharmacies?
As I mentioned in my opening statement, um, the issues that are most important to Americans to everyday Americans in their everyday lives will be of the top priority, should I be so fortunate as to be confirmed. And of course, and of course health care is one of those issues. Um, the problems and issues that you discussed about drug pricing, um, will be a priority of - of my, um, my - my, um, my d- of the division, should I be so confirmed. Um, and I look forward with working with your office, um, to, um, help out the American people.
Um, Justice Cookis, Cook, um, please tell us what you've learned as a state judge that will you'll take with you to the federal bench.
I've I hope I've learned judicial humility, Mister Chairman. I've learned I don't know everything and I need to listen very carefully in every case. I tell my law clerks when they come in every year, our job is to make sure we get the answer right. And that may mean reading every single page of the record. It may mean double checking the research that we get. Uh, it may mean doing independent research. Our job is to get the answer right. And so I've learned when I first start, when I first read the briefs, uh, I'm gonna have my mind changed often.
Um, I'm going to have Senator Britt take over now. And I'm go, thank you, congratulate all of you. I'm glad to go to another committee to ask questions uh senator ervin
thank you thank you very much mr. chairman um judge cronin
thank you
the sentencing commission is focusing on reducing sentencing disparities and promoting transparency and proportionality in sentencing And certainly one of the elements of that is the issue of race. You wrote an article in two thousand one in which you claimed it was " easy" to forecast whether a prison inmate will become a sexual aggressor or victim while incarcerated based on physical characteristics, socioeconomic status, criminal history and other factors. You wrote, and I quote, black inmates are predominantly members of lower economic classes." You also wrote, " Black inmates are most likely to become sexual aggressors." I'm deeply troubled by these statements, in light of the position which you're seeking. Why should people of color believe that you've changed from the statements that you made in two thousand one?
Senator, let me say a few things about that. First of all, you're referring to an article
Do you believe that?
Do I believe that?
What you published?
Do I believe the accuracy of that study or, I'm sorry, is that
You believe the conclusion of that study?
My, the i'd i am not in position to opine on the conclusion of that study but i certainly do not feel that black inmates are more violent than white inmates my the point of that article was that prisons can be violent institutions and that prison officials need to be mindful of that risk now in terms of my my service on the bench i think it speaks to myself speaks for itself over my six years on the bench i have treated everyone before me as individuals and equally under the law i i treat them equally regardless of their race, gender, religion, or any other immutable characteristics, senator.
mr. can doob thanks for dropping by my office we had a uh good conversation i thought and i raised a question about some of the partners you've chosen to write commentaries and articles in law review in nineteen ninety four you wrote a law review comment in which you extensively criticized the landmark Violence Against Women Act. You also extensively discussed rape in your comment, at one point writing, and I quote, "Feminists have advanced the theory that rape is an act meant to perpetuate male domination." And the quote, "the feminist claim seems difficult to maintain in light of the growing body of empirical evidence coming mostly from researchers of sociobiological bent that rape has sexual and reproductive motivations. Do you still oppose the Violence Against Women Act?
Uh, Senator, there was a a student article, um, and um, I, I haven't really thought about the issue, but I, the Violence Against Women Act, uh, has been here for decades and I think it has served America well.
The quote I read was thirty-two years ago. Let's get recent. Three years ago, in a twenty twenty-three interview with a right-wing Hungarian news magazine, in which you failed initially to disclose to the committee, you said, and I quote, "The ideological bias of universities, the extensive harassment laws that regulate the workplace and the gradual spread of self-censorship are leading to a society in the United States that is intellectually more comfortable, duller, more deceitful, and more timid, timid was your word, than in previous decades. So let's clarify your position. Do you oppose laws that protect against harassment in the workplace?
Absolutely not, Senator.
Why did you say that any workplace harassment laws are leading to a society that is, quote, " more comfortable, duller, more deceitful, and more timid"?
i have spent much of my career as an academic um and for me the most important part about being an academic is the ability to exchange ideas freely um sometimes i think we've seen in campuses um situations in which um over um overenthusiastic bureaucrats and enforcers can chill free speech. And I think that was my impetus. I wanna protect free speech on campus.
Do you stand by your words?
Which word, Senator?
Do you want me to read it a third time? That harassment laws that regulate the workplace make the United States more comfortable, duller, more deceitful, and more timid than the previous decades.
I stand by my words because I believe in free speech.
Thank you, Miss, Madam Chair.
Senator Kennedy.
Yes, sir.
Sorry.
Uh, the state action doctrine means that normally uh, a uh private actor is not subject to the constitution, it has to be something done by the state, whether it be the state or or the or the america or the federal government.
Right. And why is that?
