Summary
- The committee reviewed three Trump administration nominations for diplomatic and media posts but took no vote, keeping the record open through July 31.
- Sarah B. Rogers (Nominee to be Chief Executive Officer, United States Agency for Global Media) pledged to stabilize the agency, modernize outreach, and measure audience reach.
- Sen. Murphy pressed Rogers on 1,042 VOA employees on administrative leave and sharply reduced broadcast hours despite congressional appropriations funding.
- Sen. Cruz and Sen. Hagerty praised Rogers alignment plan while Ranking Member Shaheen warned dual role threatens statutory editorial independence.
- Members may submit additional questions for the record until close of business July 31 before further consideration of the three pending nominations.
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Transcript
uh committee will come to order. Uh thank you all for being here today. We welcome our guests uh who uh have joined us at this public hearing. We're always glad to have guests. I wanna remind everyone that uh this is a uh function of the United States government which cannot be interrupted uh we've had that from time to time, haven't had any lately which is good uh we know how to handle it if it happens but uh i'd ask everyone to uh not attempt to communicate with uh in any fashion uh during the uh uh hearing so we can get about our business so we have uh three different uh nominees today and the way this will work is i'm gonna make a uh a brief opening statement then turn to the ranking member uh we'll then have one introduction i'm told and then we'll hear from uh our panel today thank you so much for being here and thank you for your to your families for being here We'd ask you to keep your remarks to about five minutes, if you have more, happy to include whatever you want uh in the record of the hearing. So thank you to uh our nominees for being here today, uh and especially thank you to the families. When you serve, we all know that the families uh share part of the uh burden and responsibility that that takes, and uh it is always uh stress on them just as it is on those who step forward to take part in uh in our government. Ms. Rogers, this call to serve is not new for you uh or for your family. Your potential dual role serving as Under Secretary of State for Public Di- Diplomacy and the CEO of USAGM uh would create a unity of operations and of messaging across the federal government. And as Secretary Rubio continuously demonstrates, in this administration, the best reward for hard work is another job. Uh, as you know, USAGM is the funding source of some of America's most important public uh diplomacy tools. But it is also an agency with a troubled past, and in this administration it is in a period of transition. It will be your responsibility to right the ship and chart a much improved course for the organization and US public uh diplomacy in general. Uh, Mister Atta, the International Monetary Fund is the international organization focused on promotion on promoting international economic stability. If confirmed as US Economic Director to the board, you will be tasked with representing the US position in the day-to-day operations uh and business of the IMF and ensuring American interests are protected. I look forward to hearing how you plan to promote President Trump's vision for refocusing the IMF's efforts, and in achieving its core mandate of global economic cooperation and stability. And finally, Miss Carroll, Trinidad and Tobago is a fellow democracy and a key U S economic diplomatic and security partner in the Caribbean. Uh, Trinidad has benefited from and actively participated in U S initiatives like the Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership and the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative. And most recently, Trinidad has played an active role in support of U S law enforcement efforts in the region, including the arrest and extradition of Nicolas Samaduro um in Venezuela. We are very grateful for this work. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on ways we can deepen our strategic uh relations with Trinidad and if you are confirmed as ambassador. Thank you again to our nominees, again thank you to your families, and now I'll turn it over to the ranking member for her remarks.
Well thank you, Mister Chairman, and welcome to each of our nominees today, to all of your families and friends and supporters who are here with you. Every day U. S. adversaries try to shape the information environment in ways that hurt America's interests. We see it with China's efforts to isolate Taiwan, with Iran's efforts to undermine confidence in American military power, and in Russia's efforts to undermine support for Ukraine, to divide Americans and erode confidence in our democracy. Our adversaries treat information as a domain of strategic competition. Iran, a country under crushing sanctions, still found the resources to triple the budget for its state broadcaster. Russia spends roughly one point five billion a year on state media and propaganda. And as we know, this is not a new challenge. One former KGB propagandist who defected to the West estimated that eighty-five percent of the KGB's time, money and manpower was devoted to influence campaigns and ideological warfare. Now, the United States used to understand this. During the Cold War we built Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, and Radio Liberty to counter Soviet propaganda with fact-based reporting behind the Iron Curtain. We invested in public diplomacy because we understood that influence does matter. We exposed foreign disinformation because we recognized that information is a strategic asset. That commitment continued long after the Cold War. Republicans and Democrats agreed that America had to compete in the information space. Sadly, this administration has walked away from that tradition. It's gutted US international broadcasting, it's dismantled the State Department's capability for countering foreign propaganda, and it has shifted our public diplomacy from confronting authoritarian regimes to criticizing democratic allies. And today we're seeing the consequences. A recent European Council on Foreign Relations poll found only eleven percent of Europeans now describe the US as an ally, and we can see it here in the poster. Globally, more countries name the United States as the biggest threat to the world than named Russia. Earlier this month, the Pew Research Service found that for the first time in its history, Across most of the world, China is now viewed more favorably than the United States. And again, we can see where those lines crossed in twenty twenty five. At the very moment we should be strengthening America's ability to compete for influence, the administration has weakened it. Miss Rogers, you've overseen our public diplomacy efforts over this period. Now the president has nominated you to take over an resuscitate the US agency for global media after Kerry Lake's efforts to dismantle it. This raises serious concerns about the statutory fire wall that's supposed to protect the editorial independence of Radio Free Europe Voice of America and other international broadcasters from political influence and given the record on public diplomacy over the last several months there are real questions about whether this nomination will make things better or worse. Miss Jurata, you've been nominated to serve as the United States Executive Director to the International Monetary Fund. The IMF has played a critical role helping Ukraine keep its economy functioning as it defends itself against Russian aggression. If confirmed, I hope you will continue to ensure the United States remains a strong advocate for Ukraine at the IMF. And finally, Miss Carol, you've been nominated to be the U. S. Ambassador Trinidad and Tobago. As the Chairman said, Trinidad and Tobago's proximity to Venezuela places it on the front lines of regional instability. The country has faced increased migration pressures, trafficking networks, and broader security challenges as a result. If confirmed, I hope you will work to deepen our partnership and support regional stability. I look forward to hearing from each of you. