Hearings to examine certain pending nominations.

The United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee will come to order. Today we have a panel of five nominees to serve the United States of America. We welcome all of you to our hearing today and your families who are as important as you are, we find out in these jobs. For everyone here in the audience, we welcome you. We have obviously, this is an open hearing and we welcome everyone here, but again, we have zero tolerance in the hearing for anyone who disrupts. And if they do, the usual consequences will apply. But again, thank you all for being here today and particularly to your families. We will start with Mr. Breslow. Confirmed, you will be the first political, non-career appointee to serve as Ambassador to Cyprus, which demonstrates a historic advancement in our relationship with Cyprus. Cyprus is a key partner in the Eastern Mediterranean and a critical crossroads between Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. Today, I hope to hear how you will work with the government of Cyprus on our shared interests in security, trade, energy, and more. Mr. White, your nomination comes at a time when the United States faces threats across multiple regions. In this environment, the U.S. needs to quickly provide weapons and supplies to allies and partners, scale up production, and make sure that our foreign military sales system can work quickly and at scale. The U.S. must remain the partner of choice in an era of intense competition for arms sales and security partnerships. I hope to hear how you plan to work with this committee to vigorously implement President Trump's executive orders to make the items I have identified a reality. Arms sales are often a cornerstone of our strategic alliance and partnership, and we cannot let the bureaucratic process drive our partners toward Russia and China. Mr. Steggerda, our President Trump has made clear that he believes the UN can be reformed and returned back to basics. I too want to see reform, but it must be done in good faith and it must be done in a system-wide with individuals held accountable for its failures. Today we are considering you for the seat at our mission in Geneva, one of the global UN hubs. This position also previously represented the U.S. at the UN Human Rights Council, but now the President Trump has rightfully withdrawn us from this broken institution. It is my hope that you will be able to spend all of your effort reforming the agencies you will work with in Geneva. Mr. Griffith, you have been nominated to serve as both United States Representative to the Vienna Office of the United Nations as United States Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency. If confirmed, you will lead an important portfolio with significant national security considerations for the United States. Anyone who has not visited that office should do so. It is really important to the United States and it is important that it is well led. Following President Trump's call for reform across the UN system, Ambassador Waltz and his team in New York have made real progress and I am looking forward to see the same in your post if confirmed. I also look forward to hearing how you will capitalize on the administration's efforts to ensure the United Nations in Vienna and also in Geneva are worthy of continued American support. Mr. Cassidy, as Ambassador for Cyberspace and Digital Policy, you will lead the Cyber and Digital Policy Bureau's efforts to promote policies that advance American cyber innovation and leadership, work with allies to align technology standards to advance shared interests and counter competitors like China, and bolster ally capacity to respond to cyber threats. You will now also be responsible for CDP's expanded science and tech mission as a result of the recent State Department reorganization. You will play a major role in advancing key Trump administration policies like the AI Action Plan, Tech Prosperity Deals, security of undersea infrastructure, and many others. I look forward to hearing how you will work with your counterparts in the administration to address these threats. Again, thank you to all of our nominees and at this point, I usually turn to the ranking member. She is in a very important meeting that she cannot get out of right now, will be along in a little bit, and if she wishes to make an opening statement either verbally or put in the record, we will take that at that time. In the meantime, Mr. Breslow, let's start with you. Each of you... What's that? Do I get to do an introduction? I didn't know you were going to do an introduction. I'm doing an introduction. You're going to introduce me? No, no, no. I'm going to introduce Mr. Breslow. Please. Great. It gives the ranking member time to get here too. That's true.

Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is my distinct honor to introduce my fellow Nebraskan, my friend and the nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. John Breslow. I would also like to extend a warm welcome to John's family. As we all know, these roles are never taken alone, behind every public servant is a family whose support makes that service possible. And I know John is deeply grateful for their support. Cyprus sits at the crossroads of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa, making it strategically important and an important part for the United States. Adversaries like Communist China are working aggressively to expand their economic and political influence across these regions. Beijing has deepened its footprint in Cyprus through trade, infrastructure, and telecommunications, using economic leverage to shape political alignment within the European Union. This moment calls for strong, experienced leadership. Someone who understands how to navigate complex relationships, defend American interests, and strengthen ties with key partners. John Breslow is that leader. John has built an impressive career spanning business, public service, and philanthropy. He is the former owner and chairman of Linweld Inc., where he led one of the largest industrial gas and welding supply companies in the country. He also served the people of Nebraska as State Auditor from 1991 to 1999, where he earned a reputation for accountability, transparency, and sound financial stewardship. Beyond his professional accomplishments, John has dedicated much of his life to giving back. He has served in leadership roles across numerous charitable and community organizations in Nebraska. His record reflects a deep commitment to service, strong leadership, and the ability to manage complex operations. These are qualities that are essential in this role. As Ambassador to Cyprus, John will play a critical role in strengthening U.S.-Cyprus relations, advancing our security and economic interests, and ensuring that American leadership remains strong in the region where it is increasingly being challenged. I want to thank President Trump for selecting a nominee who brings real-world experience, proven leadership, and a strong understanding of both business and government to this important post. John, your experience, your judgment, your commitment to service make you well suited to this role at this critical time. I look forward to supporting your nomination and I highly urge all my colleagues to support you as well. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Senator Ricketts. Now what we would like to do is hear from each of you for about five minutes. If you have a longer statement, obviously we will put in the record anything you would like in the record, but this is your opportunity to spend about five minutes with giving us your pitch why you should have this job. So we will start, Mr. Breslow, with you.