It's because the constitution relates to the government, uh, rather than to uh individuals. Constitution says to protect individuals.
Um. Does that mean that a private actor can never be uh successfully accused of violating my constitutional rights?
No, section nineteen eighty-three is a statute and it has uh it says that if someone's acting under color of law even if they're a private actor they can be violating your constitutional rights and
What if section nineteen eighty-three doesn't apply? What if um what if it's just a a a well let me put it another way let's suppose uh the white house under a particular uh president called google no i'll start that let's let's call it facebook and said um if you don't stop publishing comments um that question the COVID vaccine, we're gonna punish you the rest of your natural life. And Facebook says, gotcha, we'll stop. And they do. Now, meta meta Facebook, it's a private actor, right?
It is, Senator.
Can I sue them if they take one of my comments about the covid vaccine off as a violation of my rights
i believe if the private actor is actually in active conspiracy with the government they could be sued as acting under the color of law
yeah what's the standard what is what does color of law mean
it it means that that they are acting as if they were the government senator
ok well um let's take a a public utility They're heavily regulated by the government. Are they a government actor?
No, sir.
Why not?
Because they're a private entity and that doesn't mean they're not heavily regulated. They're not subject to all the statutes the government can pass. The government can impose all kind of requirements on them. Um, but the, they are a private entity.
OK. You know the law, don't you, Judge?
Uh, I hope so. Uh, I'm glad I'm passing this national bar exam.
mister can do am i saying your name right
yes you are senator
mister your your general counsel of the fcc
that is correct sir
alright explain to me like you're talking to a tenth grader what business it is of the fcc if a uh if a television network criticizes a political figure
Uh, Senator, um, as General Counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, um, I I I don't think it would be appropriate for me to to venture into that issue.
I do. Um. Explain the law to me. I mean, why why why why doesn't uh I mean, this stuff scares me. Yeah, sometimes the FCC scares me right now. Um, I don't like some of the stuff that that is said on television. But why doesn't what what business is it of the FCC? Educate me.
Um, radio and television broadcasters um hold licenses from the federal government um through a scheme that this body created um, beginning in nineteen twenty-seven in the Radio Act and then carried on in nineteen thirty-four in the Communications Act,
Well,
um
we haven't given the FCC the right to regulate freedom of speech, have we?
You have required the FCC to regulate broadcasters pursuant to the public interest.
And who decides what the public interest is?
They It is the judgment of the, of the FCC following precedent and following the law.
Doesn't that scare you? What what what if what if the FCC is in the hands of of of someone whose politics you disagree with?
Senator, as General Counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, it's my job to follow the law. I will do so, um, in good faith, um, carefully studying precedent and, um, applying the law to the facts.
OK, I'm I'm I'm I'm sorry, Madam Chair. Uh, all I'm saying is y'all be careful. You're getting in the
Understood.
to to the the the y- you're getting into the foothills of violating first amendment.
Understood, sir.
Thank you for the indulgence, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Sen- thank you, thank you, Senator. Senator Welch.
Uh, thank you, I think uh just continue that line of questioning from Senator Kennedy, I share his concern. I mean my understanding is that uh a a the the president who had been a political candidate against kamala harris was complaining about favoritism on a cbs interview uh uh of kamala harris and uh fcc uh mister handoob opened an investigation is that right
um thank you for your question sir senator welsh um as general counsel of the federal communications commission uh i think it would be inappropriate for me to discuss that matter it's an ongoing matter
well did you or did you not uh at the fcc open an investigation that's public information isn't it
um again um you know i would have to check to see exactly the status of that case um but um again it's not
i'm not asking about the status of the case i'm asking you did you did you open an investigation it's been publicly reported you did
Again, as as federal general counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, I don't think it's appropriate to comment on ongoing matters.
Well, I'm gonna give the answer that Senator Kennedy gave, I'd I do. I mean, it's publicly reported that you opened an investigation. You're denying that or you just won't say?
Uh, I'm not denying that, sir.
Alright, so with not asking about the details of this investigation, and investigation about bias, what was the basis, what would be the basis of you opening that investigation?
Again, as General Counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, my job is not to make policy. My job is simply to advise the Chairman and the Commission as to the advisability of
Right, I'm Commissioner of FCC, and I say to you as General Counsel, I b- s- I - I want to investigate this. What are the parameters by which you would evaluate whether my request as your boss to open an investigation about a report on a uh a a major network uh should be done or not done.
Again, Senator Welsh. As General Counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, my job is to give legal advice about possible alternatives.
Do you Do you think that there's a chilling effect on a political speech uh if the agency that has the capacity to take away a license uh decides to open an investigation
Again Senator, I'm General Counsel, I mean
I'm not asking in your capacity uh eh you know if if if the the FCC has authority to issue licenses and even revoke them right
That is the authority that the Congress gave the Federal Communications Administration.