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen. Uh, before we turn it over to the nominees, uh, Senator Cruz, I understand you have something for us.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Uh, it's my privilege to introduce President Trump's nominee to serve as the Chief Executive Officer of the United States Agency for Global Media, Sarah Rogers. Ms. Rogers has spent her life as a committed advocate for freedom of speech and ideas and as a passionate believer in their power to enhance freedom. She earned her bachelor's in international relations from Dartmouth College. She later earned her JD from Columbia Law School, which she followed by carving out a distinguished legal career rooted in constitutional advocacy, free speech, and public service. Miss Rogers spent more than two decades on these causes. As a partner at the New York litigation boutique Brewer, she represented the National Rifle Association in landmark first securing a victory before the Supreme Court. Since October of twenty twenty five, Ms. Rogers has served as Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, where she has advanced US interests in a global environment that has become complicated and challenging in ways that are quite literally unprecedented in all of human history. We have entered a new era in which American adversaries are using traditional and digital platforms to advance their interest at the expense of the safety and prosperity of Americans. The geopolitical stakes have never been higher. Ms. Rogers has overseen the Bureau's efforts in that space with unremitting commitment. Her leadership is just as necessary at USAGM. USAGM's mission has never been more important. Authoritarian regimes are right now weaponizing propaganda campaigns to undermine the United States and our allies. Ms. Rogers' professional and government experience makes her eminently and perhaps uniquely qualified to lead the agency at this critical moment. I am grateful for Ms. Rogers' willingness to continue serving our country in this role. And I thank her family for the sacrifices they have made
Thank you, Senator Cruz. Thank you, Senator Cruz. We appreciate those remarks. We appreciate those remarks. Uh, we'll now hear from our nominees. Uh, we'll now hear from our nominees, And again, and again, uh, uh, I want to ask that you keep it to about five minutes and, I want to ask that you to keep it to about five minutes and, uh, uh, Then uh you'll have another shot at it as we ask questions. So uh uh Miss Guero let's start uh with you and um you have the floor.
Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee for the Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago. I would like to take a moment of point of privilege to recognize my family that traveled the distance, This nomination holds special personal meaning for me. I was born in Port of Spain, Trinidad. I immigrated to United States at the age of eight, and I've carried a deep connection to the Trinidad and Tobago throughout my life and career. I've also committed to a life of service in the United States. As a Navy veteran who rose from the enlisted and enlisted jet mechanic, to retire as a Lieutenant Commander after twenty years of service. I later served as Florida's eighteenth Lieutenant Governor. I have dedicated my career to strengthening America's security and economic interests. As Lieutenant Governor, I led su- successful trade missions to Trinidad and Tobago and other nations, garnering over seventy million dollars in new trade for Florida's businesses. I will draw directly from those experiences in this role. If confirmed, I will focus my efforts on four priorities central to strengthening the U. S. Trinidad and Tobago relationship and advancing American interests and President Trump's vision for the Western hemisphere. First, my most important priority will be to ensure the safety and security of American citizens residing in Trinidad and Tobago including the thousands who travel there each year for business and tourism. Secondly, Economic security and prosperity are critical to both of our countries. I will promote the American exports, market opportunities, and trade that generate commercial wins for U. S. businesses while helping Trinidad and Tobago build a resilient, diversified economy, positioning the United States as a key partner for its economic growth and competitiveness. I will advance our nation's economic strength by promoting fair trade, American investment and energy security that benefits US workers and industry while building mutual beneficial ties with this resource rich Caribbean partner recognizing that economic and security interests are deeply intertwined I will work closely with the Trimbogonian officials to deepen our security partnership building off of our shared cooperation including through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative. As a founding member of the America's council cartel coalition and the shields of the America, Trinidad and Tobago is a regional leader on security and a strong partner in the fight against transnational organized crime. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Trinidad and Tobago with Trinidad and Tobago to stop illicit narco-trafficking that corrupts the lives and livelihood of both our citizens. Finally, If confirmed, I pledge to champion American sovereignty and independence, ensuring that US engagement with Trinidad and Tobago serves our national interests first and reinforces our nation's right to control its own borders, resources and decision making. I am committed to supporting enhanced border security and regional migration corporations working with the Trimbogonian authorities to prevent illegal migration immigration and ensure orderly, lawful movement of people throughout the Caribbean. Together, these priorities reflect this administration's commitment to a safe, secure and more prosperous Western hemisphere. I look forward to your questions and if confirmed, to advancing these goals on behalf of the American people in Trinidad and Tobago. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and Reconnaisseur.
Thank you uh, Miss Gira, we appreciate that. Uh now uh, Miss uh Jurata.
