Hearings to examine certain pending nominations.

This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will come to order. We welcome our nominees, their families, and our guests in attendance. We're glad to have everyone here watching as well. I want to remind those present that this committee expects decorum. We have a zero tolerance policy for interruptions. So if you choose to disrupt this hearing, you will be arrested immediately and barred from the committee for one year. You cannot communicate with people on the dais or any of our nominees here. Before the ranking member and I make our opening remarks, we have a few members who would like to make some introductions. We have Jared Novelly, the nominee for the Ambassador to New Zealand, and Senator Schmitt. Is Senator Schmitt here? I don't see him yet. Although, Frank Garcia, the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of African Affairs, Congressman Crawford. Great. Congressman, we're going to go ahead and start with you then.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the opportunity to introduce to the committee Mr. Frank Garcia, President Trump's nominee for the Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of African Affairs. I've had the pleasure of working with Mr. Garcia over the last five years as he served in various senior staff positions on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. He currently serves as one of my trusted senior advisors and has been integral in the House Intelligence Committee's efforts. Mr. Garcia has committed himself to a life of service to his nation and a 28 year veteran of the United States Navy, where he served, came into service shortly after the fall of Iran. His service included time on a U.S. Navy ship escorting tankers through the Strait of Hormuz. He served in Desert Shield and Storm operations in the Gulf of Sidra. Mr. Garcia served as a Tomahawk land attack missile planner during Operation Deliberate Force, aiding in ending the Bosnian genocide and establishing the Dayton Accords. He later went on to serve as chief of staff for the National Reconnaissance Office. And for over a decade, Mr. Garcia has built an extensive expertise on African regional dynamics through extensive travel, congressional oversight, and high level engagements. In this capacity, he helped develop policy approaches addressing the most consequential issues facing African nations and U.S. national security, translating complex regional dynamics and intelligence insights into actionable oversight priorities. Lastly, I would be remiss not to mention that Mr. Garcia's daughter is currently downrange supporting Operation Epic Fury. She serves as the commanding officer of a Virginia National Guard engineering company. We would be grateful for your prayers for her safety and the safety of all our brave men and women supporting this critical operation and their service to our nation. If confirmed, the HIPSI family will be sad to see him go. But we couldn't be any prouder than I am and more confident that he will serve in this role with honor and integrity. Mr. Chairman, I am confident your committee will give him a proper review and given his extensive and honorable public service, and I can't recommend him highly enough. With that, it's my pleasure to introduce to the committee Mr. Frank Garcia.

Great. Thank you very much, Congressman. You are welcome to stay through the entire committee if you would like. But I would also not be offended if you said, I've got other things I've got to do today as well, so you're welcome to.

Respectfully, Mr. Chairman, I have got other things I've got to do and I appreciate your latitude. Thank you so much.

Not at all. Not at all. I think Senator Hagerty is on his way for Mr. Edgar here. But I'm going to go ahead and start with my remarks and then when Senator Hagerty gets here, we'll let him do his introduction. First, I want to thank each of you for your willingness to serve our nation. I very much appreciate the demands placed on ambassadors and senior officials are significant and the sacrifices made by their families are real. We are grateful for that commitment. Each of you would assume a post that sits at a critical intersection of American foreign policy. Mr. Lipton, the Ambassador to the Philippines is one of the most consequential diplomatic assignments in the Indo-Pacific. The Philippines is our oldest treaty ally in the region. This year represents the 75th anniversary of our mutual defense treaty, which has helped anchor stability in the region. In recent years, that relationship has undergone a historic transformation. Enhanced defense cooperation, expanded access to strategic sites and joint maritime patrols, and a growing interoperability are now a central pillar of our mutual deterrence in the West Philippine Sea. However, Communist China continues its illegal coercive, aggressive, and deceptive activities within the Philippines, especially within their exclusive economic zone. I am actually, I see my colleague Eric Schmitt has arrived. So I'm going to stop there for the moment and Mr. Lipton, we're I'm going to get back to talk about the Philippines because this is something I care a lot about. But because I know Mr. Schmitt has got a lot of stuff to do today, I am going to allow him to do his introduction if Eric, would you like to go ahead?

Yeah. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and ranking member and other members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear here before you to speak on behalf of my friend and fellow Missourian, Mr. Jared Novelly. Mr. Novelly, he's being considered for the ambassadorship for to New Zealand for the United States of America. He is a native of Saint Louis. Mr. Novelly is a proud graduate of Saint Louis University, also holds a master's degree from the University of Technology Sydney. Throughout his career, Mr. Novelly has succeeded in business both domestically and internationally. Through his experience, Mr. Novelly has developed strong personal and economic relationships across both the business and government sectors, including throughout the Pacific region. His ties have also given him a deep understanding of the economic and political landscape of Oceania. Because of his experience in Australia, Mr. Novelly will navigate the diplomatic environment with a strong appreciation for the relationship between Australia and New Zealand and for how that relationship intersects with ongoing cooperation in our interest in that region. New Zealand is located in a vital strategic region of the South Pacific that has become increasingly vital to U.S. national security interests. As Communist China seeks to assert itself as the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific, our engagements with allies and partners must remain seamless and strong to preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific. As a Five Eyes intelligence partner, New Zealand shares a special relationship with the United States based on common values, mutual trust, and a shared understanding of our adversarial threats. The position of U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand carries enormous responsibility to safeguard, strengthen, and advance America's relationship with this important partner while shaping cooperation in ways that reinforce our broader regional posture. I can think of no one better suited for this role than Mr. Novelly. As a businessman, he brings a clear eyed focus on achieving results that will strengthen our relationship with New Zealand while advancing America's national security objectives. As ambassador, Mr. Novelly will continue working to solidify a trade relationship with New Zealand that advances American interests. American businesses and entrepreneurs will have a strong advocate in Wellington in Mr. Novelly. On a more personal note, I've known Jared for 20 years. He's a very good friend. He's a good man. He's loyal. He is smart and he loves our great country. I'm proud to have recommended Mr. Novelly for this post to President Trump and honored to introduce him before this august committee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Well, thank you very much, Senator Schmitt. And you are welcome to stay for our hearing, but I also know that you've got other pressing things, so if you need to depart, we understand that as well.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Hagerty, would you like to introduce Mr. Edgar?

I I certainly would. Before I do that, I'd like to thank the chair and the ranking member for holding this meeting and letting us move these ambassadorial candidates along. This is an important role as as we all know and very much appreciate your leadership of both of you in doing this. To the members of the committee, it's my honor today to introduce the Honorable Troy Edgar, who is President Trump's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador. Troy's a Navy veteran. He's an experienced business leader and he's a seasoned public servant who currently serves as Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security. He brings executive experience, operational expertise, and national security leadership skills to this important ambassadorial nomination. Troy began his career in the United States Navy. Then he built a distinguished record in the private sector, first at PricewaterhouseCoopers and later at Boeing, where he served as chief financial officer of a division focused on military aircraft logistics. Troy then founded Global Conductor, advising Fortune 500 firms in aerospace, defense, and technology on large scale transformation, integration, and modernization efforts. He later served as mayor of Los Alamitos, California, demonstrating practical and results oriented leadership. During President Trump's first term, he was confirmed by the Senate as the Department of Homeland Security's chief financial officer. In that role, he oversaw DHS financial policy and systems modernization for a nearly $90,000,000,000 budget that supported border security, immigration enforcement, and homeland security missions. He now serves as Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security, effectively the department's chief operating officer, helping translate policy priorities into clear operational results. What uniquely qualifies Troy for this post is his direct experience with the core issues shaping the U.S.-El Salvador relationship, including border security, migration management, and transnational criminal organizations. Diplomacy depends on execution, trust, and credibility. An ambassador must build durable relationships and must translate shared interest into concrete results. As former U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I understand the trust and judgment this type of role requires. Troy has spent his career earning that trust. El Salvador, under President Bukele's leadership, has become a critical partner in combating transnational crime and addressing illegal immigration. This is a pivotal opportunity now to deepen our cooperation, to strengthen regional stability, and to advance American security interest. Troy Edgar is a proven executive, twice Senate-confirmed national security leader, and a committed public servant. I'm confident he'll faithfully represent the United States and strengthen our partnership with El Salvador. Mr. Chairman, for that reason, I strongly encourage my colleagues to support Mr. Edgar's nomination. Thank you.