So the answer to that is yes.
Yes, that's correct, sir.
Alright, so if the FCC that has that authority goes after CBS, ABC, NBC, uh because it wants to quote " investigate something", is there no consideration given by the general counsel of the FCC that this has significant chilling impacts on the broadcast networks?
Senator. As general counsel, I give legal advice, much of which is protected by attorney-client privilege, as well as other legal and professional obligations.
Civilian equivalent had taken the fifth. I'm not asking you about the investigation. I'm asking you about public policy. All right? I'm asking you about public policy. There's fierce political debate on this committee. Senator Kennedy and I and I oftentimes disagree. But neither of us gets punished because He's wrong. But I'm actually, I'm very serious. We have got a situation here where people have strong points of view in this country and they express them. And should a person be subject to governmental action because a governmental agency, or even the President of the United States, doesn't like the opinion they're expressing? Should they?
Senator, as general counsel
I'm not asking as general counsel, I'm asking you as a as citizen can do.
But I am still general counsel of the Federal Communications Commission. I'm under numerous legal, professional, and ethical
You've been you you haven't been made mute because you're the general counsel. I'm asking you as a citizen, is there not a chilling impact when a government agency with enormous power opens an investigation when it doesn't like the words that come out of the mouth of Senator Welch or Senator Kennedy.
This is an issue that implicates pending matters before the Federal Federal Communications Commission it's inappropriate for me to comment.
My time is up. Thank you, Mister Chairman.
Thank you, Senator Welch. I'd like to enter into the record a press release supporting Mister nomination from the National Association of Broadcaster Broadcasters. This group praised him and stated quote, as General Counsel of the Federal Communications Commission, Mister Kandub has brought deep legal, regulatory, and competition policy expertise and experience, and we appreciate his thoughtful engagement on the issues local broadcasters face in today's media marketplace, end quote. Without objection, I will enter this into the record. Mister Hawley.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thanks to all the witnesses for being here. Congratulations on your nominations. I'd just like to note for the record, I'll count against my time, that Senator Welch voluntarily stopped when his time expired, something I've never seen or rarely on this committee, and certainly as, uh, the ranking member contests, something I have never done in my life, stopped when my time expired. Well, I object to that, that he, he, he
object that he was on time.
All right, well, I'll try not to make that mistake. Um, Mister Candub, I enjoyed our conversation the other day, and uh congratulations on your nomination. Let's start if we could by talking a little bit about antitrust and individual liberty, something that you said recently caught my eye. You said antitrust a lot. I'm gonna quote you now. "Can combat dominant firms' baleful effects on democratic institution institutions such as free speech the marketplace of ideas and shareholder control." I assume that's still your opinion.
It is, Senator.
I I take that to mean that antitrust analysis under federal law is not therefore limited to consumer price is that a fair inference?
I support the consumer welfare standard, of course, but it can be measured by other things than simply price.
Yeah, and this is my point, I mean, the Sherman Act pro- protects competition by outlawing a restraint of trade and, and monopoliz- monopolization more broadly, it nowhere mentions consumer welfare. Now courts, of course, have have constructed the consumer welfare standard, but antitrust laws apply to products that are ostensibly free to consumers. Would you agree with that?
I believe so.
So let me just ask you, how do you think the antitrust division should assess competitive impact in markets that are dominated by tech firms that do not have readily comparable market prices? In other words, that hold out their products much of the time as being completely one hundred percent free.
Certainly I would always look to ensure that there is an actual anti-competitive harm, which would require to using the traditional tests of market power, and I'm not at all interested in abandoning them. However, I do believe, as you pointed out, Senator, that there are instances um in which our civil civil rights, particularly free speech, can be at issue. And in those situations, um, the division, um, should act to protect Americans.
Is it fair to say then that under your leadership the division would not treat, uh, this claim that the price is zero as a reason to close an investigation into a dominant platform?
Uh, zero pricing, um, goods like social media, um, uh, present a very interesting and, um, puzzling sometimes to economists' um challenge on how to value that. Um, however, I I do not believe at all, um, that simply because something is is is zero price that it necessarily escapes antitrust scrutiny.
Good, OK, good. I I think that's a a very important principle to get established because that is, as you know, the common defense of all of these tech companies as to why they should elude any antitrust scrutiny at the outset. Let me ask you about another implication. of antitrust. In the social media market, there are roughly three firms, maybe at most, that dominate overwhelmingly the content that reaches the average twelve-year-old in this country. Now, I'm a father of of three children, all that age and younger. Let me just ask you, do you regard that kind of concentration as properly the concern of the antitrust division?