Chairman Rich, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of this committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee to be the United States Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund. I want to thank President Trump and Secretary Besson for their support. I am humbled by this nomination. Most of my career has been spent in public service, and that is where my heart has always been. I look forward, if confirmed, to returning to public service in this capacity. I would like to briefly acknowledge some of the people I'm most grateful to who have helped pave the way for me to appear before you today, my family and my friends. I want to recognize my father, who is no longer with us, whose life was a prime example of the American dream. He was born during the Great Depression. He started working at six years old. He enlisted in the United States Navy, and he ultimately became a computer engineer. From my dad I learned a great love of this country, and the belief and knowledge that hard work and determination make anything possible. From my mother I learned that good judgment requires not only logic, but also heart. I also want to acknowledge my stepdaughters, Caitlin and Jackie, who are here with me today. My brother Joshua, his wife Molly, and my three nephews. Thank you all for your encouragement. Lastly and not least, I wanna thank my husband, Jay, whose love and support have made my service possible. Those lessons and the love of a large and supportive group of family and friends have shaped both who I am and how I've approached my career. My professional experience has centered on financial markets, economic policy, and public service. I have had the privilege of serving at the Department of Treasury, the White House National Economic Council, the Securities and Exchange Commission, and the House Financial Services Committee, and the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board. While I was at Treasury, I was honored to represent the United States in international standard setting bodies, where I saw firsthand the importance of American engagement and multilateral institutions in promoting pro-growth economic initiatives and market-oriented regulatory frameworks. That experience taught me that American leadership in these forms is not optional. When we step back, others feel the void, often in ways that do not reflect our values or our interest. Throughout my career, one lesson has remained constant. American prosperity is inseparable from economic growth, stability, transparency, and confidence in the financial system, both here at home and in the international institutions that help sustain it. The IMF was founded to, among other things, promote international monetary cooperation, facilitate the balanced growth of traditional, excuse me, international trade, promote exchange rate stability, and provide members with resources under appropriate safeguards to correct balance of payment problems without resorting to measures destructive to national or international prosperity. If confirmed, it will be my priority to help ensure the IMF is focused on this core mission. As Executive Director, I will work to ensure the United States' voice is clear and effective at the IMF, in advancing our economic and strategic interest, consistent with the President's America First policy. I believe the objective of facilitating balanced growth of fair and reciprocal trade should be a focus of the fund's work, and I will push for policies that strengthen economic growth and stability both here and among our trading partners. At the same time, I believe that the IMF must maintain rigorous conditions and accountability in its lending programs and remain focused on its core financial stability mission, rather than expanding into areas beyond its mandate. I will work closely with the Treasury Department and the Administration to advance American interests at the IMF, and I will engage with this committee throughout my service. I am grateful for the opportunity to continue a career in public service that I care deeply about and I hope to earn your support. Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to your questions.
Thank you very much. Uh, Ms. Rogers?
Chairman Resh, Ranking Member Shahin, and distinguished members of this committee. One year ago, I appeared before you as President Trump's nominee for Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy, the position I now hold. It is an honor to return today as nominee for Chief Executive Officer of the US Agency for Global Media or USAGM. I would like to thank President Trump and Secretary Rubio for their confidence, and my family and my husband Jeff, who's here with me today, for their love, patience and support. Before entering public service, I spent my career as an attorney fighting for the First Amendment. I took that fight all the way to the Supreme Court and remained devoted to that cause while in office. Like I said in my opening testimony last time, freedom of speech isn't just America's most famous freedom. It's our number one strength. And USAGM helps champion free speech and freedom of the press worldwide. In my current role as Under-Secretary, I oversee a one billion dollar budget and I lead a workforce of more than five thousand employees to advance American foreign policy and counter propaganda from adversaries including China, Russia and Iran, as well as Cuba and North Korea. Countering propaganda without countenancing censorship, has been my core mission. Sometimes that does mean sparking conversation with a tweet, but it means multi-layered diplomatic engagement too. It means reaching people through music, sports and entrepreneurship. Above all, it means telling the truth, credibly, in a media environment where adversaries do want to seed your timeline with slop. Truth telling is what AGM is for, and if confirmed, that's the effort I'll lead. Over the past year, I've traveled more than seventy thousand miles and seen firsthand the power of free information in closed societies. In Turkmenistan, I met students exploring an uncensored internet through our American center. In Seoul, North North Korean defectors told me that snippets of American radio were the first hints they heard of another kind of life. These defectors risked torture and risked death. Fleeing toward a freedom they'd only heard existed. here, and they heard it from us. It's a great honor. And it's also evidence that Voice of America and our grantees, RFE RL, OCB, MBN, RFA and OTF can be indispensable instruments of American foreign policy. Free people tend to choose America and the truth sets people free. That's why delivering truthful information behind the Iron Curtain helped defeat Soviet communism. And in today's information war, truth remains America's best tool. As multiple administrations have agreed, USAGM must reform and modernize to meet today's media environment. If confirmed as CEO, I will work to meet audiences where they are, which isn't always television broadcast or shortwave radio. We won't abandon those mediums where we need them, but we will expand to short form video, diaspora group chats, podcasts, and other timely forms of engagement. Over a year ago, President Trump signed an executive order directing AGM to operate at its statutory minimum. Put plainly, that means the agency should do what Congress codified, no more and no less. That means we must reach audiences in strategically significant places, like Cuba and the Middle East, where censorship impedes our foreign policy. If confirmed, my first priority will be to stabilize the agency, strengthen its leadership, modernize its operations, and restore research capacity so we can actually measure reach and viewership? Are we actually reaching people? And how can we do it better? And how can we make every taxpayer dollar count? Those will be my obsessions. I pledge to engage consistently with Congress and rebuild local language and transmission capabilities in areas where we need them to. Just last week, I attended the second White House correspondence dinner of twenty twenty six, and listened to President Trump's remarks on the Free Press. At the first dinner, I never got a chance to hear them. Like most dignitaries, I dove for cover when the shooting started. One person sitting near me didn't, though. Susan Zirinsky of CBS, who's about four feet tall, stood on a chair to film the room as the rest of us crouched for cover. When I saw Susan Friday, I thought of the journalists across AGM and our grantees who report the news in the line of fire. daily, despite threats of detention, persecution and violence. If confirmed, I will work every day to be worthy of their courage and of the mission Congress entrusted to this agency. That means keeping the cause of freedom alive where it is under greatest threat. Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
Well, thank you very much uh to all three of you, and uh we'll now do uh some questions starting with myself and then uh Senator Shaheen. And um let's see, let's uh start uh with you, Miss Carol. There uh we don't often get an appointee that has as great a connection to the country that they're going to as uh you have. So um uh it's good to see you and and glad you are willing to do this. Tell us a little bit about our relationship uh uh with uh uh Trinidad uh and uh Tobago.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Right now, the United States is experiencing a good relationship with the country of Trinidad and Tobago in that they've been very supportive of our of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, security initiatives such that they recognize that they do have a porous border, and we do need uh t- some resources or they need some resources in order to curtail against illicit human trafficking as well as narco-terrorists. Additionally, we have um issue with regards to energy of their production uh reducing, and the United States is committed to uh moving forward with uh a license that has been uh um accepted for a a sector in uh the Caribbean area between Venezuela and Trinidad to help the country explore for additional resources, which will also help the United States in its efforts to increase direct uh uh support for businesses business opportunities. So we can see that the the at least Trinidad and Tobago is committed to working with the United States to increase economic opportunities, ex increase uh oil and gas exploration as well as uh utilize our assistance to help combat some of those illicit trafficking.