Thank you, Senator Ricketts, for introducing me. I really appreciate it. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, and esteemed members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus. I thank President Trump and Secretary Rubio for their trust and confidence in me, and I am grateful to this committee for considering my nomination. I was born and raised in Lincoln, Nebraska, a community that instilled in me from an early age a respect for hard work, public responsibility, and the importance of civic life. For more than 50 years, I have been fortunate to share my life with my wife Sonia, who is here behind me today. Together we raised three daughters and we are proud grandparents to five grandchildren, and my youngest daughter is behind me today. Family has been the consistent foundation of my life and the source of perspective that keeps professional responsibilities grounded in enduring values. My professional career was spent primarily in the private sector where I served as owner and chairman of the board of Linweld Inc., which grew into one of the largest industrial gas and welding supply companies in the United States. Building long-term partnerships, principles that translate directly into effective international relationships. Public service has been a defining element in my life. In 1990, I was elected Nebraska State Auditor and honored to be reelected in 1994. In that role, I focused on stewardship, transparency, and the careful management of public resources. In 1998, I ran for the Governor of Nebraska, an experience that further deepened my respect for democratic institutions and the responsibilities entrusted to those who served within them. I have the privilege of serving on numerous civic and nonprofit boards, including Swift Transportation, the Lincoln Human Rights Commission, the Lincoln YMCA Board, and as chairman of the Madonna Rehabilitation Hospital Foundation. These roles strengthen my belief that durable institutions depend on collaboration, mutual respect, and a commitment to the common good. Outside my professional life, I pursued aviation for nearly five decades, flying most recently as a single pilot in a Cessna CJ3 jet. Aviation reinforced discipline, judgment, and respect for systems, lessons equally relevant in public leadership. I am also a automobile enthusiast who believes that craftsmanship is best understood through use and experience. If confirmed, I would bring these experiences and principles to the critical mission of representing America interests in Cyprus. The enduring friendship between the United States and the Republic of Cyprus is built upon a foundation of a mutual beneficial collaboration and a steadfast commitment to peace. Our bilateral relations are rooted in a shared vision for stability and prosperity in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean. Since the December 2018 signing of a statement of intent on bilateral security cooperation and the passage of the Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of 2019, the U.S. and the ROC security relationship has deepened significantly. Through growing economic collaboration and robust security cooperation, the United States continues to strengthen these bonds. This includes training and exercises with the state of New Jersey through the State Partnership Program. Cyprus' strategic importance at the crossroads of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa makes its partnership vital to American interest and to the broader transatlantic community. If confirmed, my first priority will be to protect the safety and security of Americans in the Republic of Cyprus. The ROC has proven a valuable and reliable partner to the United States to assist U.S. citizens evacuating out of crisis areas, including in recent years. Our cooperation is making the region more resilient to dangerous action and keeping Americans safe. Our strong relations have earned the confidence of American companies to establish operations or expand their presence on the island. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to strengthen this partnership, ensuring that our diplomatic efforts translate into tangible benefits for the American people. By advancing trade and investment opportunities, we will make our economies more competitive and our nations more prosperous. Above all, if confirmed, I will carry forward the spirit of collaboration that defines the U.S.-ROC relationship and will continue to champion a Cyprus-led, UN-facilitated effort to unify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality for all Cypriots consistent with relevant UN Security Council resolutions. Our shared ideals and mutual aspirations offer a clear path towards a safer, stronger, and more prosperous future for both nations. If confirmed, I will seek to build a partnership that not only reflects our shared values but also delivers meaningful progress for generations to come. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you, and I welcome your questions.

Thank you, Mr. Breslow. We will get to questions in a bit. First, we will hear from the remainder of the nominees. Mr. White.

Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs. I am honored by this nomination and grateful to President Trump and Secretary Rubio for the confidence they have shown in me. Thanks to my family for their unwavering support. I am joined today by my wife, Adrienne, my son, Fleet, and my parents, Fleet and Priscilla. Special thanks to my parents-in-law, Tommy and Barbara Gomez, for raising a wonderful daughter. And thanks also to my sister, Daphne, who is about to have her first baby or else she would be here too. If confirmed, I would assume responsibility for the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs at perhaps the most consequential time in its history. The Bureau sits at the intersection of diplomacy, security cooperation, and the American industrial base. Its mission is to make sure that our security partnerships and defense trade advance U.S. strategic objectives while strengthening our own readiness and industrial capacity. My career experiences up to this point have prepared me well for this role. I have had the honor of serving in the Bureau since President Trump's inauguration day last year. Prior to joining the State Department, I practiced law as an attorney here in Washington, D.C., and before that, I was a submarine officer in the United States Navy. If confirmed, I would focus on four priorities. First, taking care of the people. The Bureau is home to over 500 full-time staff, military advisers, contractors, and foreign policy advisers assigned to major Department of War commands. Supporting the workforce is the necessary first step to executing the Bureau's critical mission. Second, reforming and accelerating the foreign defense sales process. For years, partners have raised legitimate concerns about the speed and predictability of our system. But thanks to President Trump, we are turning the ship around. The President has directed historic reforms to improve accountability, cut unnecessary bureaucracy, and ensure that the United States remains the partner of choice to reliably and rapidly deliver the best military equipment in the world. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Department of War, Congress, and American industry to implement these reforms and ensure continued American dominance in arms exports. Third, strengthening deterrence by building capable partners who can carry more of the burden for their own security. The President has been clear that peace is preserved through strength. Military strength, economic strength, and strong partnerships that advance our interests. America's alliances and partnerships remain a powerful strategic advantage, but they work best when partners invest seriously in their own defense and contribute to regional stability. Our security cooperation programs, security assistance, and arms transfers should help trusted partners build the capabilities they need to defend themselves, operate alongside U.S. forces, and deter aggression before it starts. Fourth, ensuring that our defense trade and security assistance strengthens the readiness of the American warfighter and our industrial base. Our ability to deter and, if necessary, win conflicts depends on a strong industrial foundation here at home. Strategic arms transfers support domestic reindustrialization through expanding production lines, strengthening supply chains, and ensuring that the United States retains the technological and manufacturing edge required to equip our military. In all of these efforts, Congress is an essential partner. The Bureau's responsibility, from foreign military financing to foreign military sales, depend on close coordination with this committee and with Congress as a whole. If confirmed, I am committed to regular consultation, transparency, and responsiveness to the committee's vital oversight responsibilities. If confirmed, I will approach my responsibilities with humility and a deep respect for the faith that the President, the Secretary, and you have placed in me. Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your questions. the Secretary and you have placed in me. Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your questions.

Thank you, Mr. White. Mr. Steggerda, am I pronouncing that right? I am terrible on pronunciations. Thank you, Mr. White. Mr. Steggerda, am I pronouncing that right? I'm terrible on names. You are, Mr. Chairman. That was perfect.

You are, Mr. Chairman. That was perfect. Thank you. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I am honored, I am very honored to have been nominated by President Trump to serve as the representative of the United States of America to the office of the United Nations and other international organizations in Geneva with the rank of ambassador. I am joined today by my wife, who I believe is sitting directly behind me, Trisha, a neonatal nurse who was working at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia when we met 37 years ago. I am so thankful for her support on this lifelong journey together. Reflecting on the long path from America's heartland that led me here now spanning unfortunately more than six decades, it became clear that the most profound influences in my life occurred during the first two. I was born in April 1965 during a tumultuous time in history on the eve of an expanded military draft for the Vietnam War. And in 1971, our family adopted the first of two Korean children, my sisters, victims in the long aftermath of the Korean War. Coming of age in the 1970s, I remember the fall of Saigon in 1975. Helicopters trying to rescue Americans from rooftops, indelible images from my youth. And I remember the Iranian hostage crisis in 1979 and the failed military mission to rescue them, which dominated the news for 444 days. As my political identity was forming, it appeared to me that America had grown weak, seemingly unable to protect its citizens. In 1982, I applied to the U.S. Naval Academy. I wanted to serve my country and I wanted to do my part in making it strong again. At Annapolis, I studied leadership and obtained an aerospace engineering degree and later as a naval aviator, I had the honor to serve as a Navy F-18 pilot in one of the Navy's most heralded strike fighter squadrons, the VFA-105 Gunslingers. And in 1992, my squadron deployed to the Mediterranean aboard the Kennedy at the start of the Bosnian Civil War. In 1994, I transitioned to the law and over the next 30 years built an investigations practice at the intersection of business, law, and politics with a strong focus in the waste, fraud, and abuse arena, including procurement matters with an international dimension. As a Washington lawyer, I built strong teams and held leadership positions along the way, including chair of a government contracts practice, chair of a government investigations department, and as deputy managing partner for strategic development of a powerhouse law firm with a thousand attorneys and revenues exceeding $1 billion. My leadership, military, political, national security, procurement, investigations, and negotiations experience provide a solid foundation to address the challenges at UN Geneva. And the most fundamental challenge is this. Although the UN was founded with a noble mission to promote peace and security, it has strayed from that core purpose. In Geneva, strong leadership is essential to protecting America's vital interests and advancing a robust UN reform agenda. As the U.S. Ambassador in Geneva, I intend to focus on two overarching priorities. First, I will steadfastly advance the values and interests of Americans and protect our sovereignty across the UN system and international organizations, including by ensuring a level playing field for U.S. businesses. Unfortunately, many Geneva-based organizations, including the specialized and technical agencies which set global standards of great consequence to the American people and our great businesses, have become overtly political with ever-expanding mandates and with growing opportunities for U.S. adversaries to impose their own agendas. I will leverage U.S. influence to ensure that America's voice, expertise, and values stay at the forefront. As my second priority, I will support the ongoing focus on reforms in the UN system. And nowhere is reform more important than in the humanitarian agencies which perform some of the United Nations' most important and critical work and where significant reforms are already underway. And I will also focus as part of the reforms on long-term sustainability issues through compensation reform, which is an unfathomable gap in UN 80 efforts. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the committee, thank you for your consideration. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee to ensure that the U.S. is well represented in this critical Geneva post. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you very much. Appreciate that. Mr. Griffith.

Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of this committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Vienna Office of the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency. I want to thank President Trump for nominating me to serve in this role. I am honored and deeply grateful for the trust and confidence placed in me by the President and the Secretary of State. If confirmed, I would be humbled to represent the United States at some of the world's most consequential multilateral institutions and seek to ensure that every mission we undertake in Vienna delivers a tangible return for the American people and advances American interests. I also want to thank the most important people in my life, my family, without whose love and support I would not be here today. Joining me is my wife, Catherine, and our nine-year-old son, Wells. Their unwavering love, patience, and encouragement give me the strength and purpose and resolve to serve. I would also like to recognize my parents who could not be here today. Through their constant love and encouragement, my mother, Donata, and father, Preston, have instilled in me the values of hard work, service, humility that guide me every day and they continue to inspire me with their courage and resilience, particularly as my father battles ALS, an incurable progressive neurodegenerative disease, with my mother by his side. Lastly, I want to thank my siblings, friends, and colleagues whose support, encouragement, and friendship have sustained me throughout my life and continue to do so. I have been privileged to serve in a number of senior roles across the U.S. government, including at the Department of Energy, the National Security Council at the White House, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, the Department of State during both of President Trump's administrations. Those experiences have prepared me well for the position for which I have been nominated. In all these roles, I have been fortunate to work alongside so many exceptional career public servants, scientists, engineers, and professionals who are among the best in government. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work with them to advance American security, prosperity, and interests. The Vienna-based international organizations address an extraordinary range of important technical issues. Nuclear nonproliferation, outer space governance, export controls, countering illicit drugs, and preventing transnational crime and human trafficking, just to name a few. These are not abstractions. They touch the safety and security of Americans every day. The stakes are exceptionally high. My central commitment, if confirmed, will be straightforward: ensure every one of these organizations advances American values and interests. President Trump said the United States has real potential. I believe that too, but potential is not performance. Many UN bodies, including those in Vienna, have drifted far from their mandates. These organizations must return to their core mandates, making sure that technical bodies stay technical and that political issues are handled in the appropriate forums. In Vienna, this means advancing U.S. priorities of countering illicit drugs, disrupting transnational crime, criminals, and terrorist networks, ensuring nuclear materials do not fall in the wrong hands, and insisting nuclear materials and technologies are used for exclusively peaceful purposes. The United States must help restore discipline, clarity, and credibility to these institutions. An America first approach does not mean stepping back. It means showing up with clarity about our interest and confidence in our values. If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies, our traditional and our non-traditional partners to ensure that Vienna-based agencies reflect the principles we share: transparency, accountability, and respect for sovereignty. These are especially important in the agencies in Vienna covering issues that have real-world implications for Americans every day. The work of the International Atomic Energy Agency is critically important in the areas of nuclear safeguards, safety, security, and peaceful use. This work is essential to U.S. national security interests. If confirmed, I will utilize the expertise of our team and our interagency partners as I engage on these complex matters, ensuring that the IAEA delivers on its core mandate in a way that aligns with U.S. interests. This includes keeping the IAEA focused on holding Iran accountable to its IAEA safeguards, which is a requirement under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. President Trump has been clear: the United States will not allow the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran to destabilize the region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with other missions to support maximum pressure efforts through every available multilateral channel. I will work to strengthen relationships and amplify U.S. messaging on why addressing this threat is so important. Across all this work, accountability is essential. We must uphold the highest standards of transparency, professionalism, and integrity and be prepared to enforce them. If confirmed, I will ensure the Vienna-based organizations deliver for the United States by promoting clear mandates. Thank you, Chairman. I look forward to your questions from the committee.

Thank you, Mr. Griffith. Mr. Cassady.

Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is a profound honor to be nominated by President Trump to serve as Ambassador at Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy. I am deeply grateful for the confidence of President Trump and Secretary Rubio. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee to advance America's leadership in the digital age. America is the world's leading technological power. We achieved that position not by accident, but through a simple and enduring formula: free enterprise, world-class research institutions, strong protection of intellectual property, free speech protection, limited and predictable regulation, and close collaboration between government and the private sector. Economic security is national security. The digital infrastructure that underpins the global economy, from subsea cables and secure telecommunications networks to data centers, semiconductors, and satellites, is now as strategically significant as sea lanes, airspace, and energy routes were in earlier eras. Protecting and strengthening that infrastructure is central to preserving American power and prosperity. We are living through a technological transformation that will fundamentally reorder the global economy. Artificial intelligence, advanced semiconductors, quantum computing, biotechnology, autonomy, robotics, related critical infrastructure, and next generations telecommunications will shape productivity, military power, supply chains, and global standards for decades to come. The nation that leads in innovating, deploying, and securing these technologies will shape the rules of the international system deep into the 21st century. Our competitors are investing heavily, seeking to steal intellectual property, censor or limit free speech, dominate supply chains, and influence global regulatory standards in ways that advantage their systems and disadvantage ours. If digital infrastructure is built on insecure foundations, if trusted vendors are displaced by coercive actors, or if global standards are written without respect to our values, we risk seeding strategic ground. That is unacceptable. That is why cyber and digital diplomacy are indispensable tools of American statecraft. The Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy, or CDP, plays a central role in aligning our diplomacy with our economic and security priorities. CDP works across the interagency and with America's allies to secure supply chains, promote trusted technology, defend an open and interoperable internet, and ensure that international standards reflect democratic values and free enterprise principles. Our diplomacy seeks to keep the global digital economy open for business, ensuring that the innovative engine of the global economy is protected, not constrained by discriminatory regulation, arbitrary data localization requirements, coercive trade practices, or insecure infrastructure dependency. We must build coalitions of trusted partners who share our commitment to secure, resilient, and open digital ecosystems. I am grateful to Congress for authorizing the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy and for your continued oversight and partnership. The stakes in this domain are enormous and sustained bipartisan engagement is essential. It would be the honor of a lifetime to serve in this role. Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your questions.