Thank you, Senator Hagerty. Now I will resume my remarks, picking up with the Philippines and Communist China's illegal, coercive, aggressive, and deceptive activities within the Philippines' exclusive economic zone. Both the ranking member and I had an opportunity to witness that directly last year in a trip to the Philippines. And again, this is something where Beijing's dangerous maneuvers, water cannon incidents, and intimidation campaigns are part of a sustained pressure strategy to intimidate the Philippines to giving up their exclusive economic zone. The next ambassador must therefore do more than just maintain the status quo. This role requires strengthening deterrence, deepening defense coordination, and enhancing resilience. It also requires expanding our economic relationship beyond traditional trade flows. This includes prioritizing high-tech sectors and supply chain security, boosting U.S. investment in semiconductors and infrastructure, and advancing cooperation in critical minerals. I look forward to hearing your remarks, Mr. Lipton. Mr. Novelly, New Zealand is both a trusted friend and an increasingly important strategic actor in the Indo-Pacific. It is a Five Eyes partner and a strong voice for a free and open region. Wellington has taken meaningful steps to increase defense spending, modernize its military capabilities, and engage more deeply in regional security efforts. However, the strategic environment is changing rapidly. Communist China has expanded its diplomatic, economic, and military footprint in the South Pacific. Recent Chinese maritime exercises near Australia and New Zealand underscore the reality that the South Pacific is no longer insulated from Beijing's aggressive reach. If confirmed, the ambassador must work to strengthen defense coordination, expand cooperation in emerging technologies, and strengthen supply chain security. Additionally, given the post also includes representing the U.S. in Samoa, the Cook Islands, and Niue, they must work to steer Pacific Island nations away from Beijing's coercive economic traps. And this in particular means being present to show them that we are present in the region, Mr. Novelly. So I think you've got a very important role with the Pacific Island nations. Ms. Roberts, Slovenia is a NATO ally that plays an important role in Europe's security, particularly in the Western Balkans. It contributes to peacekeeping missions and supports European unity at a time when Russia's aggression has reshaped the security landscape. But alliance credibility depends on burden sharing. Slovenia has historically fallen short of NATO's defense spending benchmarks. While Slovenia has just recently hit the 2 percent target agreed to back in 2014, it remains well below the alliance's newly agreed to 5 percent mark. If confirmed, our ambassador must make clear our expectation that all NATO allies must step up, particularly as the threats to European security intensifies. Deputy Secretary Edgar, our ambassador to El Salvador will need to take up a post central to the U.S. Homeland Security. El Salvador remains a source and transit point for illegal immigration and transnational criminal activity. Gangs like MS-13 have trafficked violence, drugs, and human smuggling networks that reach into the United States. The country also sits along key narcotic routes, moving cocaine and other illicit drugs northward. Intelligence sharing, extraditions, and dismantling gang infrastructure are all areas of cooperation critical to disrupting those pipelines before they reach our border. At the same time, Communist China continues to expand its tentacles into El Salvador. It has invested heavily in construction projects while increasing its exports, especially in the automotive sector. Our next ambassador in San Salvador must ensure that Beijing's malign influence is held in check. Finally, Mr. Garcia, our next assistant secretary for African Affairs will step into this role at a decisive moment. Conflict across the continent is deepening, and in some cases becoming structurally entrenched. As the civil war in Sudan enters its third year, the two warring factions remain locked in a deadly civil war. Mediation efforts have so far failed to get the Sudanese Armed Forces, the SAF, and Rapid Support Forces, RSF, to halt their violence. All the while, hundreds of thousands of civilians have been killed and millions have been displaced in what's become the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. In Central Africa, President Trump deserves immense credit for brokering the Washington Accords to achieve peace between Rwanda and the DRC. However, as recent actions by the administration reflect, more must be done to ensure both parties adhere to their commitments. Additionally, terrorism on the continent, particularly in the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, remain a critical global security threat. Christians continue to be persecuted and killed by Islamic jihadists in Nigeria, while al-Shabaab, one of al-Qaeda's strongest and most successful affiliates, has proven resilient despite the increased counter-terror operations. At the same time, Communist China is now Africa's largest trading partner and a major creditor. It has embedded itself through infrastructure financing, resource extraction, and arms sales, and strategic access agreements. We cannot afford Communist China to be the only game in town. I thank each of you for your willingness to serve and look forward to your testimonies. And with that, I will now turn it over to the distinguished ranking member for his remarks.

Thank you, Senator Ricketts. Thank you both for your partnership on this committee and your friendship beyond it. We were at an important dinner together last night about the future of our support for Ukraine and one of our most important alliances. And I largely agree with the comments you've just made about Slovenia, about the Philippines, about Africa, so I'll focus on one or two points. And I want to start by thanking all of you for your willingness to serve, for the impact it will have on you and your families. I'm well aware of the dislocation involved in moving to a whole another country, and I suspect most of you have been sustained in your careers of service so far by your families. So to the families who are present or watching, thank you, and know that I respect and appreciate those who serve in our State Department and all who serve our nation at home and abroad. And we'll be praying for your daughter and her safety. In the last few months, I've traveled broadly. The Senator mentioned our trip together to the Philippines and Taiwan. Just in the last few weeks to Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Ukraine, Moldova. Everywhere I go, I've seen the unfortunate consequences on ways in which the Trump administration has pushed away our allies, whether through tariff disagreements, hectoring them about values and priorities, such that they're now questioning our reliability and the benefits of partnering with us. In particular, the unhinged threat to try and acquire Greenland from Denmark, a trusted NATO ally, has really undermined our relations in Europe and ones which will need close attending to. Ambassadors for the United States globally are key to maintaining and growing our relationships, to pushing back on competitors like Communist China in Africa and in the Philippines, or to holding closer NATO allies like Slovenia, working in the South Pacific with Pacific Island nations and our long-standing Five Eyes partner, New Zealand, or working with a hemispheric partner, El Salvador. So I'm grateful for those who lead our posts around the world. And I'm glad for the opportunity to hear from all of you today. It is striking that having embarked on a war of choice in Iran and turned nearly the entire Middle East into the war zone, we do not have confirmed ambassadors serving in Saudi Arabia, in UAE, in Qatar, in Egypt, in Kuwait, in Libya, Iraq, Algeria. I could list many others. Virtually all of those are places where Americans are currently stranded and where we're relying deeply on our partners for support as they seek to evacuate. Meanwhile, several of those ambassadors are failing at this core responsibility of keeping Americans safe abroad and are simply saying your government cannot help you. Better planning, better planning for a war of choice could have avoided this chaotic evacuation from the region. Equally shocking to me is how long it's taken for the administration to put forward nominees. I think the administration is trying to conduct diplomacy without diplomats and to instead use special envoys. I was quite struck that there were dozens of career ambassadors, for example in the Philippines, but broadly across Africa, confirmed career ambassadors abruptly recalled and virtually no one nominated in their place. We have more vacancies in Africa than anywhere else, and lacking confirmed ambassadors, as you all know, means that you don't get access at the same level to another government. A chargé d'affaires is just not respected and treated the same way, both internally and externally. And I frankly think that this turmoil abroad and the distance from our allies and partners matches a lot of what's happening at home. I am particularly concerned about the trajectory of immigration enforcement within the United States. And I bluntly think it's shameful the administration has chosen as our representative to El Salvador the same person who has overseen what I view as the most heinous episodes of the first stages of that, including illegally deporting 250 Venezuelans, most with no criminal records, to the CECOT prison in El Salvador. I will be pressing you, Mr. Edgar, on the specifics, what happened, what you knew about, what you think should be our accountability for it, and why you think you're the right person to strengthen our standing in that region of the world. We have a lot to talk about today. I appreciate the opportunity to work with my friend and the chairman of this hearing. And again, I appreciate all of your willingness to serve. Thank you.

Great. Thank you very much. And I appreciate the ranking member for helping us get this hearing going so we can get some more of these ambassadors done. With that, we will allow the nominees here to be able to introduce, give an introduction. I'd ask all of you to keep your introductions to five minutes or less. And Mr. Garcia, we're going to go ahead and start with you.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Ricketts, Ranking Member Coons, and members of the committee. I'm honored to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of African Affairs. I appreciate the time that you and your staff have given me, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with you. If confirmed, I will advance America First priorities on the African continent and ensure our engagement is disciplined, strategic, and firmly rooted in the protection of core U.S. national interests as outlined in the National Security Strategy. On a personal note, I'm thankful my sister Terry is here. I know our brother Michael and our parents are smiling down from heaven. They taught us three lifelong tenets: God, family, and country. As part of the greatest generation, they served as a Navy nurse and an Army technical sergeant. They didn't talk about service, they lived it. I also want to thank my wife Bridget and our seven children and eight grandchildren for their love and support. You know, there's a country song, "Thank God for Unanswered Prayers." Today, I thank God for answered prayers. Bridget, you and our family are that answer for me. And for anyone that's wondering how to thrive with seven children and eight grandchildren, two words: zone defense. I served in the U.S. Navy for 28 years with many assignments in the AFRICOM area of responsibility. My first touch on the continent was as a junior officer visiting the port of Mombasa, Kenya, which sparked a fascination with Africa that has stayed with me. I currently serve on the House Intelligence Committee, or HIPSI, where for nearly 15 years I've focused on Africa, traveling frequently with members and staff. Thank you, Team HIPSI, past and present. My time in Africa left an indelible mark. Peace is precious, and it's not maintained by hope alone. That's why I embrace President Trump's National Security Strategy of peace through strength. Strength guided by principle and paired with credible diplomacy deters aggression, which protects the innocent and creates space for the dignity for human dignity to flourish. If confirmed, I will bring that same sense of duty to the work ahead. For too long, U.S. policy in Africa has emphasized aid and dependency with open-ended commitments and a focus on spreading divisive ideologies. This administration has reset this relationship toward trade and investment for mutual benefit. Many African partners have welcomed a pragmatic approach that prioritizes opportunity and cooperation over lectures. If confirmed, I will ensure our policy is guided by a realistic calculation of costs, risks, and benefits to U.S. interests. The continent is at a strategic inflection point where lasting prosperity hinges on secure, representative governments and their selection of reliable partners. A healthy, well-educated workforce paired with abundant natural resources can create opportunities that benefit both African nations and the United States. With opportunity comes risk, especially when government fails to provide security and judicial framework that prosperity requires. President Trump and Secretary Rubio recognize that peace is the foundation of growth and have moved aggressively to support peace efforts in troubled areas across Africa. Instability in such regions as the Sahel and North Africa pose a direct risk to U.S. interests and citizens. Our counterterrorism efforts will remain focused on preventing attacks against the homeland and U.S. interests. We will build reciprocal relationships with key partners to degrade transnational threats from ISIS and Al-Qaeda affiliates and work with allies to promote stability. African nations must play a greater role in protecting their own regions, with the United States supporting local leadership and not substituting for it. If confirmed, I will ensure every dollar the United States invests in Africa advances our national security and economic priorities. Our approach will be disciplined and results-driven, applying Secretary Rubio's principle of privileging trade over aid, opportunity over dependency, and investment over assistance. Members of the committee, thank you for your consideration for the time, energy, and focus you and your staff devote to Africa. I look forward to your questions.

Thank you, Mr. Garcia. Mr. Lipton, would you like to do your introduction, please?