What's the uh what what's the uh stability of their government like?
The government As far as disability, I cannot speak to that. I if confirmed in getting down to the the region and having more dialogue with post, as well as the government to find out more about that, but I do know that they have had several emergency orders, which um doesn't bode well with regards to the cr criminal uh criminal activities that's that's been occurring for a number of years. And that is something that needs to be addressed and hopefully I've confirmed with my uh direction on the ground and and sharing that information back to committee, as well as the the president and the state, that we can come up with some strategic goals to help in that endeavor.
Thanks so much.
Thank you.
Uh, Mister Arda, uh, as Executive Director at the IMF, what what kind of a staff do you have? How many people do you do you oversee there? What do you oversee?
Uh, thank you, Chairman, it's my understanding that it's around a dozen. career staff report up to the US executive director, but I can confirm and get back to you.
No, that's uh I was just looking at approximate, that's uh that's all. And and who will you report to? Do you report to the board or the the chairman of the board,
I re
or who who's your immediate supervisor?
I report to Senator I report to Secretary Bessence, or the treasury department.
I see, okay, good. Um and does uh Secretary Bessence uh is he actively engaged with the board as far as setting policy and that sort of thing?
So the governance structure of the IMF is that you have the Board of Governors and Secretary Besson is the Governor on the governing board and meets a couple times a year and they have the overarching setting of the agenda as US Executive Director to the IMF I'd be sitting on behalf of the United States on the executive board which meets very regularly multiple times a week to um entertain and vote on underlying decisions that range from day-to-day operations, to major policy decisions.
Mm, yeah. All right, well, I appreciate that. Um, Miss Rogers, um, interesting to hear your story about, uh, talking with people who have fled or escaped, uh, another country. I think all of us that sit on this committee have from time to time met with the same people and it's, uh, uh, it's always a, um, a wake-up call to, uh, realize how we take for granted what we have here in America. Uh, it just amazes me. We w we wake up every morning, don't even think about it. Um and then if I travel I come back here and I I'll turn on uh uh against my better judgment TV and watch the talking heads and talking about how bad America is, and all the troubles we have here and et cetera. Uh it it just amazes me how how people are in awe when they come to the United States as to uh to what we have here. Um let let me ask this, on the there's almost two hundred countries or more or less depending how you count them on the planet, uh and obviously uh uh you're gonna have to be active in some and obviously we can't be in all, so how do you how do you make a decision as to where you're gonna uh where you're gonna focus your uh efforts?
Uh thank you very much Chairman Richland, I totally agree, and my travels have underscored the same gratitude. So look, the statutory mission of AGM, set forth in International Broadcasting Act, sub-section sixty two O two includes reaching audiences in information environments where a free media ecosystem is not possible. So we're focusing on censored societies. And we also have to think about advancing the broad objectives of US foreign policy. That's subsection sixty two O two A. And I think precedent and statute kind of give us a bit of a guide. We have to be operating in the Middle East. We have to be operating in Asia. We have to be operating in Cuba. And then there's Radio Free Europe, and obviously Radio Free Europe is really one of the crown jewels of Cold War soft power. I still have interactions with Europeans who grew up behind the Berlin Wall and they get tears in their eyes when they talk about hearing rock and roll music on Radio Free Europe and that was like a shaft of light from our free society I think Radio Free Europe now should stay focused on the Russian periphery, Iran and Afghanistan, where it is. And then, you know, there were some languages that languages and regions that were deprecated under Kerry Lake that I think we're probably correct to shift away from. I don't think we need to be broadcasting in places like Hungary and Greece, now that the Cold War is over. It's not that those media environments are perfect, it just those aren't the kinds of places where the taxpayer dollar is most efficiently deployed to get information to people who literally can't get it otherwise. I do think Africa is something we shouldn't totally abdicate. The security situation and the and the advances made by Russia and China there show that. So I would, as I have in my role as R with my Limitless Africa podcast and Young African Leaders program, um explore some careful tactical uh resuscitation of resources there. Um but otherwise I think, you know, Cuba, huge focus obviously, we can't have communism on our hemisphere, um Asia huge focus, Iran, Afghanistan, Middle East huge focus, and um count it's basically countering adversarial propaganda with the truth, and we've gotta do that everywhere.