Thank you, Mr. Cassady, and you actually came in under five minutes, so good job. All right, so now we're going to do a round of five-minute questions and I note that the chairman stepped out to go vote. I think he will be back because I know he's got some questions as well. But I will go ahead and begin and I'll turn over to the ranking member for her questions. First of all, congratulations to all of our nominees and again, thank you to the families who are making it possible for you to be able to serve our great nation. Last year I led a CODEL with Senator Coons and Senator Budd to Taiwan. What stood out to me was a partner that understands the threat from Beijing and is stepping up in a serious way. Under President Lai's whole society resilient initiative, the Taiwanese people are being mobilized to withstand and push back against coercion. At the same time, the government is pursuing meaningful military reforms, including strengthening its reserve forces. Taiwan's legislature is also actively working to increase defense spending with a $40 billion defense budget to meet the scale of the challenges they face. Taiwan is stepping up and they need a partner that is equally committed to their defense. The backlog in U.S. arms deliveries to Taiwan remains a serious problem. Critical systems from HIMARS to anti-ship and Harpoon missiles to howitzers and F-16s have all been delayed for years. As China's threat continues to grow, that kind of delay is unacceptable. Mr. White, my understanding is that these delays stem from both industrial base constraints and inefficiencies in our arms sales process. If confirmed, how would you implement the America first arms transfer strategy to reduce this backlog and accelerate deliveries to Taiwan?

Thank you Mr. Cassady, and you actually came in under five minutes, so good job. All right, so now we're going to do a round of five-minute questions.

Thank you for that question, Senator. As you rightly point out, the president has embarked on an absolutely historic and an aggressive reform of our defense sales when it comes to Taiwan in particular. I point out the president and the secretary's historic $11.1 billion notification of arms sales just last December as an example of the president and the secretary's commitment to ensuring Taiwan sufficient self-defense. When it comes to, you know, the broader presidential reforms, the president really needs to be commended on for the first time taking on kind of all three legs of our defense trade process. When you look at a lot of prior reform efforts, where they failed is not having very sustained high-level attention on all legs of kind of the defense trade stool, if you will. You have the approval process for which Congress and the State Department are a key part. You also have the acquisition and contracting phase, and then you finally have industry's ability to deliver. What makes a lot of the president's most recent reform efforts is that he's addressing all three of those simultaneously by executive action and working in close coordination with Congress in doing so. So when it comes to Taiwan in particular, you know, I would say a lot of the president's reform efforts here are directed towards getting the munitions and a lot of the defensive equipment that Taiwan needs. And if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the committee in ensuring we can do just that.

Great. Well, thank you very much, Mr. White, because actually I believe Congress does have a role here to play. We can treat Taiwan more like a close security partner by placing it in the NATO Plus category, shortening notification timelines and raising thresholds for arms sales for this. I've actually introduced the Porcupine Act with Senator Coons, which does exactly that, puts Taiwan in the NATO Plus category for seven years. Mr. White, do you believe that efforts like the Porcupine Act are necessary to speed up arms deliveries and strengthen deterrence against Communist China? And if confirmed, would you support these kinds of reforms?

Thank you for that question, Senator. Yes, I do agree with that and re-emphasize the United States has a long-standing one-China policy which is dictated and directed by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three joint communiques, and the six assurances. The United States under Secretary Rubio and President Trump is committed to peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. And if confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee on ways that we can ensure we do that.

Are you familiar with the Porcupine Act specifically?

Not specifically, Senator, but I'm happy to work with you.

I would encourage you strongly to take a look at that. Obviously I've got a little bit of personal invested interest in that one since I introduced it. So I'm running out of a little bit of time here on the questions, but can you talk a little bit about the coordinated interagency strategy to dissuade countries from purchasing Chinese weapons? Obviously one of the things we've seen is we're obviously very, we were just talking about our weapons and getting those out. Russia's another one of the big providers, but they're tied up with the war in Ukraine. France is a big provider, but China has been taking advantage of the fact that we've been slow to deliver arms and Russia's been busy. So how can we make sure that our partners out there are not buying Chinese weapons?

Thank you for that question, Senator. The bottom line here is the United States industry makes by far the best weapons in the world and as you rightly point out, we are by far the largest arms exporter in the world. We need to make sure that we get our equipment to the right people on time when we say we will. And export controls like ITAR and other things for which the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs oversees and is responsible should help make it easier to work with our closest partners and not impede that process. And if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and others on this committee to doing that.

Great. Thank you very much, Mr. White.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and congratulations to all of our nominees this morning, and thank you to you and your families and supporters who are here for your willingness to serve. I want to follow up, Mr. White, on Senator Ricketts' questions about Taiwan because Senator Curtis and I led a bipartisan delegation to Taiwan two weeks ago, and we were there to reinforce the positive partnership that the United States and Taiwan have. One of the things we spent some time talking about is the $40 billion defense package that is now going through the Taiwan Yuan, the legislature. But we also talked about the sales, the arms sales that have been approved. As you know, Congress pre-approved roughly $14 billion in arms sales to Taiwan in January. I think Senator Ricketts referenced that a little bit. But so far, we haven't heard from the administration. They haven't submitted a congressional notification on these sales, and it seems to me as we're looking at the President's trip to China next month that it would be a very strong message to send to have Congress be notified that the administration is moving forward on those arms sales. So can you tell us what's holding those up?

Thank you for the question, Senator, and thank you to you and to your staff. It was great to meet with them and to discuss this issue among others. And you know, as you point out, the President, the Secretary take our Taiwan weapon sales very seriously. I think the $11 billion back last December is a testament to that. I believe over the last decade, there's been about $40 billion total in foreign military sales notified to Congress. So in one month to see...

I understand that, but I'm interested in this 14 billion and when that's going to get notified.

Thank you, Senator. It's my understanding that the department doesn't necessarily comment on any potential or future arms sales, largely out of respect to a lot of the tiered review and that informal process. But if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and the committee on what we can do to help get Taiwan the systems it needs for its efficient self-defense.

Okay. So you do commit to advocating for all paused arms sales to Taiwan be done without delay.

Thank you for that question, Senator. You know, if confirmed...

That's a yes or no question.

Yes, I do. I commit to, within my chain of command, to doing just that. Yes.

Thank you. Mr. Breslow, the Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of 2019 repealed restrictions on the transfer of defense articles to the Republic of Cyprus if the Secretary certifies annually that Cyprus continues to cooperate with the United States on anti-money laundering regulations and financial regulatory oversight. Cyprus has met these requirements every year since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is important to continue these efforts, I believe, in part to ensure that Russia can't use Cypriot jurisdiction for sanctions evasion, which we know Russia has had some subversive activities in Cyprus in the past. So if confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing continued progress in Cyprus with respect to money laundering through the implementation of the Financial Action Task Force recommendations?