Certainly. Um, as we all know from our antitrust classes, bigness is not necessarily bad, um, concentration but the first step, but it's the first step. And, and, and markets that are concentrated will of course, um, get the attention of my division, should I be so fortunate as to be confirmed.
Good, that's exactly what I'm driving at, and let me just give you the perspective of, of one parent, which is that, when there's no competition, for, uh, parental controls, no competition out there that would allow a parent to choose greater safety for his children or her children, then uh you're you're leaving essentially the parents totally at the mercy of the platforms. In this case, the fact that there's just two or three dominant platforms, none of whom have any real interest, let me just call it like it is, any real interest whatsoever in protecting children online, and in fact who have a massive financial interest in pushing the most exploitative material possible and certainly the most addictive material possible to all of our children online because it benefits them financially, you know, that leaves me And millions of other parents like me know where to go. And I think the fact that there's no robust competition is a huge part of this problem. I would just like to ask you if you will commit to coordinating with the FTC, which has some jurisdiction here, as well as State Attorneys General, to prioritize child safety online. Will that be a priority for you?
Absolutely, sir.
Good. Well, my time has expired and then a radical departure from my normal practice. I will cease and desist here, but I will have uh questions for the record. I'm sure uh other folks on the panel are just devastated I didn't ask you questions. So I'll I'll give you some questions for the record as well. Congratulations to all of you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Senator Hawley. Senator Blumenthal.
Thanks, Madam Chair. Uh, Judge Cook, who won the twenty twenty election?
A joint session of Congress certified that Joseph Biden won the election, and therefore, as a matter of law, he was the winner senator
how many times have you rehearsed that answer with the white house
uh i actually never spoke to the white house about that answer senator
you knew what the answer was gonna be because you've watched all the others give that canned pre planned answer correct
i have watched a lot of videos senator
you have watched everyone before you and you know what the routine is and what the president of the united states expects you to say regardless of whether it is the truth or not. Correct?
Again, I've I've watched a lot of videos and I'm trying to be very precise,
Who won the popular vote in the twenty twenty election?
Senator. So if you uh look at each state, the governor under one of our acts is required to certify the number.
Oh, you're essentially unwilling to tell me who won the twenty twenty election, who won the popular vote. Uh, Judge Cronin, you're already on the district court. Who won the twenty twenty election?
senator under the constitutional system and in particular the twelfth amendment uh joseph biden received the majority electoral cause vote and with the
you you really have nothing to lose you're on the court with a lifetime appointment and yet you're unwilling to state the simple fact that joe biden won the twenty twenty election
i do have life tenure senator and i'm trying to answer your question as truthfully and accurately as i can
Mr. Mannion, who won the twenty twenty election?
Senator, I agree, I agree with the substance of my co-panelisting.
Mister Kandub, who won the twenty election? Let's see if you can do better.
I agree with my panelists.
You agree with your
The the the fellow panelists, the the United States Congress certified Joseph Biden.
What kind of enforcer are you gonna be if you can't tell the truth to a committee of Congress? And don't tell me that you can't answer because you're general counsel of the FCC.
The United States Congress certified Joseph Biden as president.
Uh, mister Judge Cook, um, was the Capitol attacked on January sixth, twenty twenty one?
Uh, yes, there was a lot of violence and vandalism at the Capitol and attacks on law enforcement. So I I hesitate to use the word attack just because it it would be something that would apply to everybody and I I believe your decision, but
So you're unwilling to say what Justice Coney Barrett has said, what Judge Kelly has said, Judge Lamberth has said, federal district court judges and a Supreme Court justice, that the Capitol was attacked. You're unwilling to say that.
I I actually don't think I quite finished my answer, Senator. I I don't have a problem with saying some of those people attacked the Capitol, and there was vandalism, and there there was violence, and they attacked law enforcement, and I I denounce all of that. So yes, Senator, I don't I don't think we're I don't think we're disagreeing.
Judge Conin, what's your answer to that question?
