Key Takeaways
- •Following the expiration of the New START Treaty, the administration announced a shift toward a trilateral arms control framework that must include China alongside Russia to be effective.
- •Thomas G. DiNanno (Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security, U.S. Department of State) testified that the 2025 reorganization consolidated security functions to streamline arms sales and modernize antiquated non-proliferation regimes.
- •Sen. Cruz (R-TX) pressed DiNanno on a State Department statement supporting the Chagos Archipelago transfer, noting it directly contradicted President Trump’s public opposition to the deal.
- •While Republicans prioritized nuclear modernization, Sen. Van Hollen (D-MD) and Sen. Merkley (D-OR) criticized the administration for bypassing congressional review on arms sales and lowering nuclear safeguards for Saudi Arabia.
- •The administration will participate in the upcoming NPT Review Conference while seeking legislative relief to implement ITAR reforms and Pillar 2 of the AUKUS security partnership.
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Hearing Analysis
Overview
This hearing addressed the fundamental reorganization of the U.S. Department of State’s international security functions and the shifting landscape of global arms control. Following the July 2025 consolidation of the "T family"—the Office of the Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security—the discussion focused on the transition from bilateral to multilateral nuclear frameworks following the expiration of the New START Treaty. The hearing occurred against the backdrop of recent military operations in Iran, including "Operation Midnight Hammer" and "Operation Epic Fury," and highlighted the challenges of managing a "multipolar nuclear landscape" involving near-peer competitors in Russia and the People's Republic of China.
Key Testimony & Policy
Thomas G. DiNanno, Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security, testified on the expanded role of the T family, which now oversees five bureaus including Arms Control, International Security and Nonproliferation, and Political-Military Affairs. He emphasized that the expiration of the New START Treaty in February 2026 marked the end of an era of bilateral constraints that, in the administration's view, only limited the United States while allowing Russia to modernize its theater-range arsenal. DiNanno argued that any future agreements must include China, which is currently on track to reach nuclear parity with the U.S. by 2030.
A significant portion of the testimony focused on the AUKUS partnership between the U.S., the United Kingdom, and Australia. DiNanno highlighted efforts to streamline International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) and the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) to facilitate technology transfers. He noted that the administration has already reclassified Tier 1 Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) as manned aircraft under MTCR to ease exports to allies. Additionally, the hearing touched upon the "America First" arms transfer strategy, which aims to jumpstart the U.S. defense industrial base by reducing regulatory barriers for foreign military sales (FMS).
The witness also discussed the pursuit of Section 123 nuclear cooperation agreements, noting that five such agreements have been struck recently with nations including Bahrain, Hungary, South Korea, and Armenia. Much of the policy debate centered on a pending 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia. Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) expressed concern that the proposed deal might lack the "gold standard" requirements—specifically the prohibition of domestic enrichment and reprocessing and the adoption of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Additional Protocol—which could trigger a regional proliferation race.
Notable Exchanges & Partisan Dynamics
Partisan friction emerged regarding the administration's use of emergency authorities to bypass congressional review for arms sales. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH) criticized the recent $16 billion in sales to Middle Eastern partners, arguing that the lack of a clear strategy in the war against Iran was depleting U.S. interceptor stockpiles. Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) pressed DiNanno on whether these transfers complied with the Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) policy regarding international humanitarian law, specifically concerning the transfer of 20,000 bombs to the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
A sharp exchange occurred between Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-NV) and DiNanno regarding the potential resumption of explosive nuclear testing at the Nevada National Security Site (NNSS). Sen. Rosen highlighted the historical damage to "downwind" communities and argued that subcritical testing and advanced modeling are sufficient to maintain the stockpile. DiNanno countered that Russia and China are currently testing "at yield" underground, creating an "intolerable disadvantage" for the U.S., though he clarified that atmospheric testing is not under consideration.
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) confronted DiNanno over the Chagos Archipelago, criticizing a State Department statement that appeared to support the United Kingdom transferring the islands to Mauritius. Sen. Cruz argued this would jeopardize the strategic base at Diego Garcia and give China leverage in the Indian Ocean, citing a recent social media post from President Trump that explicitly opposed the deal. DiNanno maintained that the administration's priority is preserving Diego Garcia as a forward operating base and suggested the delegation to Mauritius had not actually proceeded.