Thank you. Senator Ricketts, Ranking Member Coons, and distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I am deeply honored to be President Trump's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. I appreciate your time and consideration. I would also like to recognize my wife and soulmate of more than 45 years, Erica, and our amazing sons, Max and Dylan. Their steadfast love and support has sustained my career in business and public service. If my parents were alive today, they would be beyond proud to see me sit here before you. Over the course of my 50-year professional career, I have led businesses in the culinary and fashion industries, built international partnerships, created jobs, mentored young professionals, and navigated complex regulatory environments. I look forward to utilizing these skills to benefit the American and the Philippine people. I developed a lasting respect for the Philippines during my early visits manufacturing clothing there. I was deeply impressed by the Philippines people's energy, resilience, and strong sense of family and community. Community and coalitions have defined my personal life and my public service. While my career began in the private sector, over the past year I had an incredible opportunity in Washington to participate in this administration's humanitarian and diplomatic processes. As a member of the Holocaust Board and guided by my faith, I have worked to preserve memories, define human dignity, and confront hatred. At the State Department as interim permanent representative and chief of staff of the UN mission to the Organization of American States, I have worked to advance America American interest through principled engagement and interagency collaboration. I also had the opportunity to build relationships with diplomats from across the Western Hemisphere, reinforcing my belief that strong alliances are sustained through consistent engagement and institutional trust. If confirmed, I will carry forward that spirit of engagement and trust to Embassy Manila, relying on the expertise of our embassy staff, our colleagues at the Department of War, ASEAN representative, and allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific. My goal would be to deepen U.S.-Philippine security cooperation, strengthen supply chains, advance the Luzon economic corridor and our energy initiatives, as well as promote fair and reciprocal trade. In closing, I would like to assure you that I approach this nomination with humility and resolve to uphold our ironclad alliance with the Philippines, particularly the Mutual Defense Treaty, as well as advance the safety, strength, and prosperity of the United States at a time of great consequence in the Western Pacific. Thank you again for your time and consideration. I look forward to your questions.

Mr. Chairman. May I respectfully ask, obviously the people before us, should they be confirmed, are going to do seriously important work for our nation, but they cannot be successful without their families. When the individuals call out their families, I'm hoping maybe the families could identify themselves because I know factually about Mr. Lipton that he married somebody way better than him. [Laughter.] And and that I know also his sons, I think at least one is here, is going to be even greater than their father, the son the apples are falling very far from the tree in that case.

All right. Thank you, sir. Senator Booker, having been recently married yourself, you should know that we all marry up.

I I actually know Senator Shaheen's husband, he married up in the case of Senator Shaheen, but you and Mr. Coons definitely did marry up. [Laughter.]

Thank you, Mr. Lipton. Ms. Roberts, please, your introduction.

Chairman Ricketts, Ranking Member Coons, and distinguished members of this committee. I am honored to appear before you as President Trump's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia. I'm truly grateful to the president and Secretary Rubio for the placing their confidence in me to fulfill the important duties and responsibilities of this position. I want to thank everybody who's supported me during my two-decade career at the U.S. Department of State, which has led to this appointment. My parents, my sister, my in-laws in Buffalo, New York, and most of all, my spouse and daughter. I also want to thank my colleagues in the Office of the Chief of Protocol who have worked diligently with me to promote U.S. interest for the last two decades. Without this people, I would not have the opportunity to be before you today. I was born in a Soviet Union, but I spent most of my adult life in the United States thanks to President Reagan and his efforts to end the Cold War. At the age of 15, I first came to the United States as an exchange student, subsequently graduating from both high school and university in America. These experiences instilled in me a strong belief in the American dream and the critical importance of the United States on the world, sentiments that have inspired my work at the U.S. Department and have prepared me for the duties for which I've been nominated as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia. Through my work in the Office of the Chief of Protocol, I have learned the art of diplomacy by organizing hundreds of high-level diplomatic meetings for six different presidential administrations. Having served for a full year as the acting chief, I also know how to run a complex and large unit within the State Department, and I'm fully confident in my abilities to fulfill the duties and responsibilities of representing the United States abroad and to efficiently manage an embassy. It would also be a great honor to fulfill this duties in the Republic of Slovenia, which is an important friend and ally to the United States. Slovenia and the United States share a close relationship rooted in a shared interest, democratic values, economic ties, and a long-standing defense cooperation as NATO allies. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that Slovenia meets NATO defense spending and capability commitments as well as continues to fulfill its critical role in the deterrence and defense of the Euro-Atlantic region. I will also prioritize the safety and well-being of U.S. citizens, will advocate for American economic security, balanced trade, and fair treatment for U.S. businesses. Additionally, I will continue to push for greater economic cooperation and trade between our countries. It would be an honor to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia. Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to your questions.

Great. Thank you, Ms. Roberts. Deputy Secretary Edgar, your introduction, please.

Great. Good morning, Chairman Ricketts, Ranking Member Coons, and distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I'm deeply honored at the by the president's nomination to serve as the U.S. Ambassador for the Republic of El Salvador. I want to introduce and thank my wife Betty for being here today. Thank you, love. I'm grateful to my family for their steadfast support and to the people I've had the privilege to serve alongside throughout my career. Representing the United States abroad is among the highest responsibilities our nation could bestow. And I approach this nomination with humility, seriousness of purpose, and respect for the statutory mandated role of this committee. El Salvador is one of the most important partners in the Western Hemisphere. Our nations are bound by geography, shared security interests, and enduring ties, including a vibrant Salvadoran-American community that strengthens our country every day. The bilateral relationship sits at the intersection of the critical U.S. priorities including migration management, counter-narcotics cooperation, economic growth, democratic governance, regional stability. In many ways, how we work with El Salvador will help shape broader patterns of the cooperation and the stability across Central America. If confirmed, my mandate will be clear: to faithfully represent the president and the United States, to advance American national security and economic interests, and to strengthen the cooperation with the government and the people of El Salvador in the ways that produce tangible results for both nations. Effective diplomacy requires resolve and respect in equal measure. If confirmed, I will engage directly and candidly with the Salvadoran leadership including President Bukele to deepen cooperation against transnational criminal organizations, to expand economic opportunity, and reinforce the importance of strong institutions, rule of law, and accountable governance. Throughout my career including my time as the Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security, I have focused on institutional integrity, operational discipline, and supporting the professionals that were entrusted with executing our nation's policies. If confirmed, my full attention will be devoted to leading our mission in San Salvador with professionalism, clarity of purpose, and full accountability to this committee and the American people. I welcome your guidance and oversight, and I look forward to your questions. Thank you.

Thank you, Deputy Secretary. And last but not least, Mr. Novelly.

Thank you, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of this committee for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is an honor to be nominated as United States Ambassador to New Zealand, the Independent State of Samoa, the Cook Islands, and Niue. What may be lost on many of us in the private sector is the level of dedication that can be witnessed by those in government. During the lead-up to this hearing, I have been exposed to a number of wonderful, bright, and dedicated people in the State Department, and I can honestly tell you that I have been incredibly impressed by the almost selfless determination that I have witnessed. I wish to express my admiration for all of those who have helped me by thanking them for their service. And to also thank my friend Senator Schmidt. So too must I express my admiration for all of the members of this committee for your service as well. If confirmed, I hope to at least match the dedication to the American people manifested by each of you members of this committee. Thank you for your service, and I look forward to serving our country with a similar zeal that I have witnessed. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work tirelessly to advance President Trump and Senator Rubio's foreign policies. In advancing the President's agenda, we have few better partners than New Zealand. The government of New Zealand consistently supports our goals in the region and beyond. If confirmed, I will do everything in my power to take our relationship to new heights. Specifically, I intend to focus on three priorities. Number one is partnering with New Zealand, Samoa, Cook Islands, and Niue to promote a free and open Pacific. Number two is expanding our defense partnership with New Zealand. And number three is promoting opportunities for U.S. business entities. Few countries understand the darkening security environment in the Pacific better than New Zealand. Last February, China conducted live-fire exercises in the Tasman Sea. I was in the region at the time, and it was very concerning. The exercises led to flight diversions and represented an example of alarming, even destabilizing behavior in the Pacific. If confirmed, I would prioritize expanding our defense partnership with New Zealand. I know the crucial role our embassies and consulates play in ensuring a fair playing field for U.S. entities, whether it be through tearing down trade barriers or opening new markets. All businesses will have a friend in the Ambassador's office if I am confirmed. In Samoa, in recent years, the government in Apia has adopted a prudent approach to managing relations with the West and China, taking on foreign debt with caution. If confirmed, I would encourage the government in Samoa to continue this approach and ensure it is never pressured into a deal that would compromise its sovereignty. In the Cook Islands, establishment of a formal diplomatic relations in 2023 enabled us to take our long-standing relationship to the next level. If confirmed, I would expand our collaboration with local authorities to promote the responsible development of seabed mineral resources. The Cook Islands EEZ contains possibly the largest cobalt deposits in the world, a key component in batteries and high-strength alloys. A strong partnership with the Cook Islands means a strong supply chain of critical minerals, and this is good for all parties. In Niue, I would likewise focus on strengthening our bilateral relationship. We have, and under my watch will continue, closely engage with Niue on economic, cultural, and other programs. I hope to continue to grow this relationship. Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward to your questions.

Great, well hey, thank you again to all of our nominees, and you all did a wonderful job of staying under the five minutes. I'm so impressed. Good job. Well now we're going to enter into a round of five-minute questions. I will begin and then I'll turn it over to the Ranking Member next. I'm going to begin talking about China, Communist China. They're increasingly escalating their illegal coercive aggressive and deceptive practices throughout the West Philippine Sea. Chinese state-directed maritime actors regularly ram, shadow, block, encircle, fire water cannons at, and use military-grade lasers against Philippine civilian ships and military vessels. Chinese Coast Guard sailors have brutally attacked Filipino sailors with knives and other weapons. In February 2026, the Philippine Navy reported record-high swarms of Chinese maritime militia vessels and the use of aggressive tactics to prevent the Philippines from establishing a presence in its own exclusive economic zone or EEZ. The Ranking Member and I witnessed this coercion firsthand when we flew over the West Philippine Sea in a P-8 during our CODEL to the Philippines last year. The Chinese military illegally challenged our flight in an effort to drive us and the Filipinos out of the EEZ. In response, the Philippines has adopted a strategy of assertive transparency to expose Communist China's bad actions to the world in real time. However, Manila faces significant pushback from Beijing's propaganda and disinformation machinery, which is often able to publish false accounts of maritime incidents before the Philippines can. Mr. Lipton, if confirmed, how will you support the Philippines' assertive transparency strategy to expose Communist China's aggression in real time?