Senator, from watching videos, law enforcement officers were assaulted, um, from what I saw, the Capitol, um, there was trespass, there was vandalism. so i would stand by um what i observed which i think made clear that there were assaults on law enforcement officers
mr. manion
senator i agree um the there was certainly violence against law enforcement officers violence against the capital and i detest all such violence
um as you can do
um i agree with my fellow panelists it was a terrible day for america um there was violence against uh law enforcement which i deplore there is vile vandalism um it was a terrible day
the violence against those brave capital police officers was because there was an attack on the capital and an attempt to stop the lawful transfer of power for you to refuse to say there was an attack on the capitol simply because donald trump characterizes it as a quote innocent journey is disrespectful to those police officers it is also fundamentally disqualifying for a federal district judge or anyone else seeking a position of trust it is chilling that people who've been nominated for this extraordinary position of responsibility would be unwilling to acknowledge the truth. And I was with a number of career prosecutors in the Department of Justice, former prosecutors, who were responsible for pursuing cases relating to the event, of january sixth just this morning and received from them a letter that has been written to all the members of the united states senate i ask that it be entered into the record
without objection
they say and i agree quote this institutional denial of truth especially by potential federal judges is dangerous yet it's become all too clear that president trump expects his nominees to provide evasive answers about both the attack of january twenty six twenty twenty one and the results of the twenty twenty presidential election it is about the independence that you should be expected to demonstrate today on the bench and in all of the positions that you have been nominated to fill i'm disappointed that You've avoided that responsibility. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Senator Blumenthal. Senator Booker.
Uh, Mister Kandub, in any other administration, this hearing would be straightforward, would be discussing antitrust law, competition, consumer welfare. But this is not a normal administration. This is an administration where the president has repeatedly treated the powers of government as instruments to reward those who help him, punish those who oppose him. We've seen companies attack because of their news coverage. We've seen the president weigh in on mergers before independent review was even conducted. We've seen companies seeking government approvals, simultaneously resolving private disputes with the president himself paying him millions of dollars. We've seen law firms, universities and corporations pressured after becoming presidential targets. We've seen career public servants sidelined after refusing political Again and again the message has been the same, Mister Candu. Please the President and the government will work for you. Cross the President and the government may work against you. That is exactly why the independence of the antitrust division matters even more. You said to me in our private meeting, this is about consumer protection, it's about competition, it's about free and fair markets, but we know it's not about that in the antitrust division, the facts are plain. Gail Slater and two of her deputies followed the facts and the law, and brought suit to block the HPE Juniper merger. When Trump-aligned lobbyists went over their heads, they secured a sweetheart deal. And Gail Slater, who objected to the settlement, was fired. And the Stanley Woodard and Todd Blanch, who would be your bosses, cleared a hundred and eleven million dollar Paramount Warner merger without any conditions at all. Staff who reviewed the transaction before they could even issue a formal recommendation, they were gonna recommend blocking the merger. You can even look at the Live Nation Ticketmaster, career attorneys were in federal court alongside a bipartisan coalition of state A Gs fighting that massive dominance of that venue ticketing conglomerate when senior DOJ officials bypassed them and negotiated a backdoor deal after the president met with the CEO. This is why it's important for us to know Will you follow the facts and the law? Will you listen to career staff? Or are you gonna follow the dictates of a president who's shown over and over again that he's going to abuse his position to influence the law? So everything comes down to a simple question. Uh, it's not matter whether you know antitrust law. It's whether you have the courage to tell this president no when it's hard. So let me make this easy. Show us your courage. Show us your independence. Be a man, be your own man right now and stand up and answer a question, yes or no. A simple yes or no question that shows right now all of America that you're your own man. I don't need legalese. I don't need trickery. Yes or no? Did Joe Biden win the twenty twenty presidential election, yes or no?
The United States Congress, sir, thought.
Oh, there you go, sir, stop. Federal courts said he did. President's own Attorney General said yes. President's own Cybersecurity Director said yes. Republicans all over this country said yes. And right now you're not showing me. You can't even acknowledge a fact that's been established by the courts, the President's own Attorney General, by his own election security officials, Why should we believe that you're gonna stand up to this president when billions of dollars are at stake and the fate of mergers are in your hands? This is the pivotal question. Can you please tell me a yes or no answer? Tell me no, I can't give you a yes or no answer, if that's your answer. Yes or no, did President Biden win the twenty twenty elections?
The United States Congress certified justice.
Sir, you are showing cowardice. And that's the question. Are you gonna choose the truth? or Trump, law or his lies? Or are you gonna choose the Constitution or cowardice? Let me ask you one final question to maybe bring this into light, and show me that you're your own man. I'm asking this very simply. Show me or tell me one time, one time, one single occasion, publicly or privately, where you pushed back against this president. One time, after he suggested that government decisions should be guided by his personal political interests, can you tell the American public? I know you and your wife probably don't agree on a hundred out of a hundred. There's, uh, I have a litany of things I disagree with Biden and Obama on. Give me one thing that you thought the president of the United States has done that you think is wrong, untoward, corrupt, policy disagreement. one thing for the American public, here's your chance, show me your your own man.
I've always in my government capacity, and I I look forward to doing so, to make all my decisions according to the law and the facts, according to my best judgment.