Thank you, I I'm always amazed uh uh when I speak to uh uh part of the diaspora from Iran, the uh reach that we have and the penetration that we have into Iran, even with their efforts uh to to keep that down. So um keep that up. Senator Shahin.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Miss Rogers, in May the State Department sent Congress a report concluding that the IRGC uses social media bots to spread anti-semitic propaganda and manipulate on-line discourse. The President goes on to say that Iranian propaganda is a national security threat, and your own department says that the IRGC is conducting influence
It'll be introduced.
So, help me explain why, given the propaganda challenges we have with Iran, why we would provide that kind of a waiver.
Thank you very much, uh, Ranking Member Shahin. You know, we have been very, very active on the Iranian propaganda issue and I'll, I can get to some of our activities in a moment, but I will address your question. So public diplomacy wasn't involved in that particular waiver. I can tell you, though, that Secretary Rubio has been extremely aggressive in enacting sanctions on Iranian entities listing Iranian foreign terrorist organizations and kicking frankly the family members of Iranian
Well, would you agree with me though that that doesn't make sense, that we should provide a waiver? I mean, this is an example of the propaganda that they're putting out a billion views of this video, and why do we wanna encourage our adversary, um, who's bombing Americans and our allies in the Middle East by letting them continue their propaganda efforts?
I don't think there's a single person in this administration who wants to encourage Iran to bomb Americans or have a nuclear weapon. We've been very aggressive against Iran, but I I want to address your question. So um look, these sanctions determinations are legalistic in fact specific.
I I I'm not asking about the sanctions determinations.
Yeah.
I agree with those. What I'm asking about is this waiver,
But but that's
and if you do you know why we provided this to you with a waiver?
So that the determination of that sanctions waiver would be legalistic in fact specific, and I'm not the person to speak on it,
Okay.
but I
Perhaps if you get confirmed you could get an answer for the committee and respond to us. because it's hard for me to understand why we would why we would do that.
I'd certainly be I'd certainly be responsive to the committee. It's hundred.
Thank you. Um I also am concerned, as I said in my opening remarks, about one individual serving as both the head of the USAGM and public diplomacy at the State Department. I I think USAGM is by statute an independent agency. Its mission is to provide objective, as you have confirmed, objective, accurate news free from editorial interference. So I'd like to hear from you how you plan on maintaining that independence and whether you would commit to allowing USAGM broadcasters and grantees to operate free from any interference by you the State Department or other political appointees.
Thank you, Senator. So I commit to follow the law. That's my North Star. I'd come from the courtroom and I wouldn't want to do anything else, and I've done that as or. Um, so
And and would you agree that that is the law,
So with the law
that the law is that um
The law Sorry, I don't mean to interrupt you, Senator.
Oh, well, no, that um, as I understand, the International Broadcasting Act says that USAGM shall continue to exist within the executive branch as an entity described in five USC one O four, the statute on independent agencies, and that there are multiple references to its independence and the independence of the grantees. And it also says clearly that the secretary of state and the CEO shall respect the professional independence and integrity of USAGM.
Yes, so I absolutely commit to respect the professionalism and independence of broadcasting that's what the statute says I don't think the statute says though that there should be no quote unquote interference or interaction because the statute requires that AGM consult with the secretary of state on foreign policy guidance I'm usually the delegate for that consultation and the law requires that I insure that's the verb the statute uses insure that broadcasting is consistent with our broad foreign policy What that means for practical purposes, Senator, and when I meet with the heads of the grantees, this is what they ask me for, is that they don't want me to, and I don't have the time, to copy edit individual stories so that they look like propaganda from RT. I don't wanna do that. But I do want, and the grantees want me to provide uh strategic management level guidance on things like standards and practices on things like foreign policy priorities and I think I think they're crying out for this, if confirmed, I'd be willing to do that, but I don't I don't want to tremble on the independence of professionalism of broadcasting because candidly, accomplishing our foreign policy objectives means that these organs of broadcasting have to be credible. And Shunwa is not credible, I want VOA to be credible.
Well, again, as I understand the statute, it says that the CEO shall respect the professional independence and integrity of USAGM its broadcasting services and the grantees of the agency. That doesn't say to me that they're looking for the CEO to provide them the kind of direction that you're talking about.
So you'd also have to read section sixty-two O two. You're reading, I think, sixty-two O one.
Um, we'll presume my time is up, but I will pursue s- questioning when the second round comes back. Thank you.
Thank you, Senator Sheen. Senator Cruz.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations to each of the nominees. Uh, Ms. Rogers. Authoritarian regimes are investing enormous resources into coordinated campaigns to undermine the United States. Chinese, Russian, Iranian, and other hostile foreign governments are amplifying these campaigns. They do so through a vast networks of anonymous social media accounts, automated bot farms, state-controlled media, and covert influence o- operations. These efforts are backed by effectively unlimited state resources. Their objective is to constrain America's ability to confront hostile regimes, including especially Iran, the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism. To achieve that objective, foreign-backed influence campaigns work aggressively to kneecap America's technology and defense sectors. They manufacture the illusion of widespread domestic opposition to policies
Thank you for that question, Senator. You know, you're absolutely right.
Mm.
when you allude to effectively unlimited resources, China alone spends about forty billion dollars on propaganda and influence operations. And the
J- j- just repeat that statement because that is a staggering statement.