Thank you for your question, Senator, and also thank you for allowing your staff to meet with me. I learned a lot from them. Yes, I do commit to do that. I think it's very, very important that we continue. I know the Justice Department and the FBI is working on a lot of these issues, and I think it's we need to continue to do it. Cyprus is really worked very hard to to get to the point where bad actors are not are not allowed to do business in Cyprus. And I think they're going to continue doing that, and I'd do everything I can to help that.

Thank you. I appreciate that, and we try and meet with all the nominees, so I appreciate your willingness to meet with our staff. Mr. Cassady, one of the issues that we've been following in Congress has been whether or not we are going to allow high-level semiconductors from NVIDIA to go to China. Do you have a view on that? Because there is we've heard some different some mixed messages coming out of the administration. Should we be providing those chips to China, and what will be the impact if we do?

Senator, thank you for the question, and I again would like to thank you for the opportunity to meet with your staff. I certainly believe that this administration is seeking to balance very important competing considerations as it relates to both economic prosperity and national security, and if confirmed, that will be an issue that I dig very deeply into. I haven't had the benefit of I think being briefed at a classified level on many of those topics, and so while I don't have a strong point of view on that topic yet, certainly I will very quickly develop one.

Well, I hope I hope you will have a strong view because what we have heard in some briefings is that if we provide those high-level chips, it gives China a real jump start in terms of the industry in ways that they don't currently have and won't have unless we're providing them those chips. So I hope you will look into that if you're approved. Thank you.

Thank you, Senator. I've got a couple of questions, then we'll go over here. Mr. White, foreign military sales are always an issue. Obviously, the the system is somewhat cumbersome, probably by necessity because of the shared responsibility of the first branch of government and the second branch of government. And the way it works, coming out after Congress appropriates the funds, and then obviously the administration, you guys make a decision, I guess it's Defense probably makes a decision, White House makes National Security makes a decision, then you guys get a shot at it, then it comes to us. Myself, Senator Shaheen, and our counterparts on the other side. We, at least I speaking for my own operation, we see these every lots of them all the time every day. And I've got a system of going through them that that I think is pretty good. But having said that, man, we get a lot of complaints about about foot-dragging and what have you. And so I'm in in my system, if if it is anything short of run-of-the-mill and there's any kind of a review that's necessary, it comes to the top of the pile to me and I deal with it within 24 hours. For whatever reason, before it gets to us, the first branch of government doesn't seem to have the same sense of urgency. First of all, I'd I'd urge you to take a look at that and see what you can do with it, and then secondly, your thoughts.

Thank you for that question, Chairman. You rightfully point out that our allies and partners for many years now have rightly criticized the delays within our system. I it is a testament to President Trump and Secretary Rubio for embarking on a truly historic reform effort along these lines. There have been no less than five executive orders really targeted to these defense trade reform issues. I'd like to highlight a few. Back right at the beginning of President Trump's second term, he put out an executive order on reforming defense sales for speed and accountability, and on the same day also put out another executive order on reforming our acquisition process. And then in January of this year, he put out another executive order on protecting US warfighter in defense contracting, and then most lately, he's put out an executive order on establishing an America First arms transfer strategy. When you look at all of those together, you're seeing really for the first time a president that right out the gate of his administration is tackling all legs of our defense trade. That that includes, as you rightly point out, the approvals process, which is too slow and where most reform efforts are focused. But the President is really looking at those those parts of our defense trade that take years, not necessarily weeks or months. I mean, you rightly point out shaving off 24 hours is huge, but when we look at a lot of our acquisition system and then industry's ability to deliver, to see the President tackle those issues as well is really where we're going to see a lot of a lot of change where we're actually delivering to allies and partner in a timely manner. You're absolutely right. We do need to focus on on kind of that front end, the approvals process. But as I've told some of your staff, the it is not Congress that's the problem here really, and it is oftentimes not even the US government more broadly and our kind of slow approvals process. It really is those other parts. It's the acquisition and contracting and then industry's ability to deliver. President Trump absolutely has acknowledged that there are that there's room and room for improvement here, and it's not going to happen overnight, but he really is turning the ship around.

Well, I first of all concur with that. The ship has been turned around to a degree. But again, it is one of the things we get complaints on, and we try to move our end as quickly as possible on even on a bipartisan basis to get get those done. So we urge you to continue to focus on those. Mr. Griffith, I think one of the most important things that you're going to do is keep an eye on the IAEA, the International Atomic Energy Agency. I visited that agency some years back, and I was aghast. I wasn't there very long, but I'll tell you, it didn't take me long to figure out those guys had no idea what they were doing and how disorganized they were and carrying out a function that is incredibly important to the world. Under the new leadership they have, it is very different than that. But having said that, I want to stress to you that you need to keep one eye on that agency awake and looking at them at all times because I'm telling you, what they do there is incredibly important. Obviously, a lot of it has to do with Iran and has for recent decades, but it isn't just Iran. Now it's with the other things that are going on with China and other people that test that shouldn't be testing. So I don't know how familiar you are with the agency or what they do or don't do, but your thoughts on that.

Yes. Thank you, Chairman. I appreciate your that information, and I am familiar with the agency. I was at the Department of Energy in the first Trump administration, the White House National Security Council, and other senior roles. I agree there's a lot of work to be done. I'm a worker. I like to really get engaged with the very talented career civil service officers and foreign service officers, the technical experts and nuclear scientist to make sure that we're carrying out the mission of the IAEA and US advancing US interests and ensuring that they are, you know, doing their job in making the world more safe from non-proliferation risk, but also advancing the peaceful use of energy as well. So if I should be confirmed, you have my commitment to work with you and this committee in doing that.

Well, I appreciate that. And I'll tell you how I did it. I might suggest you do it. I walked in there and I said, what do you guys do here? And I let them have at it. And I'll tell you what, it didn't take long to figure out they had they had a mission, there's no question about it, but but they had no handle on on actually executing that mission. So I'd get over there and dig into it, although I will tell you this, I'm I'm very satisfied with the guys that are running it now. That that could change, as you know, in the immediate future. So keep at it. Senator Van Hollen.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations to all of you. And Mr. Griffith, I'm going to pick off pick up where the chairman left off. I also visited the IAEA years ago, and I was actually impressed with the depth of technical experience they had and with the US team. And I think the US team did a darn good job making sure the IAEA was doing what it was supposed to do. Now, as you know, the administration, President Trump, started the war in Iran in part because he says he doesn't want Iran to have a nuclear weapon, and nobody wants Iran to have a nuclear weapon. But the truth is we had an agreement to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapon. It was the JCPOA, and it had had very strict oversight requirements that were monitored by the IAEA. You're familiar with those? Yeah. So we may disagree about the agreement itself, the JCPOA, and whether it accomplished its intended result. But you would agree with me that Iran complied with the terms of the JCPOA, right?

Apologies. Thank you for your question, Senator. I am familiar with the JCPOA. I am I was in the administration, the first administration when the president withdrew the United States because it didn't go far enough and I fully support...