Senator, thank you very much for that question. First and foremost, I support the ironclad alliance with the Philippines. I am aware that the Philippine strategy of that Philippine strategy, and I will work with Washington to determine the embassy's responses.

Great. What steps will you take to ensure the U.S.-Philippines alliance restores deterrence against Communist China's ICAD activities generally?

In general, you know, China is the bully in the room. My goal would be to confront China's unlawful expansion and aggressive behavior. I would continue to support U.S. competition with China. We must compete with China from a position of strength.

The Philippines have been targeted by a surge of state-sponsored cyberattacks aimed at critical infrastructure and a sophisticated cognitive warfare campaign involving AI-enabled deepfakes. These campaigns are designed to fracture the U.S.-Philippines alliance and undermine public trust in defense officials by spreading manufactured narratives of a proxy war. The Armed Forces of the Philippines, the AFP, recently identified these digital intrusions as a primary threat to national stability ahead of the 2028 elections. The recent U.S.-Philippines bilateral strategic dialogue prioritized efforts to modernize the Philippines' cyber defenses. Mr. Lipton, if confirmed as Ambassador, how will you leverage the U.S. technical expertise to help Manila detect AI-driven disinformation and purge malware from critical Philippines infrastructure, including grids, banks, and ports?

Senator, thank you very much for that question. You know, like I said, we have an ironclad alliance with the Philippines on cyber and information matters. I would work with the State Department, Department of War, and I would discuss the options with them.

The Philippines is facing an energy security crisis as its energy demand is expected to quadruple by 2050. Following the July 2024 activation of the 123 agreement for civilian nuclear cooperation, the U.S. has recently funded a $2.7 million feasibility study for small modular reactors or SMRs and established a control room simulator within the Luzon Economic Corridor. Additionally, there are growing opportunities for U.S. LNG and ethanol exports as Manila seeks to diversify its energy mix and meet higher biofuels mandates. Mr. Lipton, how will you use the newly established Luzon Economic Corridor and the February 2026 bilateral strategic dialogue commitments to prioritize U.S. nuclear technology, LNG infrastructure, and agricultural exports as the preferred choice for the Philippines' energy independence?

Senator, thank you very much for that question. I understand electricity costs are high and oil is hard to come by. I believe nuclear energy has a lot of potential in the Philippines. If confirmed, I'd look to American energy suppliers to partner with the Philippines.

Yeah, that's going to be particularly important to make sure that again as we look to do economic development with the Philippines, we're also helping them with their energy needs to be able to support those new industries we're bringing there. So thank you, Mr. Lipton. With that, I will turn over to the Ranking Member. And I will defer to the Ranking Member of the full committee.

Very good. Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and Senator Coons, and to all of my colleagues on the committee who are going to allow me to go before you. I appreciate that. And I want to congratulate all of our nominees and your families and supporters who are here this morning. Thank you for your willingness to serve the country. Mr. Edgar, I want to begin with you because in your opening statement you talked about being committed to accountability to this committee and to the American people. And yet during your tenure as Deputy Secretary at the Department of Homeland Security, the department planned to build an ICE detention facility in Merrimack, New Hampshire. The plans were put forward without any engagement from the local community or input or from the state for that matter. I know you're a former mayor. Don't you think it's important as you're talking about accountability to the American people to ensure that there is some opportunity for local communities to engage when the federal government is coming in to put a major facility in that community?

Yeah, thank you, Senator, for the question. So yeah, you're right. I was a previous mayor for 12 years in a small city that lived next to a base that had a lot of stuff happening on the base that we kind of had happen to us. So I do agree that to have the accountability and have interactions with local and county and state folks when you're getting ready to do stuff. You know, I'm not familiar specifically with that activity that was going on there that you mentioned, but within the one big beautiful bill, there was an amount of money that's out there that they're using to do the ICE.

$38 billion.

Yeah, so you know, going through that process, I think, you know, and the one thing I will say, just buying buildings is a part of DHS's normal operation, not just within immigration, but you know, there's 23 other components. You know, there's a process that we do engage with the local folks when you're going through their zoning, permitting, and all that, and I know you know that.

Well, that's right, and my concern is that that process was not engaged in. And and I hope as if you are confirmed that you will commit to doing a better job of both providing transparency and engagement with this committee and as you said with the American people. I also want to call your attention to a report that the minority members of the committee produced on the Trump administration's third-country deportations. Have you seen that?

I'm not sure.

We will ensure that you get a copy of it. In fact, it's probably helpful for a number of you to see this because the administration paid more than $32 million to five foreign governments to accept third-country nationals. And they went to El Salvador was one of the recipient countries for those nationals. And as you're aware, El Salvador has been notorious for its human rights abuses. And one of the things that has happened is that many of those nationals went to their notorious prison, CECOT. And there's been we are not aware on this committee of any due diligence that's been conducted by the American government on as to whether those third-party deportees have been tortured in that facility, what has happened to them. We do know that a number of those detainees who have been sent to third countries have then been moved on to the countries of origin. So 80 percent later returned to their country of origin at additional U.S. taxpayer expense. For example, we paid for one individual to fly to Eswatini, this is of interest to you I'm sure, Mr. Garcia, then back to Jamaica at a cost of more than $181,000. So I hope will you commit to this committee that if there are additional third-party removals to the country of El Salvador if you are confirmed that you will follow up with those third-country deportees and make sure that they are not being tortured or mistreated in the country of El Salvador?

Yes, Senator, I will.

Thank you. Mr. Garcia, I know that Senator Coons in his opening statement talked about the concern that we have on this committee with the number of open ambassadorships around the world. If confirmed, you will be the Assistant Secretary for a bureau that has 34 vacant ambassadorships across the African continent. In every country where we have a U.S. vacancy, China has an ambassador. That situation was made worse when a number of our ambassadors, over 30 career diplomats, were recalled in December. So can you talk about the challenges of being able to do your job when you don't have diplomats on the ground who can execute America's foreign policy? And since this President took office, he has nominated only two ambassadors for Africa posts. So how do you plan to turn that around?

Thank you, Senator, for the question. Simply stated, having ambassadors forward is an important part of our diplomacy. However, we also have a number of career service professionals that have been in embassies carrying out decades of and executing on decades of experience there. I understand, although I'm not privy to the inner workings of this at this point in time, that reviews are undergoing to realign assignments at the ambassador. And if confirmed, I commit to this committee to take a look at how the prioritization is being done and will advocate for the African continent and ambassadors in the continent.

Well, thank you. I hope that you will advocate loudly and often for that because we need our ambassadors in place on the ground around the world. Right now, we have 14 countries in the Middle East where the administration has told Americans that they need to leave. In those 14 countries, we only have eight confirmed ambassadors, six confirmed ambassadors, and only four of them are career people, two of them are not career people with any kind of diplomatic experience. So it is a real threat and we see that now, what happens in countries where we don't have people in charge. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Coons.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Edgar, as Deputy Homeland Security Secretary at the time and now as a nominee to be our ambassador to El Salvador, did you have concerns about what was happening to the 250 Venezuelans that you helped deport to CECOT given the widespread accusations of gross human rights violations by the Bukele government?

No, thank you, Senator. No, I did not have concerns. I think that when we were going through the process of the deportations, President Trump has made very clear that we need to make sure that we're operating on really kind of three of his campaign promises. Number one, secure the border. Number two, effective and efficient deportations. And three, for efficient government. So when it came to CECOT, the pictures that you're showing in the background and that view, that is a prison that is ran by El Salvador, not the United States.

Does the United States have no obligation for the treatment of those who we deport to third countries?

Well, I think if you go through, obviously we go through a safe and fair assessment just like when we set up with the State Department. The State Department really kind of helps us put together what I'll call safe third countries and the agreement that we had with El Salvador. From a DHS perspective as the COO, I didn't get directly involved with the details of setting up that agreement.

You're familiar with Convention Against Torture?

I am.

And widespread allegations that President Bukele, while he has accomplished dramatic reductions in violent crime, has done so through the detention of nearly 100,000 of his own citizens, the undue influence on the Supreme Court and illegal second term, repression of human rights by journalists, human rights advocates, frankly a violation of the rule of law at virtually every level. Are you aware of those allegations against the Bukele government?

I'm aware of the allegations that I read, but I would just say that they're allegations, right? I think if confirmed as the ambassador for El Salvador, I'll keep an open mind and be able to make sure that I'm aware, I use the data, I'll work with the committee in this form of oversight so that we can go through and make sure that they're there. You know, the one thing I would say that kind of counter that is that I think that El Salvador has done a tremendous job in their environment to be able to bring safety to 98 percent of their citizens. They were in a situation unprecedented gang violence and a really nasty place. And right now, you see it in their elections, you see it in the people and the turnout and the approval ratings that the people of El Salvador are supportive of what that current administration is doing and the United States and President Trump backs the administration of El Salvador.