China spends about forty billion dollars on propaganda and influence operations. I have one billion dollars, and most of that goes to salaries and keeping the lights on. Um, but America keeps winning the information war in the suns that people who can choose would choose to come to America over China pretty much any day, and why is that? You know, part of it is that American freedom sells itself, and I could wax on about that for five minutes and I won't waste your five minutes, Senator. So we have coordinated bot hives, that's certainly part of it, we also have foreign influence united front spending through um networks like the Singham network and Code Pink are great concerns this administration, and we even have foreign influence in our universities. So through a partnership between my office and the um Education Secretary, we've started digging up data that universities were obligated to disclose for years but weren't disclosing. We found hundreds of millions in dollars flowing into places like Harvard from sanctioned Chinese nuclear labs and the like, that the American people just didn't know about. And so these influence operations, they're broad, they run deep, and uh we are countering them on a lot of different levels through counter speech and exposure what doesn't work is playing whack-a-mole, censoring American tweets.
You brought up the Syngham network and Pink, and there've been recent reports about the major investment they're making in driving anti-AI sentiment in the United States with the objective of discouraging America from investing in AI to help the Chinese Communist Party beat America in the AI race. Elaborate a bit more on the Syngham network and and Code Pink and what exactly they're doing.
Yeah, so this is a billionaire based in China who's sympathetic to communism and socialism. And I'm not gonna focus. too much on that individual, it's really a whole united front network. So the day after our wildly successful operation against Maduro in Venezuela, we had protests pop up, you know, seemingly overnight in like seventy-five different cities waving the same signs. Uh the information I've received is that that was funded by the Syngham network, Syngham network very uh congenial with China. There's actually incredibly a New York Times expo, say even the New York Times has noticed this, uh from twenty twenty three on it, and it's a big problem. And I wanna, Senator, the anti-AI thing, you're absolutely right, this sloppiness, deletitism, data center hysteria, it's not, you can't blame it completely on foreign bots, but it is being amplified by foreign bots for sure.
And it's being amplified on both the left and the right. Uh, our our adversaries find our open free market of ideas particularly vulnerable uh to manipulation. Now, Chinese and Iranian influence operations appear particularly sophisticated and persistent. What distinguishes their influence ops from those of other other adversaries, and how should the United States prioritize our response?
So both Chinese and Iranian influence operations uh skew especially noticeably towards this kind of leftist anti-colonial ideology. By the way, so does Cuba. Our recent Cuba report, very strong on this. Um, Russia I would say is a bit more
My colleagues on this committee would agree we have too many Cubans.
Well, at least one.
One. But we only have one left, so so that
Well, maybe with OCB's help we make Cuba a nicer place for a Cuban to return to.
A a amen from from your mouth to God's ears. I'm sorry, you were you were giving your answer.
Oh no, I just I think, you know, there's more of a consistent leftist and anti-colonial ideology in some of this stuff. Russia dabbles in that, but Russia is also a bit entropic and entrepreneurial, and we saw, you know, when they tried to muster up There was no evidence that Russia caused President Trump's winning election, that was nonsensical, but they found like a hundred thousand dollars worth of Instagram posts, and there were pro-Black Lives Matter posts, and there were fake white nationalist posts, both from Russia. Russia's a little more chaotic, um and a lot of lot of Russian misinformation right now focuses on recruiting soldiers for its war as well, which to uh China and Iran aren't focused on. China and Iran doing a lot more anti-semitism also.
Thank you.
Uh let's see s um Senator Rosen was uh next.
Mm-hmm. Thank you, thank you Chair Rich, Ranking Member Shaheen for holding this hearing and uh thank you for the witnesses for being here today your willingness to serve. I wanna build a little bit on Senator Shaheen's line of questioning about editorial independence. USAGM has audiences in more than one hundred countries, providing reliable, trusted reporting by journalists, not political officials. But under Kerry Lake's For example, Miss Lake shut down Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty's Hungarian news service because she claimed its programming had undermined President Trump's foreign policy by opposing the duly elected Prime Minister of Hungary and that's a quote. So I'm gonna double down on what Senator Schahin asked. Miss Rogers have confirmed, will you s- commit specifically, specifically to not interfering in reporting that is critical of politicians governments or political parties that President Trump has expressed support for.
I commit to respect the professionalism and independence of international broadcasting, Senator.
Well, it shouldn't really be a difficult question. Um, if I just wanna say this, if the USAGM is seen as a tool of the US government to punish president's opponents, any president's opponents, and to silence the criticism of his friends, it will lose the very credi- credibility that I think so many of us believe make it an incredible tool in our arsenal. So I'm gonna move on to uh to Lebanon. Miss Jarada, following Lebanon's twenty nineteen economic collapse, the IMF has made it clear that unlocking financial assistance program for Beirut depends on comprehensive economic reforms including a credible banking s restructuring strategy at the same time Lebanese depositors have had their savings effectively frozen for years and any path to making them whole will likely require some combination of losses absorbed by the banking sector, the government, or the depositors themselves. The US has long advocated for these reforms, not just for the good of the Lebanese people, but also to rebuild the international's community confidence and Lebanon's economy and banking system. So, Miss Jarada, given the reforms that IMF is asking for and the goal of fully repaying depositors, um, it may pull in different directions. How would you approach balancing these two imperatives In your view, is there a realistic scenario in which Lebanon can satisfy the IMF's conditions, while also delivering an outcome that will s- uh, the people of Lebanon will see as fair?
Well, thank you, Senator, for that question. So, to state the a little bit of the obvious, which is I'm obviously not currently in the role, so I haven't been privy to some of the underlying deliverances,
Just generally.
but generally what I can say is what I if con if confirmed that I can commit that in evaluating what is an ongoing program getting up on what the current status is and then making sure that one of the core functions of the IMF which is capacity development and technical assistance is deployed in order to help build up that economy because once you do get the lending program ruled out and you have the finances going there you wanna make sure that you have a respected rule of law and the infrastructure associated with it so that then it can develop and I will you know commit to staying coordinated with the treasury department and ongoing commitment with this uh with this committee on that issue.