Mister mister sir, stop, stop. This is a game. This is really a game. American people have the right to be concerned that this president, through the facts of the antitrust committee, is gonna use his power to influence you in your job. I'm not asking you to to come out against the president. I'm not asking you to go against the truth. I I've given you opportunities here to show us in the easiest questions possible that you're your own man. And and you haven't given me one shred of evidence that you can stand up and choose the truth over Trump, the law over lies, the constitution, over his continued corruption. I I'm disappointed. I I was looking for one thing to show independence. You told me in my office, I will be independent. And this is disappointment that you can't give me one example of you differing with a person that most American knows most of America knows has lied repeatedly in his office has taken on policies that have been detrimental to the independence of the judiciary. And and I'm not gonna support your nomination. Thank you.
Thank you, Senator Lee.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Uh, Mr. Kandub, I'd like to start with you. Let's um, I'd like to hear just about your overall uh philosophy regarding antitrust enforcement.
Um, as I, I, as I've mentioned, um, I will apply the the facts, the law to the facts. That means judicially weighing the facts, consulting, with career um with the career staff developing the the legal theories um and then using my own judgment to come to the best solution to the problem um antitrust is a very blunt instrument um it can do a lot of damage as well as a lot of good um but um i think that um if i'm confirmed i i i'll be very cautious um it it's uh it's humbling um the wrong decision can hurt american lives um the right Decisions protect com- competition. Um, and I will take, um, the decisions that I'm presented with with the greatest care, um, recognizing their tremendous significance.
Is is bigness disfavored or presumptively suspect under antitrust law?
Absolutely not. Um, bigness in in in in and of itself is is not necessarily indicative of any antitrust harm. Um, in fact, bigness often provides efficiencies, um, that are valuable to the American people.
Now, there are those uh who are skeptics of our antitrust laws who would like to say, I believe in the free market, I want the free market to take care of this, government shouldn't intervene in antitrust law. Uh, what's your best response to that?
I would say they're right. Uh, free markets generally have the answer, I mean, and uh, uh, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, um, what has been so wonderful uh about American antitrust enforcement, um, is that it has recognized, it has unleashed competition, it has recognized that markets can adjust, um often antitrust settlements cannot, and therefore for government to introduce into the economy, um its own vision of what is the right outcome, um is is very dangerous, um The amazing economy we experienced, we've had for two hundred and fifty years, is because we allowed free markets to do their work.
Right. So, taken to its logical conclusion, one could take that and say, OK, then let's not um, let's not enforce RA and I trust laws, or let's enforce them with rarity and with uh uh the extremely narrow, careful stripes, uh, or or or not at all. What's your response to that?
Well, well, uh, I would, I would be on the let's do so, but the evidence must be strong. Um, as I said, it's a blunt instrument. It can do harm. Um, but when the evidence is there, I I'm I just enforce the law, if if if I'm so confirmed. It's not my job to make it, it's there and they the law will be enforced. And it does, and and as I mentioned earlier, protecting competition, ensuring um uh that our market structures maximize social welfare, um is the goal of antitrust.
OK. So if bigness isn't uh i- isn't the triggering issue, what is? What is what is the central touchstone insofar as you can boil it down to one standard that applies more or less in antitrust in different antitrust context.
The only coherent standard that ensures that in any antitrust decision, you're benefiting all Americans is the consumer welfare standard.
OK.
Um, because that is the only one that ensures that there's there's more, more stuff, more outcome, more utility, rather than less. Um, so, you know, that is a touchstone. It doesn't mean that there are certain circumstances that we can have expanded or not expanded but a a a view that is not just focused on price um but um that is the only coherent way to look at antitrust law
cause consumer welfare doesn't exclude other considerations beside uh price correct
absolutely not um it can it can include things such as privacy or or i would say um when constitutional rights are at issue like free speech
to what extent and in what ways do you think state attorney
If confirmed, um, I hope to work with State Attorney General's, um, to have a coherent and consistent, um, antitrust enforcement.
Are you aware of any other country, or at least any other peer or near-peer nation, any other developed nation that has, um, antitrust laws, competition laws, if you wanna define it more broadly, that has um, two antitrust enforcement agencies that are not connected to each other.
Uh, to be honest, I'm not an expert on comparative antitrust institutions.
Ne- neither am I, and I'm not uh not fishing for any particular answer,
But but but I to be honest,
but it's.
Senator, I I I I I just don't know.
Yep. Um, alright, um, I'm out of time, but um, the these are things that uh need to be considered, and including what happens when we end up with a two popes problem. Uh, if you try having two popes at one time, it's doesn't work. If we had two presidents of the United States ser- serving simultaneously, that would cause other problems. Uh, I think uh one day Congress needs to grapple with this and figure out whether it makes any sense to have uh these twin siloed parallel universe antitrust enforcement agencies that often determine jurisdictional battles by a coin toss. Thank you.
Thank you, Senator Lee. Senator Schiff.