Well, let's be clear, Mr. Edgar. At the Department of Homeland Security, as I said to your Secretary in a hearing just this week, you have and I have, we all have obligations to protect American citizens, to keep them safe. But to do so in a way that is efficient and legal and humane and constitutional. We have to respect the rule of law. We can make our country safer by simply snatching off the streets using masked nameless agents people who we suspect of being bad folks and executing them. There was a period of time in the Philippines where that was the practice of the former government. There is a period now in El Salvador where that's the practice of the government. I agree we need to keep the American people safe. I profoundly disagree with doing so in a way that violates the fundamental rights of Americans. And it sends a message to the rest of the world about what we stand for when we forcibly deport hundreds of people, many with no criminal record, to a country that has a demonstrated human rights record that is abysmal. I am the co-chair of the Human Rights Caucus along with Senator Tillis. I'm gravely concerned by the significant human rights in El Salvador and frankly by your answer that you know what matters is meeting the President's campaign promises and it's popular, so who cares about the consequences for the people who were sent there. I also want to know about your role in developing the ICE plan for detaining people in our country in warehouses that Senator Shaheen just referenced. What was your role in developing and carrying out this plan?

Thank you, Senator. My role at DHS is as the Chief Operating Officer. A big part of my role is the fiscal management of what happens at DHS. So at any given time, three budgets are in place, closing out 25, doing 26, I'm looking at 27 within one big beautiful bill as you know. There was money in there for these types of warehouse operations. My role in that process was to facilitate with the three main components of DHS, ICE, CBP, and the Coast Guard, which got a pretty big allocation of the one big beautiful bill, work with legislature with the appropriations and with OMB to make sure spend plans and all the administrative parts are in place. So when it came to the tactical execution of what locations are they going to, where are we going to be, how are we going to use that, Secretary Noem and myself really relied on the leadership of ICE who would have that responsibility.

So in the process of purchasing warehouses throughout the United States, including in my neighboring state Pennsylvania, potentially in her state New Hampshire, in states like Mississippi where the Senator has pushed back hard on it, should we have concern that the standards in those warehouses will be comparable to CECOT in El Salvador?

No, sir. You shouldn't have any concern. We have a unified standard that we apply to all facilities for ICE facilities. You know we have two main vendors at ICE, GEO and CoreCivic, and those types of standards are national, many times better than the standards that we actually have in county and local jails. So that is the standard that we've given out that they've went to put these out to bid and that's the standard they'd be held to here.

Do you think that members of Congress ought to be able to come and inspect the conditions in facilities particularly in our own states or districts?

I think that there is a process that you guys are required to go through. And I think that that has been a point of contention with DHS of whether you guys just show up at the door or whether you give us a little bit of a heads up. But I think Secretary Noem and the administration have been willing to work with you guys.

Let me just reference one last thing, I know I'm over my time. You mentioned in your testimony that you've been particularly focused on institutional integrity at the Department of Homeland Security. The Inspector General for DHS recently sent a letter to Congress detailing how DHS has, and this is a quote, systematically obstructed its work to conduct independent oversight for several months. Many of the IG's requests and a lot of this allegation of systemic obstruction occurred while you were serving as number two in charge of operations. What's your response to these allegations, sir?

My response to that is I had a great relationship with the Inspector General. He came in under Trump one. Going through the process, I think from I guess just my personal perspective is the bigger picture. At any given time, there's probably 700 to 800 open IG assessments going on at any time at DHS. So there's no doubt that the one that has been highlighted is the one that's got contention, but I would not overamplify or magnify the issue of one or two of the things that was caught up in an article as being the way that it is. There's oversight within Homeland Security, so I'm sure that there'll be committee meetings on evaluating that. And you know, and I think, you know, I think I would just be careful to not make a determination by what you see in the press.

What do you think the IG meant by systematically obstructed if this is someone you've worked well with and have a constructive relationship?

Well, I think there was a, there's a lot of different things that were going on at DHS as we kind of came in. You know, it's a large organization first of all, 23 components, $105 billion budget. Second thing is that in, you know, the very beginning, there was a bunch of stuff going on with DOGE, if you remember, where kind of, and my job in that was a little bit kind of counter as I realized by being the CFO how important it was to make sure that we maintained the work that had to be done by the authorities given by Congress in the money. And so we had to be careful that we weren't cutting so much that we were kind of getting out and in having a problem. And so the systematic part of the IG is that as he's going through, you know, he was going through a process of really trying to navigate system access for stuff and a lot of confusion that was happening at the very beginning. But I think in the long run, Secretary Noem and her front office have done a good job to start to work and get that back on track.

Thank you for your answers. I'm going to let my colleagues question, but I have to say I'm really troubled by your responses to my questions about CECOT and about your views of the government of El Salvador. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Cruz.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Welcome everyone. Let me first of all say it's good to see my friend Lee Lipton, congratulations on your nomination, you're going to make a terrific ambassador. Thank you for serving. Mr. Garcia, let me turn to you, it's good to see you again, congratulations on your nomination as well. When you and I met previously, we discussed the growing strategic importance of Africa to U.S. national security. As I've said repeatedly on this committee, Africa sits on the front lines of strategic competition with China in the 21st century. China represents the most significant long-term strategic challenge facing the United States. And the United States should confront China region by region, especially in Africa. But to compete effectively, we first have to recognize where our own approach has previously fallen short. U.S. policy has treated Africa as if it were borderless, a single undifferentiated space. That approach does not reflect reality. Africa is a continent of sovereign states, each with its own interests, priorities, and strategic value. We should be engaging African partners the same way we engage partners anywhere else in the world, country by country, interest by interest, partnership by partnership. That's how we counter Chinese influence and advance American interest on the continent. Can you explain, Mr. Garcia, in concrete terms, why Africa matters to U.S. national security and to our economic interests today?

Thank you, Senator, for the question. Africa is a continent that is rich, not just with amazing human capital, but also is endowed with incredible natural resources, as well as a people that when they work with us together, we form a really strong team together. I've been blessed with the opportunity to travel to Africa for the better part of 15 years. And in my time there, the locations that I have been to where there have been joint industrial enterprises together with African nations, it's an incredibly different Africa than perhaps a neighboring state. In my opening statement, I think I summarized Africa is at a great inflection point for the benefit of Africa and the United States' interests. And if confirmed, I look forward to working with African nations on industrial and rare earth minerals, on energy, and the fundamentals of building a greater America with Africa partners.

Now, if you're confirmed, how will you ensure that our Africa policy aligns with the broader U.S. efforts to compete with China globally?

Thank you, Senator, for the question. The President's National Security Strategy has been very clear in terms of, you know, this is a continent in transition from aid to trade. And I think that's a fundamental starting point with the relationship. And if confirmed, I would ensure that our industries, the health enterprises in the United States, the innovation that we can bring to the continent is unleashed with our partners that choose to do business with us.

Thank you. Let me turn to another topic. I'm deeply alarmed that the United Kingdom is prepared to transfer the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius, a decision that would jeopardize U.S. national security by exposing military operations to China and potentially restricting military access to Diego Garcia. Diego Garcia sits at the center of the Indian Ocean and has been one of America's most important power projection platforms for decades, enabling operations across the Middle East, Africa, and the Indo-Pacific. Uninterrupted access to forward basing is foundational to protecting Americans, maintaining a capable deterrence, and defeating our adversaries in times of conflict. Limiting U.S. operational freedom or creating opportunities for Chinese influence over a critical facility would hand our adversaries a strategic advantage. This deal is dangerous to U.S. interests. President Trump is absolutely right to be furious with the UK's decision. The UK is taking a serious gamble with the special relationship by putting one of our most vital shared military assets at risk. Do you agree that unfettered U.S. access to Diego Garcia is a vital national security interest of the United States?

Yes, Senator, I do.

Describe the consequences for U.S. national interest if the UK moves forward with the Chagos Islands agreement with Mauritius.

Senator, this is, I have not done a deep dive on this issue. I speak from past experience, having spent time in Diego Garcia, having spent a significant amount of time operating in the North Arabian Sea and the Arabian Gulf. The support that came forward from that from Diego Garcia was invaluable. We could not have done and supported and projected U.S. strength, U.S. power, without Diego Garcia. If confirmed, I commit to working with the committee to look at the issues with regard to our agreements, long-term agreements with the UK to share basing opportunities there.

Thank you.

Senator Murphy.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Edgar, I'm just stunned by the Department of Homeland Security's blatant violation of the law with respect to member access to facilities. Our basic constitutional obligation is to oversee congressional spending and the way in which the statute has been 100 percent clear that members need to be able to see these facilities have been denied that access. I think is a, is a crisis. When I went down to Texas just a few months ago, probably only 30 days after you left, I was denied access to several facilities in Texas. And the explanation I was given was that all of those facilities were now funded by Big Beautiful Bill dollars, by reconciliation dollars. That everything at Dilley was funded by reconciliation dollars. That everything at Pearsall was funded by reconciliation dollars. That there wasn't a single facility in Texas that was funded with appropriations dollars. And thus I was not able to access any of those facilities. That's not true, correct? You as the person who oversaw money for the Department of Homeland Security did not magically overnight transfer every single operation in the state of Texas from appropriated dollars to reconciliation dollars.

Senator, thanks for the question. Can you give me the approximate date because when I was there at that point, those facilities were covered under appropriated dollars.

Yeah. So this would have been a month, you left on what date?

December. December 19th.

Yeah. So this would have been not more than a month later. It's not credible, correct, that in a month all of those operations were moved.

Well, most of the spending plans and all the activity that was approved was in October with OMB. So I knew the Secretary and her staff was working with ICE. They were in a pretty aggressive period of and a very tight deadline to be able to get activity going. So I don't know if they may have reconstituted those facilities as, you know, the ones that you're talking about I think specifically are again the big vendors. So whether they bought the facilities out from underneath the vendors or whether this was something that it was a new purchase, sounds like it's an existing facility that you went to. I'm not super familiar. But...