So I just want it was a more narrow question, Mr. Griffith. I said I don't want to argue about the JCPOA and its terms. What I want you to tell me is whether you agree, like the IAEA did, that Iran was complying with the terms of the JCPOA. Were they or were they not?

Thank you, Senator. So as I understand it, there was some questionable there was some uncertainty whether they some of their undeclared activities, which were happening pre the JCPOA, were actually in compliance.

Right. So, Mr. Griffith, I I really if you were at the White House during this period of time and you were doing energy issues, you should know that the Trump administration, US government, when Trump was in the White House the first time, certified that Iran was in compliance with the JCPOA. They did it every 90 days since it began in 2016 overall and twice under the first Trump administration until the president withdrew in 2018. Are you familiar with the fact that the Trump administration certified it compliant twice?

I I I believe so. I cannot I cannot recall, Senator.

Well, I just think it's important that you know that as you go to the IAEA because there were very intrusive measures. Iran was found to be in compliance by them and by two US administrations, including the Trump administration, before Donald Trump tore it up and here we are now in a war that the president decided to start, which would never have started if we had just extended the JCPOA. Mr. White, you're a lawyer, right?

Yes, Senator. Thank you for the question.

And you served in the Navy?

Yes.

Thank you. Thank you for your service. And so you know the law of war, right?

Thank you for the question, Senator. It's I'm loosely familiar with it. I I'm not a practitioner or anything, but...

Okay. Well, you've been in charge of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau since the beginning of the administration, right? You're the de facto leader. Is that right?

I actually I I've been in the bureau since the beginning of this second Trump administration. I actually didn't start in the the senior bureau official role until the end of September of last year.

End of September last year. Okay. And so part of your job is to ensure compliance with the existing conventional arms transfer policy, the CAT policy, right?

Yes.

Okay. And under that policy, each sale must take into account the risk that the transfer may contribute to violations of international humanitarian law, right?

Yes, Senator. That is correct. Among other things, that is part of the CAT policy.

And and so are you aware that Israelis Israel's Minister of Defense Katz said, and I'm quoting, all homes in Lebanon, all homes in Lebanese villages near the border will be destroyed in accordance with the Rafah model. Are you familiar with that?

Thank you for the question, Senator. I'm not familiar with that specific quote. No.

Well, I I hope you'll look into it because Rafah was literally wiped out. It was a town that was wiped out. And so it's concerning to me that you and your colleagues apparently did not look at these questions when you decided to advance the most recent batch of weapon sales to the Netanyahu government. Mr. Chairman, I just want to close with Mr. Mr. Breslow. Congratulations on your your nomination. I've had a long time interest in Cyprus, both in terms of our bilateral relationship, also our ongoing efforts to try to reunify the island after the the Turkish invasion back in 1974. I heard the chairman's opening comments. There was one previous political appointee in the 1980s. I happened to be a staff member on this committee when they were nominated, they had their hearing, and that did not go so well in Cyprus, which is one of the reasons we've had career folks who really understand the history of Cyprus. So I have a different view of the decision to send a political appointee to Cyprus. I will say that my colleague Senator Rosen, we we were talking and she assured me that you were somebody who would really dig into this and take it seriously despite your lack of prior connection to Cyprus. So I will end with a very simple question. Will you commit to keeping myself and the members of this committee informed on a regular basis if necessary as to what your activities will be in Cyprus?

Thank you for the question. Absolutely. I think it's a big part of my responsibility to not only inform this committee, but also the the Secretary of State and and the president about what's going on. Everybody in the United States needs to know, and I appreciate your your thoughtful feelings about Cyprus. I think it's a great country.

Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I agree with you.

Senator Cruz.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Griffith. It goes without saying that the most immediate national security concern for the United States is the conflict with Iran. Every one of the nominees at the table today is somehow implicated by it, whether it be issues of security cooperation or cyber vulnerability or even the regime's attack on Cyprus. As you know, the core of the conflict in Iran is is Iran's drive to build a nuclear weapons arsenal. Iran's regime is built on their pledge to eradicate America, and I believe that they would absolutely use such an arsenal to try to achieve that goal. President Trump has shown generational courage and determination in ending the threat that Iran poses to us. His basic demand is for Iran to stop enriching uranium. Iran does not need to enrich ever. The only motive for doing so is to keep alive their nuclear weapons program. But pro-Iran activists and advocates say that Iran has a quote unquote right to enrich under the NPT. It's something we hear all the time. In just the last few days, we've we've seen that it's been said by Iranian regime officials, Russian officials, and even the Wall Street Journal. Of course, that claim is complete fiction. There is no such right under the NPT. No US administration has ever acknowledged such a right, and in any case, Iran specifically is not a member of the NPT in good standing. Talk a little bit about this controversy and specifically the claim that Iran has a right to enrich.

Thank you, Senator, for your question. Part of the the grand bargain with the NPT was high standards of safety, security, non-proliferation, but also to, you know, unleash the atom for peace. And I so I think there is a right if when you're in compliance with the non-proliferation the standards from the NPT for civil nuclear peaceful use. And I think the, you know, the president's been clear, Iran is not going to be allowed to have a cannot be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. So if confirmed to this role, I will continue the max to support the administration's policies, advance and work with the other UN missions as well, but to keep holding Iran accountable for their non-compliance with the NPT, their safeguards agreement, and and continue that maximum pressure and enforcement of the sanctions, the snapback sanctions on them from the UN Security Council.

Well, and let's let's try to be clear and unequivocal. Do you agree that Iran has zero right to enrich under the NPT?

I I agree with the president that Iran cannot be he's been clear, cannot have nuclear weapons, and I and will support those efforts and I think that's as well and and I think we cannot trust Iran to be able to enrich personally, in my personal opinion.

Okay, Mr. Griffith, you need to sharpen that answer. I recognize Foggy Bottom has a way of teaching people not to answer things yes and no, and clarity is helpful, particularly in the role to which you've been nominated. Mr. White, staying on Iran but shifting to the Near East. I want to ask you about the ongoing talks between Israel and Lebanon. Under the Obama and Biden administration, security assistance was politicized and often turned against our allies and even on behalf of our adversaries. If confirmed, you would be charged with aligning our security assistance with American national security interests. In Lebanon, we have given billions of dollars over the years to Lebanese forces. We've even paid for their individual salaries. President Trump has made unprecedented progress in securing deals involving Lebanon. Just this week, there was a conference right here in Washington between the United States, Israel, and Lebanon. But the Lebanese government has refused to meet its obligations to disarm Hezbollah. Instead, our Israeli allies have been pushing ahead on an offensive to do what the Lebanese government won't, to eradicate the threat posed by Hezbollah. Of course, the Iranian regime is desperate to save Hezbollah. They have sought to link a ceasefire in the Gulf with a ceasefire in Lebanon. They want to save Hezbollah. I believe we must firmly reject any such link for exactly that reason. But let me ask you this. In your judgment, why have we spent billions of dollars building up the Lebanese state if they're considered a part of Iran and more specifically the Iran conflict?