Uh, thank you. Um, Mister Cook, in two thousand and eight, Barack Obama ran against John McCain. Who won that election?
Uh, I believe President Obama was sworn into uh sworn into office, so I'm certain he won, Senator.
Uh, and John McCain lost that election?
Yes, Senator.
Uh, four years later, Barack Obama ran against Mitt Romney. Who won that election?
Uh, President Obama was sworn into uh into office, so I'm certain he was elected as a matter of law, Senator.
And did Romney lose the election?
That's the natural logical uh converse of that, yes.
In twenty sixteen, Donald Trump ran against Hillary Clinton. Who won that election?
He was sworn into office, so as a matter of law he was elected to that office, Senator.
So Donald Trump won that election.
That would be the natural assumption, yes, Senator.
Well, is it a really an assumption you have to make? Did Donald Trump defeat Hillary Clinton?
Uh, in the Electoral College he did, yes, Senator.
Do you have some uncertainty about whether he won that election?
No, I'm trying to be precise about what I'm saying. Yes, he he won in the Electoral College because, um.
And Joe, Joe Biden in twenty, well, um, in the twenty twenty election. Who won between Donald Trump and Joe Biden?
Well, Joe Biden was certified by joint session of Congress, and so as a matter of law, he was the elected president.
And how about as a how about as a matter of fact, who won that election?
He was it we we we implement the twelfth amendment, and under that he was elected.
Uh, I don't I don't as a matter of fact, who won that election, just as a simple matter of fact. Someone asked you out on the street,
Is it?
who won the election in twenty twenty? What would your answer be? Who won?
I
And I've lost.
I would. I would say as a matter of law, he was elected, Senator.
Uh, and as a matter of fact?
That that
You're somehow separating the law and facts as a matter of actual fact who won the election in twenty twenty.
It's a fact that the Electoral College vote was more for Joe Biden.
You seem to have real difficulty with that question.
They have higher vote.
In twenty twenty four, Donald Trump ran against Kamala Harris, who won that election.
President Trump had more Electoral College votes, and so the joint. congress certified him as the winner
so donald trump won that election
as a matter of law he was elected senator
and carmel harris lost that election
that was the converse yes senator
um and mister kandeb um in twenty sixteen when donald trump ran against hillary clinton who won that election
um donald trump was certified as as winner by the um united states congress
did he in fact win
he was certified as winner
Did he in fact win?
He was certified as winner.
Do you have some doubt about whether he won?
Well, under our constitutional structure, it is the states that have some
No, my question is, do you have some doubt about the outcome?
I I have no doubt that the US Congress certified Donald Trump's winning without
No, I don't ask you that question. Do you have any doubt that Donald Trump won the election?
I have no doubt that under our constitutional structure
Uh, well, that's that's really not my question. In twenty twenty. Who won the election?
The United States Congress certified.
Why is it difficult for you to answer a simple factual question about who won presidential elections? When did it become so difficult to answer such a simple question? And how can we expect you to rely on the facts when you're evaluating a case Mister Cook, uh, when you're evaluating a merger, Mister Kandeb, how do we expect, how can we expect you to rely on the facts when you have such difficulty stating the obvious? Um, Mister Kandeb, uh, when you met with my staff yesterday, you said you stood by your previous comments, including op-eds you wrote for white nationalist websites like VADER, In one of those, in an article titled " Immigration and Three Twitchy Jewish Nerves", you stated quote, " Muslim immigrants and their children seem prone not only to terrorism but to cultural separatism." Do you stand by that statement?
Senator, I wrote that article in defense of Donald Trump's travel ban, which I thought was essential.
Well, that's not my question. My question is, you told my staff you stood by your pri- previous statements. Do you stand by that one?
i stand by those articles they were defenses against terrorism and terrorism
so you you stand by that statement so what do you mean that muslim immigrants and their children are prone to terrorism
i wrote those articles to in defense of
i'm not asking you you already said you stand by that statement so what do you mean by that
i'm trying to explain uh i wrote those articles um in defense of donald trump's travel ban which is protective against terrorism And I thought that terrorism was, uh, is, continues to be a tremendous threat to all Americans and our children.
And, and you, and you think that Muslim immigrants and their children are somehow prone to terrorism?
I wrote in support of the travel ban. Um, and I thought that
I'm, I'm aware of, of why you wrote the article. My question is, and I would like an answer. Do you stand by your statement that Muslim immigrants and their children seem prone to terrorism?
I stand by, by The article I wrote, um, the travel ban was being a, was
Well then that's, that's all I need to know. I yield back.