Yeah, I don't think the problem is I don't think that that explanation that was given to me in January was different than the explanation that was being given in December. I think members are being denied access to virtually every facility that they wanted to see at DHS because of a claim that it was reconciliation dollars that were being used, which was a lie. I mean, the people that were talking to me were lying to me. And it's just shocking that there was not dissent from you or from anyone else at DHS leadership to make sure that members of Congress had access to those facilities. Let me ask you about the post that you are about to arrive at and I'm following up on some questions from Senator Coons. The State Department seems to be undergoing a campaign of whitewash broadly across the world regarding countries' human rights abuses, in particular those countries in which the United States has new and important financial deals between those countries and the Trump administration. Here's what the State Department human rights report for El Salvador for the calendar year 2024 says. Quote, "There were no credible reports of significant human rights abuses in El Salvador in 2024." That's not true, correct?

I obviously I don't know. I mean, that was before my time. I think it's interesting that's President Biden's time period, so you that's his State Department, but I'm not super familiar with the detail on that.

Well, President Biden's report for 2023 reported significant ongoing human rights abuses. I don't know that it's credible that you don't know. This is the country you're going to, you've spent the last several months studying this country. I don't think it's actually credible that you don't know whether there were significant human rights abuses inside the country in 2024. You know, right? So are you prepared to say that the report is correct, that there were no significant human rights abuses in El Salvador in 2024?

I think, sir, you're saying two different things. You're asking me whether I just think in general after studying a report that was done two years ago, whether I think it's right or wrong.

Not a report, from your study of what's happening inside El Salvador, do you believe that there were no significant human rights abuses in El Salvador in 2024?

I from what I've been able to see through my evaluation, I have not seen any.

I mean, that's disqualifying, Mr. Edgar. I mean, I'll send you volumes of reports from human rights groups. There are 100 political exiles who have had to leave the country. 38 human rights defenders are in jail in that nation. If you're going to be part of a whitewash campaign to deny the reality on the ground, you should not be confirmed as ambassador. You need to tell the truth. And the truth is, I mean, it's just irrefutable. There are massive human rights abuses happening. And if you're sitting here telling us that you have no evidence, you don't believe there were any significant persecution of political opponents of the regime in 2024, I just can't see how we can confirm you to this post. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator, if I can respond to that? Certainly. My entire background has been focused on being able to look at things through a data perspective and be able to evaluate. My commitment is, if confirmed, that I'll evaluate this, you know, empirically, being able to go there myself and being able to see. I'm committed to working with this committee if we do have items that we want to have evaluated. That's I think it's really important, especially most important when we're having a Senate confirmation meeting that we build a relationship, a relationship of trust. So even though you've kind of pre...

But if you just said that you don't believe there were human rights abuses inside El Salvador in 2024, how do we build a relationship of trust when you're literally denying reality in order to be able to facilitate the administration's campaign of whitewash?

Senator, I would just respectfully say, what do I have to refute what was written in there? I'm not there, right? What I do...

I will send you stacks of reports from people on the ground that confirm the reality of political repression. I would assume you would have been interested in reviewing those in preparation for this hearing.

I would be more than happy to review them. All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Van Hollen.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Edgar, you were the number two at DHS, so your immediate boss was Secretary Nielsen, right?

Yes, sir.

And as I understand your testimony, you left DHS around mid-December, December 19th. So you were there when the department launched Operation Metro Surge in Minneapolis, right? You were at the department.

I was probably there when it was starting up.

I'm going to ask you a few questions about human rights and constitutional rights here at home. You would agree that the American ambassador to El Salvador or anywhere else should have a basic understanding of the U.S. Constitution. Would you agree with that?

I would.

Okay. And you would agree that the Constitution gives people in the United States the right to peacefully protest, right?

Correct.

All right. And they have the right to say things against Trump administration policy, right?

Sure.

All right. So I want to ask you about Minneapolis because two American protesters were shot and killed by federal agents. Renee Good was shot and killed, Alex Preddy was shot and killed. Your boss, your former boss, Secretary Nome called them domestic terrorists. And yesterday in front of the House and the day before here in the Senate, she refused to retract her statement calling them domestic terrorists. So I have a very simple question for you today. Would you agree with me that Renee Good and Alex Preddy are not domestic terrorists?

Senator, this is an issue that doesn't involve me.

No, no, it does.

I wasn't there, they were shot after I left.

It does because you're going to be the American ambassador to El Salvador if you're confirmed. So I have an interest in your views of the Constitution and your views about what happened in Minneapolis, which all of America has got to see because it's on video. And people were shocked, including Republicans, some of them were shocked that the Secretary of Homeland Security refused to retract a statement calling two American citizens peacefully protesting domestic terrorists. And I'm shocked that you refuse to say today that they're not domestic terrorists. You're refusing to confirm that they're not domestic terrorists.

Look, anytime somebody is shot and killed by law enforcement, it's a serious issue. There should be a process to evaluate it and an investigation and it not be predetermined.

Exactly, Mr. Edgar, it should not be predetermined. So that's why I asked you whether you would agree that she shouldn't just call them domestic terrorists. Let me move on. I found it astounding, I find it astounding that you can't say here at a public hearing to be ambassador of the United States to another country that these two American citizens that have been shot and killed by federal agents that they weren't domestic terrorists. I find that astounding. Now, you've also told National Public Radio, I know you say you focused on the finances, but you also told National Public Radio that a Columbia University student and legal permanent resident of the United States was justifiably locked up because of his quote pro-Palestine activity unquote. A Reagan appointed federal judge who reviewed that case and other cases of some of these student protesters said that the Trump administration had launched a quote full-throated assault on the First Amendment. So I have another simple question, Mr. Edgar. Do you agree that the First Amendment protects and extends free speech rights to people who are legal permanent residents of the United States of America?

I think I think it does.

Okay. So it was wrong for the Trump administration to lock up a student for exercising his First Amendment rights. Let me move on. Do you agree that the right to due process extends to people residing in the United States?

I'm going to qualify both this due process and the freedom of speech as I think that you've got to separate citizens, U.S. citizens and their constitutional rights when you have folks that are out there that are like a lawful an LPR permanent resident coming through.

Let me this is I'm going to have let me just say this. This is why I asked you if an American ambassador should have an understanding of the Constitution. It is clear law that both First Amendment and due process rights extend to people residing in the United States. I just want to know it is absolute. Do you agree with the Supreme Court's nine to zero decision that Kilmar Abrego Garcia was wrongfully sent back to El Salvador? Do you agree with the nine to zero decision?

I'm not going to comment, I can't comment, there's a stop that we aren't supposed to be making comments because it's still under pending.

What do you no, no, no. This is a nine to zero this part of the case is closed. That was the Supreme Court decision. Do you agree that it was illegal to send Kilmar Abrego Garcia back to El Salvador?

I think that it's been admitted already by ICE there was an administrative error. So I think that's that's that.

Right. So you agree with the Supreme Court decision. I'm just looking for some constitutional provision that you agree with. And I just want to say, Mr. Chairman, in closing, my colleagues have asked you about human rights in El Salvador. You're talking about the president of El Salvador. He calls himself the world's coolest dictator. There are ample reports and I would like unanimous consent to enter them into the record, Mr. Chairman.

Without objection.

About gross human rights violations in El Salvador, including in CECOT, where you sent Kilmar Abrego Garcia. And I also want to include the Cato Institute document entitled 50 plus Venezuelans in prison in El Salvador came to the United States legally, never violated immigration law. The Cato Institute is not some sort of lefty organization. They believe in freedom. And unfortunately, you've been a part of administration that's taking away Americans' rights to freedom here at home, due process rights as well as First Amendment rights. And it is hard to trust you, therefore, that you'll stand up for important American principles as our American ambassador to El Salvador if confirmed. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Booker.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Garcia, I'm hoping we'll have an opportunity to sit down and please understand that my anger right now is not directed towards you personally, it's directed to the administration that has utterly undermined what I believe is urgencies on the African continent that we are simply not addressing. They've deprioritized the continent, defunded critical bipartisan programs that we in this committee have worked incredibly hard on, and through their remarks and rhetoric have set our relationships with multiple African countries back and sent these African countries into the arms of Russians and the Chinese. Let me start by pointing out the outrage that it was reported that the Bureau of African Affairs senior bureau official Nick Checker sent an email to bureau staff stating and I'm going to quote here, to put it bluntly, Africa is peripheral rather than a core theater for U.S. interests. That is utterly outrageous that a continent that by 2050 will make up one out of every four human beings on the planet, and because of the aging populations in Asia, America, and Europe, will make up one out of every three working people, that that is not a central strategic interest of the United States of America. On top of that, with critical mineral interests, with key global healthcare concerns, with the fact that we are only four percent of the globe's population and our economy runs on the consumer practices of the globe, it is ridiculous that that is the perspective of representatives of this administration. The Trump administration's 2025 National Security Strategy devoted barely half a page to addressing the continent and only did so in transactional economic terms rather than its strategic importance. This is something that should alarm everybody on this committee. It is outrageous. In December 2025, President Trump recalled 13 ambassadors from African countries. The U.S. maintains embassies across 46 African countries, yet 35 of those posts do not have confirmed ambassadors. 36 if you count the ambassador to the African Union. That is a deep insult to these countries that we have not prioritized our relationships and that diplomatic vacuum is being filled by the Chinese. This chronic understaffing of these embassies and the bureau you're about to lead undercuts those embassies' operations, undercuts key strategic interests, undercuts our national security. The Trump administration undermines U.S. diplomatic influence and terminates key foreign assistance programs again that were bipartisan approved is giving strategic competitors like China and Russia the ability to massively expand their political, military, economic, humanitarian, and development engagement across the continent. And I want to bring your attention to what has been said already is the world's greatest humanitarian crisis. What is happening in Sudan is the shame of humanity. I visited the Chad-Sudan border. I saw the malnourished children. We are seeing literally tens of thousands of deaths happening and what does the United States, what does the Trump administration do? It cuts our resources. The Trump administration has terminated food, nutrition, emergency health responses, and our own State Department people have said thousands more are dying there as a result. The State Department has determined that the RSF is committing genocide and that the SAF is committing crimes against humanity in Sudan. And what is our response? It's been complicity in allowing these horrors to go on and not stepping up to do something about it. The Trump administration eliminated offices and experts focused on conflict and atrocity prevention there, canceled most if not all of the conflict and atrocity prevention programs in the Sudan, and the president has also not nominated another special envoy for Sudan despite the legal requirement to do so. This is a horror. This is a shame. Last week, the administration lifted Russia-related sanctions on three top Malian military officials despite reports that they continue to funnel money to Moscow in exchange for security support. It is a lie that they're concerned about security issues in the way that they're cooperating. And this to me violates what is just common sense. If we want to strengthen commercial long-term relationships with Africa, the State Department needs to use more tools than just lobbying bombs in and doing nothing about what's happening on the ground. Take Somalia, 6.5 Somalis are currently facing high levels of hunger with more than 1.8 million children facing acute malnutrition. Despite this crisis, the U.S. government has deprioritized humanitarian assistance for Somalia. Since President Trump has taken office, he's ordered 168 strikes against armed groups in Somalia. But yet he's cut aid to help with the crisis that's there. So I say to you, sir, I am livid with this administration's policy. Thousands of people are dying. We're losing our strategic advantage on the continent. Critical minerals are being trafficked by our enemies out of that country to the detriment of this nation. Our adversaries in Russia and China are making a mockery of the vacuum we're creating there and on top of it all, on top of it all, the greatest humanitarian crises which we used to define ourselves by leading against humanitarian crises, the greatest one on the earth we are allowing more children die because of our retreat. And indulging the kindness of the chair, Mr. Edgar, your period at DHS...