Thank you. I wanna um move on to you, Miss Johnson Carroll, in talking about uh countering violent extremism, because Trinidad and Tobago has the highest per capita rate of ISIS recruitment in the Western hemisphere. The country has struggled with repatriating its nationals and has dealt with lingering security risks. At the same time, the Trump administration has gutted funding, gutted funding for countering violent extremist efforts, or CVE, the very program designed to address radicalization in places like Trinidad and Tobago. So, Miss Johnson-Carroll, do you believe that cutting CVE programs helps us advance the US national security interests? And if confirmed, would you advocate for programs to prevent radicalization in Trinidad and Tobago?
Senator, thank you so much for the question. It is an important issue with regards to transnational um illicit opportunities for criminal elements in the country. And since I am not in post, I cannot say what amount of monies has been
I'm not asking for an amount of money, but would you advocate that those programs to
Mm.
prevent radicalization should be funded? I'm not asking for an amount.
Thank you. With the INL, uh, as my understanding, and the CBSI has been, um, items that have been placed Particularly with uh combating those particular issues that the committee have supported the the CBSI and INL as well. And I look forward to at least seeing what sort of resources have been put in.
But would you agree this radicalization is a problem and it needs funding to be addressed so you can do your job?
The radicalization is a problem, ma'am. And I look forward to working with the committee and the State Department and President Trump in combating this issue.
Thank you.
Uh, thank you very much, uh, Mr. Chairman. Um, uh, Ms. Rogers, um, you stated that your intention is to follow the law. Um, the appropriations law is one of the most relevant laws that applies to your agency. Um, Congress allocated a hundred and ninety-nine million dollars to VOA in this fiscal year. That's less than the previous year, but it was a bipartisan rejection of the president's request to essentially just fund the wind-down of the agency. Um, but we're now well into this fiscal year. In July of two thousand twenty-six, so in in in this month, it's expected that VOA will operate for about two hundred and eight hours. That is compared to twenty-four hundred hours in two thousand and four. There are one thousand forty-two VOA employees that are currently on administrative leave, um you are in violation the VOA the operation of VOA is in violation of the Appropriations Act right now because VOA is funded at a level and they are not coming close to the level of operation and reach that Congress is funding them for. So is it your intention to bring back to work the one thousand forty-two employees that are
Uh thank you, Senator. So my numbers are slightly different than that, but it is my intent to follow appropriations law. And I'll just note that I have a track record of doing that in public diplomacy. So budget process as you know is iterative inter-agency, um and there have been moments in that iterative inter-agency process where things like the Fulbright scholarship have been defunded in budget proposals. I obviously stand with each of the president's budget requests. He was elected, I wasn't, I serve him. But, you know, when it's ultimately Congress's decision how much money gets deployed, I've deployed that money and I will I will follow appropriations law and this function as well.
So but but does that mean you're bringing back, you may have different numbers, but obviously there are hundreds and hundreds of uh of employees who are on leave. Are you bringing back those employees?
I'm definitely going to bring back more of them.
Yeah.
I I'm not committing to return the agency to like the same exact identical footprint it had under President Biden, I think we do need to reform and modernize, but we should see people coming back to work.
But but you're required to spend that money in accordance with your directive from Congress.
Yes, I will I will deploy the appropriated resources.
Um, let me ask you about this question of how you you mentioned Hungary, um, as a place you didn't necessarily think the United States n needs to be. But it's an interesting example because, um, the State Department noticed Congress of its intention to terminate Radio Free Europe um uh and Radio Liberty's Hungarian language programming. And, you know, they sort of pulled back the curtain as to their reason in the in the statement to Congress they said that they are terminating the programming because the programming undermined President Trump's foreign foreign policy by opposing the duly elected Prime Minister of Hungary. Essentially, criticism of an elected leader was by definition in opposition to US foreign policy, that's extraordinary. We we have never determined our foreign policy as being in service of one particular elected leader, and punished our grantees for being critical of that leader. That sounds like the opposite of free speech, right? That sounds like if if you were a grantee and you run programming that is critical of a friend of the president, you will have your contract terminated. So is that the policy now of the OA or of broadly funded information networks, that if they run programming that is critical of someone that President Trump is friends with or supports that they'll have their funding pulled?
So, Senator, when I said I didn't see Hungary as a place we
But even but but I guess I'm asking a broader question, separate and aside from whether it's an
Yeah. So we have to respect the independence and professionalism of our So we have to respect the independence and professionalism of our that's right there in the statute and frankly, Senator, I'm not going to have time to do tit-for-tat fly-specking of every piece of content to see if there's any criticism of anyone the President likes I have you know, more important fol- foreign policy priorities to address, so I wouldn't see that as a load star of our grant making. I do think, as the statute says, broadcasting has to be consistent with our broad foreign policy objectives, so undermining the elected government of an allied country is not something I would expect to do, I think that would be pretty extraordinary.
What what does that, I'm sorry, I know, but what does that mean, undermining? Again, that does sound like you're saying that a grantee who's critical of an allied government would lose funding. That's the opposite of free speech.
Well, I mean, this speech isn't free, it's being paid for by the taxpayer to support American foreign policy. But, Senator, we're not currently broadcasting in any allied countries or broadcasting in places like Iran, right? So I think it's almost a moot point, but look, you're asking am I going to pull funding from a grantee
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you. Thank you.