Thank you for the question, Senator, and thank you to you and your staff for meeting yesterday and even this morning on these very pressing issues. I'm not fully involved or read into a lot of the talks that are happening right now, but you rightfully point out many concerns that I understand that the President and the Secretary have when it comes to the Lebanese Armed Forces' ability to disarm Hezbollah. And let me begin also by pointing out that the security relationship with Israel is ironclad. The President and the Secretary have been clear on that. I imagine that a large part of the security prior security assistance going to Lebanon has been in the in the hopes that that the Lebanese Armed Forces in particular would be able to help in disarming Hezbollah on behalf of the Israelis. If confirmed, I look forward to working with with you and this committee to ensure that we preserve and protect Israel's qualitative military edge among other things. This really feeds directly into that. So if confirmed, I look forward to working with with you and your staff on this important issue. Thank you for the question, Senator. And thank you to you and your staff for meeting yesterday and even this morning on these very pressing issues. I'm not...

Thank you.

Thank you, Senator Cruz. Senator Rosen.

Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Shaheen, for holding this important hearing. Thank you to everyone here today for your willingness to serve and to Breslow, Mr. Breslow and your family, so good to see you again and really appreciate your willingness to step forward. So we're going to start with you, Mr. Breslow. It as I said, it's good to see you again. So as you know, over the past decade, the U.S. has developed an increasingly fruitful security relationship with Cyprus. The U.S. helped fund the construction of a regional training hub, the Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas and Port Security, or affectionately known as CYCLOPS. This serves as a training center where our partners learn to detect and address the threats posed by smugglers seeking to sneak conventional weaponry, biological weapons, and even radioactive material through our seaports or airports or through Cyprus seaports and airports, excuse me. So since its inception, CYCLOPS has proven itself to be a resounding success, building partner capacity, supporting our regional security interests. So Mr. Breslow, if confirmed, do I have your commitment that you'll continue to work with me to ensure the U.S. continues its support for CYCLOPS?

Thank you for your question, Senator. Absolutely. I've read a lot about it and how they work with the state of New Jersey and do a lot of training, and I think it's very, very important and other countries are also participating. And so I would be more than happy to work with you and this committee and anybody else to continue that great program.

Thank you. Really appreciate that. I'm going to move on now to the IAEA presence in Iran. We got a little bit going on over there too. So this one's for you, Mr. Griffith. I've always believed that Iran's nuclear ambitions and program, of course, are a threat not just to the region, but also to the globe. Which is why they can, of course, never be allowed to have a nuclear weapon. I think everyone here is in agreement on that. We've said it over and over again. So while last year's 12-day war may have seriously damaged Iran's nuclear program, it's clear it wasn't totally obliterated. The President claimed that. And so to that end, I'm concerned that an exclusively kinetic strategy will not fully curb Iran's nuclear ambitions. We need a diplomatic solution that will translate tactical military gains into durable political end state. So Mr. Griffith, yes or no, do you think military means alone are sufficient to fully prevent Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon?

Thank you, Senator, for your question. I have if I I...

Yes or no, because I have some I only have a few minutes and I have different questions based on your answer. Do you think military means alone?

I'm not in the position right now in the role. I'm not fully briefed in on everything. I would defer to the President and his national security team on those decisions.

Well, if you would have answered yes, I would have asked you this. Can you then explain why the nuclear threat from Iran persists even after the President said that we completely obliterated Iran's nuclear program last year? And do you think bombing Iran's nuclear facilities every six months is a tenable strategy to prevent the regime from acquiring a nuclear weapon? If you would have said yes. If you would have said no, because you wouldn't want to answer, which is you're here to answer our questions. We have a responsibility. I'm on Armed Services and Foreign Relations to our military, to our country, to safety security of the world. And so if you would have said no, I would have been really glad to hear that. Because if confirmed, what future role, if any, do you would you envision the IAEA playing to address the verification and monitoring of Iran's nuclear program should a nuclear agreement be reached? So you were not able to answer that. Maybe we'll come have you come back and see if you can answer it later. I want to move on to Mr. White and talk about the Sahel. So Mr. White, the administration has initiated diplomatic outreach to the ruling military juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. They've lifted Russian military-related sanctions on top Malian defense officials, excuse me, and floated increased security cooperation to counterterrorist groups in the region. So Mr. White, what types of U.S. security cooperation, if any, would you advise offering to military juntas in the Sahel and under what conditions, if any? And how would you approach counterterrorism assistance in the region where some governments have exhibited anti-Western behavior while simultaneously facing terrorist threats? So this is important. I chair Ranking Member on the Counterterrorism Subcommittee. Appreciate your answers.

Thank you for that question, Senator. I will point out just kind of broadly when it comes to our security assistance and foreign assistance in general, the Secretary and the President have directed us at the State Department to to make sure that everything we do makes America safer, stronger, more prosperous. That is our guiding principle.

But what I'm asking you about the Sahel. Does this we know that when terrorists are going infiltrating other countries around the world, embedding themselves there, that probably makes us a little less safe, wouldn't you think? So could you just address issues in the Sahel where I've spoken about? I understand the President's policies.

Yes, absolutely. Absolutely. When it comes to giving assistance to juntas in particular, I mean, I think there there are some you know, some legal restraint constraints around things like that. So of course, if confirmed, I would I'd have to kind of examine those sorts of of issues. But but you rightfully point out that the President and the Secretary are committed to a counterterrorism agenda and if confirmed, look forward to working with you and your staff on on how we can we can pursue those those means using security assistance and other other tools.

And I said security cooperation, which is maybe different than assistance. So thank you.

Thank you, Senator Rosen. Senator Kaine.

Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thanks to the witnesses. Mr. White, I want to I want to talk to you. I understand you are a submariner.

Yes, sir. Thank you for the question.

What was the what was the boat you were on?

I was on the USS Olympia out of Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, Los Angeles class.

Excellent. Well, I'm going to ask you a sort of a submariner question because the Pol-Mil Bureau is responsible for processing licenses of defense exports and third-party transfers. And within the AUKUS framework, and this committee has been supportive of that in a bipartisan way, a lot of items have been deregulated to speed transfers between the partners. The U.S. does maintain an excluded technology list that still requires licensing for transfer some of these technologies to Australia and the UK. If confirmed, just describe kind of how you would approach the balance between safeguarding our most significant technologies while also strengthening the partnership.

Thank you for that question, Senator, and thank you to you and your staff for the the opportunity to talk about this and other issues. The President has been very clear. The United States government is full speed ahead on AUKUS. If confirmed as the Assistant Secretary for Political-Military Affairs, you point out, I will be in charge of a lot of the kind of more pillar two aspects of of the AUKUS framework, including the ITAR exemption for the UK and Australia, which thanks to Congress has been a huge success. Where I think my understanding is we're approaching about 1,000 authorized users in the UK and Australia. It really is an example of what we can do maybe more broadly in in our defense reform space, but specifically for the UK and Australia, our closest allies, it really has been a huge success. My understanding is that about 80 percent of all defense trade between those between the UK and Australia is currently covered by the license exemption. So that means that if you're an authorized user, you don't have to come to the State Department for a license. Now that remaining 20 percent that is really included on the excluded technologies list, understand the NDAA has directed the U.S. government to take a hard look at that. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the Department of War in order to pair that down. I completely agree and the President and the Secretary agree that we really need to be full steam ahead on AUKUS here. So if confirmed, I do want to look for ways that we can improve the AUKUS framework and the good way to do that is with the UK and Australia ITAR exemption.