Thank you. I'd like to enter into the record a letter supporting Mr. Kandub's nomination from twenty-two former senior Justice Department officials, including former Attorney General Bill Barr. They endorsed Mister Kandub and stated that, quote, His government service has demonstrated the leadership and management ability, the division's leadership demands. His private sector experience has given him practical judgment, and his academic work will guide him in addressing the important policy questions the department will face in the years ahead." Without objection, I will enter this into the record. And now for it seems your final. round of questioning. Um, I wanna start with you, Justice Cook. Uh, we are so thrilled to have you here and very proud, um, of the work that you've done, getting to watch you on the bench for the last four years. Uh, you have an impeccable record both there and in your previous, uh, career there at the law firm and obviously, um, service to our nation, the Air Force. uh, raising to the rank of captain in the Air Force Reserves. I heard you say you were gonna take from that experience, particularly that on the bench, judicial humility, and making sure that you're doing all of the work. Um, I know that about you. You dig into every issue, every problem. Um, you, you wanna understand what's in front of you and make sure that you find the best pathway forward. On that note, I have also heard you talk, uh, consistently about you being boring and predictable. Do you mind, uh, telling my colleagues a little bit about your judicial philosophy and what you will be like on the federal bench?
Uh, thank you, Senator. I I do believe in public service. That's why I spent four years in the Air Force and that's why I spent all that time on the campaign trail together, uh, uh, going to all sixty-seven counties in Alabama and driving eighty thousand miles because I believe in public service. And and I As you mentioned earlier, I've written a two volume treatise on the rules of civil procedure. It's frankly a boring book, but it's a great reference tool. And it reflects, like you say, that I'm a boring and predictable person. Um, but uh, I've accumulated thirty five years of of experience now between my time in the firm and my time on the bench. And I wanna be able to bring that service and that experience and that knowledge to bear. in the federal system, and I think I can help the wheels of justice move efficiently uh and justly, Senator.
Thank you so much and thank you for your willingness to serve. Can you talk about how you approach novel questions of law, uh both on your your time on the bench currently at the Alabama Supreme Court, and what approach your approach might be if confirmed here to the District Court?
Well, uh on the Supreme Court um uh if I get a novel issue, I'm always looking at the text. the text is always the first thing you look at, and you look at the original public meaning of the text. Uh, what did the words mean the time they got passed? Because the subjective intent of the legislators is really not relevant. What's we care about is for the words they passed, that's part of the separation of powers, is that we pat, we we enact the laws and then I determine what the, our court determines what the law is. uh, we don't determine what it should be. We determine what it is.
And tell me this, um, what qualities, now that you've had four years on the bench, uh, what qualities do you think are most important, um, for a judge to have?
Well, you need to be impartial. You need to be firm that you're not gonna bend. You're not gonna worry about the pressure or the consequences. You're gonna get the right answer. Uh, you're gonna be willing to keep researching and you're not gonna stop. until you're certain that you got the right answer. Uh, you're gonna dig and dig and dig, and you're gonna be willing to change your mind, if you have to change your mind to an answer. And uh, uh, like I say, my fellow colleagues in the Alabama Supreme Court have helped teach me to be a judge. And those are the type of things I've learned from them.
Excellent. In our last remaining minutes, I'd like to ask each of you, take fifteen seconds and tell us some, um, something that you wanna make sure that this committee knows about you prior to making the decision. We'll start with you.
Thank you, Senator Britt. Um, I care a lot about the Sentencing Commission and the sentencing guidelines. When I served as a federal prosecutor, I saw how important they were in each case. Uh, I'm also very aware of how important it is that they be written and interpr- and, uh, revised in a way that makes it easy for prosecutors, defense attorneys, and judges across the country to apply them. uh in the various cases they uh encounter
thank you
senator over my time on the bench and as a prosecutor i've come to realize the importance of the sentencing commission in our criminal justice system those are for some of the reasons that mister manion just mentioned the us sentencing guidelines which are an important factor under section thirty five fifty three a and are most valuable when they accurately or at least effectively capture the offense and the offender and i would be committed to carefully examine the guidelines and see how they can be improved to account for um as many of the thirty five fifty three a factors as we can the other important role of the commission is this unbiased collection of data information that is vital to this body um as you perform your task in considering criminal justice legislation and also to sentencing judges as we try to impose sentences that are uh sufficient but not greater than necessary to achieve the purposes of sentencing
thank you
I've been working on competition issues my entire life, and I want to bring all the energy and commitment I have, um, to making sure that the American people get great deals.
Thank you. And Judge Cook.
Uh, I'm just incredibly honored to have the opportunity, Senator, and I just wanna thank you and, and, and the President for that opportunity.
Absolutely. Well, thank you to our nominees for being here and for your testimony today. written questions for the record may be submitted until August nineteenth at five o'clock p m. And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
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