Senator, just would remind you, you used up seven minutes of your five minutes without asking a question.

I appreciate that, sir, but I watch other people go more than four minutes over.

I'm not asking a question yet. Not today.

Mr. Chairman, I've got a tight schedule here. Mr. Chairman, I will say that Mr. Coons went four minutes over. I will say that colleagues of mine did and we've just wasted 30 seconds talking about that. I have one comment to finish if I may.

Okay, please finish.

I appreciate that. What's happening at the Department of Homeland Security is a mockery and it happened on your watch when even their own Inspector General has talked about the systematic obstructing of any kind of oversight. There's so much horrors going on when people simply turn the other way and don't stare it in the eye. For you to say that there's no humanitarian violations going on in El Salvador, I think disqualifies you to be there when our country sent human beings to a torture center that's well documented and you said nothing. That you can't even say when our own State Department has reported violations that there's a violation. I will tell you the greatest horrors in this world have been enabled by functionaries and bureaucrats that allow things to go on without speaking up in a noble fashion that reflects the values of this country. Your performance here has been utterly inadequate and there's just no way you should be the ambassador of that nation. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Hagerty.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to touch very briefly on our investment in the U.S.-Philippine alliance. It's something that I've been deeply invested in and worked alongside my colleague Senator Kaine to pass the Philippines Enhanced Resilience Act. We did that as part of the FY 2026 NDAA. This new law authorizes $500 million in foreign military financing grants and a billion dollars in FMF loans to the Philippines over the next five years. The goal of this is to increase the capabilities and interoperability of the Philippines and the U.S.-Philippine alliance. So Mr. Lipton, my question is very simple. Will you commit to making PERA, that's this law, making PERA implementation a top priority of your tenure if you're confirmed?

Senator, thank you very much for that question. Senator, thank you very much for that question. I've studied the PERA law and I've actually enjoyed learning about it. I think it's been amazing that to my knowledge that both you and Senator Kaine came up with a bill that allotted $500 million potentially for the next few years and giving to the people of Philippines to spend, but spending with the United States government. My job upon if in fact confirmed, it would actually be one of my pets because I want to learn much more about military situations and I would absolutely want to learn how to help negotiate and teach the Filipino military how to spend that money.

I think you should plan on working with my staff to make sure that you're as effective as possible in doing that. I look forward to working with you and I look forward to your confirmation. This is going to be a top priority. So thank you. Mr. Edgar, I'd like to turn with you because I think you're going to make an excellent ambassador to El Salvador. If you think about the work that this administration has done to work with President Bukele to address illegal migration, to strengthen our national security cooperation with that country, and think about President Bukele's leadership, that's allowed El Salvador to dramatically reduce violent crime in that country, including the establishment of a maximum security facility that detains very high-risk criminal offenders. Our two governments have found a way to coordinate on the return of Salvadoran nationals that are involved in criminal activity, and we've done that in a way that's reinforced public safety right here in the United States. Mr. Edgar, you have extensive experience in migration and in homeland security. You've served not only as the Chief Financial Officer of DHS, but you now serve as the Deputy Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security. So I'd be very interested from your perspective to just talk with us about how important El Salvador's cooperation has been to implementing our own homeland security and how you're going to work to institutionalize and strengthen that relationship.

Yeah, thank you, Senator. So El Salvador, big picture, kind of three objectives that we've had working with that country. Number one, national security. So all the counter-narcotics work that has been done has been a joint activity with El Salvador. You just read recently in the news they just busted a cocaine ship off the coast, about 350 miles off the coast. So not only within their navy, not only within their coast guard, but within their police, we've been partnering with them and going through this process of going and interdicting drugs and being a part of that process. Outside of that in the national security, Haiti's been a really big area of contention. And the thing that we learn with El Salvador is regional migration and regional stability is everything. And so from the administration's perspective, we really strategically look at El Salvador as being a model that can be emulated when you're surrounded by Nicaragua, Honduras, and making sure that we are able to get countries and like-minded. You see what's going on with Costa Rica, the CICOT being a bad thing and there's human rights. And I'll just say it and take advantage of the opportunity to speak to the other side of the aisle here. I'm a data-focused person. I will look at all the facts. I'm not here to prejudge and say there's nothing going on. But the second area, that's national security. The second area is migration. So within migration, one of the biggest areas we used to have a lot of problems is President Trump came in and historically shut the border. And it's been one of the biggest accomplishments that we've been able to do at DHS. By doing that, it really kind of started to stop the flow and stem that was coming up from El Salvador. But we still got really kind of two open items that we still deal with El Salvador on a daily basis. Number one, remigration or sending folks back, making sure that El Salvador continues to take back its citizens when they need to be after they're detained. The second is transit visas that are happening in their airport. There's a lot of activity goes on within their airport, people come in and then they apply to go from there into the United States. So those are the two main areas. I'd say the last thing that I would just like to hit on really quickly is the economy. So we've talked a little bit about China and what's going on with China there. 2019, El Salvador, before Bukele came to power, there was kind of an incursion of what was going on with China. And they've been able to get a national stadium, a library, water treatment plants. We need to make sure that America stays its leading trading partner. I'm not saying push them out completely, but right now we have a $2.2 billion trade surplus with El Salvador. We need to kind of continue. And the key to their economy, the key to kind of helping that take place is security. And so the balance between the democracy of El Salvador and them getting the folks and getting to a safe environment provides investor security and confidence in who will invest. And if confirmed, one of my big roles will be to kind of help U.S. companies go and have a great opportunity within El Salvador.

I think that last point's a critical one. Senator Kaine and I traveled through the Western Hemisphere on a very fruitful trip, and it was clear to us that the United States needs to be more present, our commercial interests need to be more present in the region, and China has certainly taken advantage of that void. We need to step up. Thank you very much. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.

Senator Kaine.

Thank you. Mr. Edgar, you said you're a data-focused person, but when Senator Coons asked you about whether you're concerned about the allegations of torture of these 250 Venezuelans at CICOT, you said you were not concerned. That was your answer. You said you had three other issues you were concerned about, but on allegations of torture that have been upheld even by parts of the administration, you said you weren't concerned. You said you're a data-focused person that doesn't want to prejudge issues, but when Senator Van Hollen said, hey, it was wrong to call Ms. Good and Mr. Pretty domestic terrorists, wasn't it, you wouldn't agree that that was wrong to do. So I wonder whether you're data-focused and don't want to prejudge or whether you're just focused on the data you want to see, cherry-picking things you want to see and not others. You mentioned in your testimony that access by members of Congress to DHS facilities was a process that has been worked out successfully. It hasn't. You said people shouldn't be able to show up unannounced, and I do agree with you on that. There's a DHS facility in Virginia that I made repeated efforts to visit in the fall and to schedule in advance, and they kept changing the date, and then they kept telling me all these restrictions. I was not allowed to talk to anyone there. Oversight from the committees that are voting for your budget means we ought to be able to visit and ask questions. And when a department deprives oversight even under pre-scheduled advance notice, I want to come down and visit, the natural conclusion you reach is you're ashamed of what's going on or you don't want members of Congress or the public to see it. It's completely even if it was true what Senator Murphy was said, these facilities are only funded by reconciliation dollars. That's no reason to deny a member of Congress. It was Congress that voted on the reconciliation bill. That's no reason to deny a member of Congress the ability to come in and take a look at a facility. So I have very significant questions about the testimony that you've given here today, and I just want to put on the record that the claim that the DHS has a process by which members can actually see these facilities, I think is demonstrably false. Eventually, I refused to go because I wasn't going to go and have shackles on my ability actually to do the work that I think members of this committee ought to be able to do. Your responsibility at DHS was heavily in the finance space. The reporting is that El Salvador received about $4.76 million for about 250 third-country nationals, mostly Venezuelans. So on the money side, Transparency International ranks El Salvador very low in the corruption indices, meaning they're bad, not good. The World Report of Freedom House gives El Salvador a zero out of four for whether there are safeguards against official corruption. Did you monitor how the government of El Salvador spent the $4.76 million we gave them in exchange for them taking the 250 Venezuelan prisoners?

No, sir. That money, if you look specifically, was a deal done by the State Department.

Right, so you did not monitor. So we don't know whether it went into Bukele's pocket or where.

Well, there's stipulations. If you look at the two agreements, the diplomatic notes that kind of set the precursor of that and then the follow-up detailed, there was that said that this money was for law enforcement and it said that when the money is spent that there would be a requirement for them to show details of that. And so it seemed to me...