I think that that's what I was hoping to hear and I'm confident that you will do that. And I like the fact that you mentioned it's a little bit of an example. If we get this right, if we get the balance right with Australia and the UK, there isn't any reason that this couldn't be a template for other nations that we have the same degree of confidence in their both capacity and their, you know, ability to protect critical technology. So I appreciate that you're looking at it not only as an AUKUS focused initiative but also what it might teach us long run in terms of how we deal with allies. I have just one other question and that is this. In mid-March, the Trump administration used an emergency determination under the AECA to expedite arms sales to the UAE, Jordan, and Kuwait without congressional review. Now traditionally this these kinds of transfers require a congressional review. There's some circumstances where speed time is of the essence and so I think there's sort of an understanding here that in those instances things can happen even before congressional review. But many of the items in this particular sale are going to take years to deliver to the countries. So do you know why was there an emergency authority used and how do you assess this question of bypassing Congress on a transfer that is not likely to happen for a number of years?

Thank you for that question, Senator. And if confirmed, I commit to absolutely looking to Congress for your vital oversight responsibilities, including the informal tiered review process. And it is my understanding that with a lot of these emergency notifications, that some of them were already part of the tiered review process. So you're right, some of them might not have been, but as a general rule, the Secretary laid out a detailed explanation of the specific emergencies for each of those notifications. But I would say broadly here, the United States government and the President and the Secretary have been clear that we are going to expedite to the max extent possible to our allies and partners in the region that have been affected by Epic Fury and that are working closely, including a lot of our bases in the region, in support and defense of our U.S. service members that are there. So my understanding is that a lot of this emergency notification, which is all in accordance with the Arms Export Control Act, was driven by a lot of the circumstances on the ground. Some of the equipment, is my understanding is some of the equipment has already actually been delivered. So in many or gotten onto contract. So actually having that time did make a difference in some cases. In those cases where sure, it might take years, which is a broader problem, but in many cases that is a signal to our allies and partners in the region that have been impacted by Iran's aggression in Epic Fury.

Well, I'll just conclude and say we've got a good chair and ranking, and we have had during my entire tenure here, whatever the partisan lineup. And I think they take this seriously. So when they get the notifications, they don't sleep on them. They take them seriously. If it's something that does have to go ASAP because of a defense exigency, we get that. But on items that are not going to be transferred for a while, I would just really urge you to kind of stick to the plan, get the notification to the key officials. And if they're not being quick enough, then you can share that and we can get better. But I think that they've generally done a pretty good job of being prompt, and I would just encourage you to kind of honor that, please.

Senator Kaine, before you got here, we had a spirited discussion about the delays that happen and whose fault it is. But look, I have in there's four of us, obviously, in Congress that can say yea or nay. I have a very robust way of handling those. The administration is doing a lot better. As you know, we get complaints all the time about this. And it's not right. We're continuing to work on that. I think everybody's committed to do that. I know Senator Shaheen and I have worked together on these things and haven't had any problems at all. So thanks for bringing it up. Senator Shaheen.

Well, yes, and I would reiterate what Senator Risch just said and what I find really frustrating is that there are a lot of people around Capitol Hill who blame this committee and those of us who have to sign off on those notifications for the problem. And we are not the problem. It's the industrial base that's the problem, sad to say. So I hope that you will make an effort to correct the misinformation on that. I have just one final question for Mr. Steggerda. Did I pronounce that correctly?

That was perfect, Ranking Member Shaheen.

Wait a minute. Senator Risch said it was perfect when he did, and it was different than when she said it. Senator Risch instructed me.

I will take your pronunciation. Thank you.

Before I ask my question, I just wanted to point out to both you and Mr. Griffith that we had a very informative hearing yesterday with Ambassador Walls and Ambassador Bartos. And if you have not watched that, I hope you will do that if you are confirmed because I think it's very instructive of how we can approach changes at the UN in ways that actually mean that it's more effective and efficient without denigrating some of the good work that's been done. And on that point, one of the things that I raised yesterday that I want to raise with you, Mr. Steggerda, is the U.S. withdrawals from international organizations in Geneva. Many of those international organizations are responsible for setting global standards. And what we're doing in withdrawing is leaving the playing field to China, really, because it's China who's been coming in behind us and who is making the decisions. We're seeing that in terms of the global diplomatic footprint that China has around the world, which we are not keeping up with. We're seeing it in terms of personnel at the UN where our personnel has declined and China's has increased. And it's all done in a way that gives China the ability to and the PRC the ability to make decisions when we are not at the table. So I know that there's this assessment going on right now about which organizations we should continue membership in and which we may want to withdraw from. So are there any particular organizations that you are advising the that you would advise the Trump administration that we should withdraw from and why, or stay in and why?

Thank you, Ranking Member Shaheen. And thank you for the opportunity to meet your staff. We had an exhaustive discussion. Positive, I'm sure. And I also very much appreciated the chance to read the minority report a couple of weeks ago. I think the depth of the study on China's strategic pursuits was really informative, and I think it's going to be helpful for me to continue to have that in mind if I'm confirmed and I make it to Mission Geneva. In terms of China, it's not news to this committee that it presents a tremendous strategic challenge. And in Geneva, from my study, from my meetings to date, the preparations that I've already been undertaking, it's pretty clear that their pursuit of their strategic goals is pervasive, ranging from things like declaring themselves a developing country and the so-called leader of the G77, trying to get Chinese technology embedded into international standards and the STAs, trying to get Chinese nationals into the system, including in leadership positions. I do understand the process of withdrawal as we try to get the UN reoriented back towards its core mission. But in terms of undermining an ability to counter China's pursuit of its strategic interests, I'm hopeful that it won't affect our ability to do that. I can tell you that I will be focused on that should I be confirmed by the committee, and I'll keep that in mind. But thank you for the question.

Well, thank you. And so should I assume that you don't have any organizations in mind now that you would recommend that we withdraw from?

Thank you, Ranking Member Shaheen. I don't personally. I know there's an ongoing review. I have a sense of how they're approaching it with the diligence and care that the process demands, given the kind of the broader goals. Obviously, I'll know more when if and when I get into the position. I'll be happy to continue to collaborate with the committee on both sides. But as of this second right now, I don't have a list of potentially other organizations that are on a potential list for withdrawal.

Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Thank you, Senator Shaheen. Now with that, we'll conclude the hearing. And I'm going to include in the record any letters of support or otherwise that we have received regarding these nominations. Also note for the information of the members of the committee, the record will remain open until close of business tomorrow, April 17th, for members to submit questions for the record or other matters for the record. If you get a question, we'd appreciate you get to it as soon as possible. With that, again, thank you to all of you. Thank you to your families for your willingness to serve. With that, committee's adjourned.