Organizations Mentioned
- United States Department of State: Recently reorganized its "T family" bureaus to consolidate arms control, counterterrorism, and political-military functions under one Under Secretary. - AUKUS: A trilateral security partnership discussed as a primary vehicle for submarine industrial base investment and a "canary in the coal mine" for ITAR regulatory reform. - Nvidia Corporation: Mentioned regarding the export of H200 AI chips to China and the challenges of preventing diversion to the Chinese military through civil-military fusion. - International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA): Cited as the essential body for verifying nonproliferation standards in Iran and potential nuclear partners like Saudi Arabia. - North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): Discussed in the context of Russian aggression in Europe and the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons to Belarus. - United States Department of War: Collaborates with State on the "Executive Council" to modernize the defense industrial base and oversee nuclear modernization programs like the B-21 bomber. - Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI): Referenced for its assessments on Iran’s nuclear enrichment capabilities and Russia’s development of anti-satellite nuclear weapons.
What's Next
The committee anticipates the upcoming Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference scheduled for next month, where the U.S. plans to address the modernization of antiquated regimes like the Nuclear Suppliers Group and the Australia Group. Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-NE) announced plans to introduce the Multilateral Alignment of Technology Controls on Hardware (MATCH) Act to harmonize export controls on semiconductor manufacturing equipment with allies. Furthermore, the administration expects to make announcements regarding "Pillar 2" of the AUKUS agreement and the potential signing of the Section 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia.
Transcript
The United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee will come to order. This morning we have an interesting agenda and before we do we want to welcome all our guests, the public, we're glad to have you always. We do have a zero tolerance policy for interruptions or attempt to communicate, but other than that, we're glad to have you, glad to have you here and glad to have everybody's participation. I'm going to give an opening statement, yield to the ranking member who will do so, and then we'll hear from our witness and after that we will open it up to a round of questions. So, Mr. Under Secretary, thank you so much for being here today to discuss an incredibly important issue and that's arms control. A timely issue given the President's actions in Iran to address a near nuclear capable adversary which one could argue is indeed arms control. The military action in the Middle East has highlighted what the United States must do to protect the American people from the imminent threat of an adversary and the danger of nuclear weapons in the wrong hands. As we all know, having nuclear weapons in the wrong hands is very, very dangerous for the entire planet. President Trump has rightly taken care of the Iranian nuclear capabilities, but as you know, Iran is not the only country of concern. We are now for the first time in a multipolar nuclear landscape. It is a landscape where the U.S. is facing two nuclear near peer competitors in Russia and China in addition to rogue states with nuclear ambitions which are a very, very concerning problem. As you have rightly noted before, we are in an inflection point and a changing landscape requires change in policy. The expiration of the New START Treaty with Russia wasn't just a symbolic milestone. By the way, I supported that and urged the President to terminate. It was the recognition that we have more than one nuclear threat to the American people and nuclear agreements of days gone by no longer meet the needs of our nation. If our adversaries are building nuclear stockpiles, we, unfortunately, must do so as well. I know you agree that any future agreement must be verifiable, enforceable and inclusive of developing nuclear powers. A treaty with only Russia will not protect American interests. But building this kind of broad nuclear agreement won't be easy. Russia is a serial treaty violator and that's putting it kindly. It has failed to uphold its end virtually every treaty that it has signed. And China too is violating its treaty obligations under the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and has the fastest growing nuclear arsenal of any nuclear armed state. This is a dangerous time, but fortunately, we have an administration that's up to the task. President Trump has stated clearly that future arms control must address both Russian and Chinese nuclear arsenals. And Secretary Rubio has laid out three foundations for any new arms control agreements that I think are spot on and worth noting here as most things Secretary Rubio does. First, arms control can no longer be a bilateral issue between the United States and Russia. It must include China to be even remotely effective. Second, we will not accept terms that harm the United States or ignore nations who do not follow through on agreements in pursuit of a future agreement. It is pointless. Listen up Russia. And third, we will always negotiate from a position of strength. We are the United States of America and we will act like it. We need a credible, modernized nuclear program that deters our enemies from ever trying to intimidate us with their own nuclear weapons. But we need to do this while pursuing all avenues to fulfill the President's genuine desire for a world with fewer of these awful weapons as Secretary has noted. Early in this administration, President Trump directed a landmark transformation of the State Department to reduce bureaucracy and structural inefficiencies that got in the way of effective foreign policy. The organization you lead now is able to align arms control, security assistance, emerging threats, counterterrorism, and counter narcotics policies all under one roof to support America's national interests. As the inaugural Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security, I hope that you will use this opportunity to provide this committee with an update on the reorganization and the state of our nuclear programs and negotiations as much as can be done in an open setting. Thank you for your service and that of your family and I'll now turn it over to the ranking member, Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
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