Do you know whether they have done so?

I don't, sir.

All right, well, we'll follow up on that separately. There was an article last year in the Washington Post that I don't think has been refuted, and here's the title of the article and I'd like to introduce it for the record, Mr. Chair. Washington Post dated October 19, 2025, Rubio promised to betray U.S. informants to get Trump's El Salvador prison deal. In the article that was widely reported in other media, well, could I introduce that for the record, Mr. Chair? Could I introduce that for the record?

Without objection.

The article was covered in other periodicals as well, suggest that in exchange for accepting the prisoners, Bukele wanted not only the $4.76 million, but he also wanted the United States to take nine MS-13 members who were imprisoned in the United States and were informants helping the U.S. build a case against MS-13. And President Bukele wanted those prisoners removed from the United States and then taken back to El Salvador. And there were objections within the Justice Department saying this will undercut the case that we're building against MS-13. Were you aware of that aspect of the deal between the United States and El Salvador?

Senator, I was not aware.

I have no further questions.

Thank you. The ranking member here would like to ask some of the other candidates who have not received questions yet some questions. He feels like you're being left out a little bit. So we're going... they're going, darn. [Laughter.] No, so the ranking member is going to pick up some of the questioning, but he's promised me he's going to keep it relatively brief, right?

Do my best. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just first a piece of advice, having done this 15 years, for the folks who are going to go be ambassadors but who are not previous State Department employees. You will have a DCM. Listen. This is not directed at you personally, it's just years of experience. The State Department and the whole process of diplomacy, if you've been successful in business or in policy or in sports or in other ways, there's rules of the road. And folks who are military veterans understand there's certain procedures and rules. Listen to your DCM. There was some really encouraging statements in here, I think it was from Mr. Novelly, about just how impressed you've been with the State Department folks who've helped prepare you for this. To the extent you rely on the career professionals who run the embassy, who support our mission, they're there regardless of who the administration is and regardless of the partisanship here. You're going to be well supported by really good people. I just encourage you to listen to them. Some political ambassadors of both parties have gotten into trouble when they don't listen to the DCM and to how you conduct the leadership of an embassy. So if I could briefly, Mr. Lipton, I've been to the Philippines a number of times, most recently with Senator Ricketts. It is a very active region. We spent half a day flying over the South China Sea and I agree with so much of the issues he raised. The Luzon corridor was a key priority of the previous administration and remains a key priority. What do you think is the single most important thing we can be doing as a nation to push back on malign Chinese influence in the region?

Senator, I'm sorry about that. Senator, thank you very much for that question. China is the bully in the room. My goal would be to confront unlawful Chinese expansion and aggressive behavior. I'll continue to support and compete with China. I'll also work very closely with the Luzon economic corridor. My goal is to bring investments there and to use those investments as a way to combat China.

Just two points of advice then I'll move on. There is, as you noted in your prepared remarks, a very large Filipino diaspora community in the United States. We are blessed by a very strong and deep relationship. Some of the current difficulties around immigration will be borne particularly heavily by the Filipino-American community. And a lot of your work as ambassador will be making sure that we are not mistakenly or inappropriately arresting or deporting people who are here legally, who are Filipino-Americans. And I just commend that to you because it will be felt particularly sharply there. And second, if you haven't already been to the World War II Memorial in Manila, I commend that to you. It's a remarkable place. It is the only U.S. battlefield monument outside the United States where foreign nationals are buried alongside American nationals. And it commemorates the remarkable sacrifice the Filipinos made during our war against Japanese imperialism. And there's a lot to commend the Philippines. You will be serving in a remarkable and dynamic nation. Ms. Roberts, if I might, I was, you are originally from Kazakhstan, is that correct, within the Soviet Union?

Yes, Senator.

I'm thrilled that you've brought your decades of experience as a State Department employee to representing us in Slovenia. What do you think you will be able to do in Slovenia to get them as a NATO ally that is standing up to Russia's aggression, to Putin's brutal war against Ukraine? How do you get them more invested in Pearl? They've already contributed $46 million. They are a part of our NATO security. What do you think is the most important place for expanded opportunities in our partnership with Slovenia?

Thank you, Senator, for this question. Our most important opportunity is engagement. So Slovenia increased its defense spending to 2 percent earlier this year. They've also signaled their strong willingness to increase that number to 3 percent of GDP by 2030. Most prominently, Slovenia maintains troops in NATO's KFOR peacekeeping operations, also in the EU's Althea mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Slovenia also hosts U.S. Army's and U.S. Air Force's units that are stationed in Italy for training on Slovenian training ranges and airbases. Our relationship continues to deepen. We do have some existing programs like our military-to-military exchanges, IMET. So if confirmed, I will continue to use my position to ensure that Slovenia meets its NATO defense spending.

Who's the National Guard state partner with Slovenia?

Colorado.

Colorado. That's been so for 30-plus years. I'll commend to the, I guess not New Zealand, but to El Salvador and the Philippines, one of the most important security partnerships we have across the continent of Africa and around the world are state partnerships between National Guards and countries that, let's just say, where the military needs more clarity about civilian control of the military and the mission and the training and the support is sustained over a very long time through SPP. Mr. Novelly, you mentioned in your testimony that the Cook Islands is of particular interest to you. It is to me as well, and that you'll be engaged in the sustainable development opportunities of their massive seabed resources. Just talk for a minute about how engaging beyond our Five Eyes ally New Zealand, but with the three island nations that you'll be charged with, just talk to me about how you will prioritize that and what are your core issues.

So I'm very proud to be the inaugural U.S. ambassador to both Niue and the Cook Islands. In my briefings, one of the, let's say, biggest shocks I received is to find that most of the world's cobalt comes from the DRC in Africa. And that it's refined in China. And the fact that there is not supply chain management for that. And the fact that the Cooks have opened up their EEZ, expanding from their traditional industry base of tourism to exploitation of their minerals, I see that as an extreme opportunity for the U.S. to be able to play its part in.

They have an astonishing amount of seabed resources, not just cobalt, but lots of critical minerals. I actually was at a bipartisan bicameral dinner last night with administration officials about how we move ahead on critical minerals. It is one of the key challenges we face. And I think there's bipartisan support. There are real concerns about sustainable seabed mining and its potential impact on the environment and I look forward to staying in touch with you about that.

Thank you, Senator, for that statement. If I could address that. I'm so impressed by the cultures in the Pacific Islands and having spent quite a bit of time in the Pacific Islands, the oceans are sacred to Pacific Islanders. So the fact that the Cook Islands believes that they can exploit this in a responsible method, I think, is the proper lens to look at it with as opposed to any lens that we might have.

Thank you. Mr. Garcia, would you be willing to make some time to meet with me and with Senator Booker?

Yes, Senator.

I appreciate your decades of military service to our nation, your interest in the continent and your partnership with AFRICOM. I recently met the new AFRICOM commander, General Anderson, in Munich and was very impressed and actually encouraged. I was the chair of the Africa subcommittee here for several Congresses, have been to 34 countries on the continent, went to college in Nairobi, and have been actively involved in the confirmation of virtually every ambassador we've had over my period. There are enormous issues on the continent. Security issues, humanitarian issues, development issues. Given I've already imposed on the gratitude and support of my friend and colleague here, I'll cut this short. But to Mr. Lipton and to Mr. Garcia, one of the resources as a nation we have long had is disaster response and humanitarian assistance. The Philippines is the number one disaster-impacted country on Earth and abruptly shutting down our disaster and humanitarian response was not well received there. I do think we are working towards rebuilding and sustaining some of it and I think that's something we should not set aside. It is a highly valued capability of the United States that used to be resident at USAID and the abrupt shutting down of that capability, I think, was a tragic mistake. But I look forward to talking with you, Mr. Garcia, about how we meet and prioritize the crisis in Sudan, the ongoing issues in DRC, Rwanda, security in the Horn, security in the Sahel, and unlock the potential of the Lobito Corridor project that I've worked on now for several years.

Thank you, Senator.

Thank you all. I appreciate the opportunity to ask an additional round of questions. And I hope you are relieved to hear that...

Just so you know, that you went so long that actually is like two extra rounds of questions.

I hope you are relieved to hear that I'm now done. Thank you.

And Senator Kaine has requested one more question as well. And this is a question sort of urging consideration for Mr. Novelly. Fascinating background. You and I are both have Missouri roots. I went to Mizzou, Rockhurst High School across the state from St. Louis U. We've never had an NBA owner of a basketball team in Australia before us. And it does point out we still don't have an ambassadorial nominee for Australia, which I think is a real weakness. But I think you bring a lot to the table. I just wanted to urge and then ask you this. We spend a lot of time in this committee and in the Armed Services Committee talking about the Arctic as an area of competition. So we'll talk about the Arctic all the time. We seldom talk about the Antarctic. And my recent trip to Australia shows that there's a lot of reason to be concerned about that. And they, the Australians, I didn't go to New Zealand on the trip, but the Australians said and the folks in New Zealand are very worried about this too. So I would just, you know, ask for your assurance that that would be an area that, A, you would focus on with the government of New Zealand, but also report back to us because again, in Armed Services and in this committee, the mentions of, you know, the Arctic to the Antarctic have to be 100 to one. But I do think this is increasingly an area where we ought to be paying attention and you're giving us information about what's going on and what the concerns of the New Zealand government is would be very helpful to us. I'd ask for your assurance on that.

Absolutely, absolutely.

Great, thank you. Thanks, Mr. Chair.

Thank you, Senator. And thank you again to all of our nominees here today. We appreciate you providing us with the benefit of your testimony and your responses. Before closing, I'd like to ask unanimous consent to add any letters of support the committee has received to the record. Okay, without objection. I will also note for the information of members that the record will remain open until the close of business tomorrow, March 6, including for members to submit questions for the record. Thanks to the committee for this hearing. I appreciate it and we are now adjourned.