Thank you, Senator Murphy, and we will now turn to Senator Hagerty.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Um, Miss Rogers, I'd like to continue with you, if I might. Um, I've been very pleased to actually see common sense prevail for once, uh, in the administration of government functions. As I think about what, uh, what was going on at USA GM before um this administration came to office, it had basically run amok. You got journalists tied to the Kremlin. You've got employees there calling up Republican members of Congress and threatening them and winding up in jail as a result of that. Uh, I think you have a unique opportunity to actually align this organization with the other role that you perform, which is our Undersecretary for Public Diplomacy. I've been in the field, I've been an ambassador, I've actually seen what our communications can do and should do. and where they fail. This sounds to me as a businessperson for my whole career as an opportunity for alignment that's rarely achieved in the United States government. So I'd like you to just articulate how you're going to see that this alignment works and how you're gonna advance the interest of the United States taxpayer as a result.
Thank you so much, Senator. So one of the commands on the statute that I think may have been neglected and that I really wanna revive is we have to do research to make sure that we're reaching audiences in the kinds of censored environments where Congress commands us to. And that means reinfigurating our audience measurement capabilities and coming up with new ways of doing that. I think there's some synergies through OTF tools that can be really useful in that regard. And in terms of alignment, you know, we hear a lot of concern from minority about this firewall and that we, and I, I don't want to be micro-managing the editorial um copywriting or bylines of any of these outlets. But these grantees are asking for strategic guidance on broad foreign policy objectives, which is what I'm supposed to provide. And I look forward to providing it. And I think, you know, these are mostly patriots who serve these entities. These are reporters who risk their lives to get truthful information to their countrymen in places like Iran. And they know they're working indirectly for the United States. And I think these these grantees want our guidance and we're happy to give it. And I think we can do that without the kind of editorial micromanagement the minority's afraid of.
Well, uh, in your role as Under Secretary of State, I think you have a unique opportunity to provide that guidance in an informed fashion. uh and and really avoid the situation where we wind up being far astray from what American foreign policy is so I commend you for that I look forward to supporting you in that role um Mr. Arana I'd like to turn to you now on the IRA uh on the IMF um the United States is the IMF's largest shareholder uh you and I've talked about the central role that uh the United States can and should play there and US Executive Director I think has a responsibility to ensure that IMF policy actually advocates for both global financial stability and also for our own American economic interest. And so I'd just like for you to articulate for us the standards that you'll use to determine whether the United States should support IMF assistance to countries that have repeatedly failed to implement reforms.
Well, thank you, Senator Hagerty, for that question, and um, thank you again for your time with meeting with you. So I couldn't agree more with you that on as being if confirmed the US Executive Director to the IMF the first core tenet is that I would be representing American interest. And so when evaluating whether a specific country project is pending before the board I'd wanna evaluate it on sort of some of the core tenets that I identified in my opening statement which is what is the underlying transparency associated with the um uh existing debt to that country so in particular, if there's a concern that that country has outstanding debt to China and the ha making sure we have the transparency to that what is the fiscal responsibility cuz I recognize that I am a
Well, I certainly don't think American taxpayers wanna see their money deployed without conditions. I think the whole purpose of of of engaging in this regard is to achieve reform,
Right.
uh, and to achieve improvement. Um, and I'd I'd I'd love to hear your
Well, thank you, Senator. I think it's important that we have a strong US-led IMF that's credible as a lender of last resort because in the absence of that these countries that are in financial distress are gonna look for lending elsewhere and so by enforcing the fact that they or encouraging them to come to the IMF then we can have the safeguards associated with it, you can have the conditionality so that we can implement and facilitate structural reform by having the capacity development and the conditions in that you evaluate when those programs are subject to review and whether they're gonna get another tranche of capital and I also think it's really important one other tenet as it relates to the IMF program is the country specific surveillance as to whether that country raises any kind of financial stability risk.
Oh I I I think it's a it's a critical role, I look forward to your leadership.
Uh thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Rogers,
Mm.
I am worried that the United States is ceding more
Mm.
and more of the information space uh to our adversaries, and that the dismantling of much of the OA has contributed to that.
Mm.
Um I'm looking at an article here, Wall Street Journal
It'll be entered. Thank you.
Does that concern you and do you disagree with this statement and the reporting that China has been trying to fill the information space that the United States is leaving in many of these areas?
I China is rapacious and it is expanding all of its propaganda efforts and I as because I'm recused and I am not in the operations of the agency I don't
Yeah. And you agree, and I think I heard some of your earlier testimony that um Africa is a critical region of the world. Yeah. So, and this this um story reports how the Nigerian Communications Minister is troubled by the fact that China is essentially filling the space that uh VOA is leaving. Can you commit that the VOA Africa service, Africa services, language services will be reinstated?
So no good CEO would cite unseen, you know, obligate tens of millions on spending on specific transmission capabilities. I will I intend to take a closer fresh look at Africa because I do think there are information skirmishes there that we should be in I think. Um, Sahel is one of them.
Yeah, I would I would argue the same is true of much of um of East Asia. Uh, I'm I know that you've had languages restored in Korea and uh and Mandarin, but um as this Wall Street Journal article points out, Indonesia for example has been sort of left. That that's a big and critical and important country, and it seems to me that the United States should have its voice. um airing there and and providing um factual uh information. That same I would think is true for Latin America. I mean I know the Cuban broadcasting service is is up and running and there are lots of resources dedicated to Cuba, but Latin America is a very big country. Um the New Yorker has a story uh today entitled How Donald Trump Silenced the Voice of America, and they talk about um the situation you referenced earlier. Um in the aftermath of the taking out of Maduro, um, there was no VOA there. And China and other voices have been filling the void. So, uh, I understand you're not gonna make a commitment here, but I would argue that you agree that Latin America is an important part of the world.
Absolutely.
Right. So those are s- two, I mean, we we just talked about three really important parts of the world, right? Africa, East Asia, Latin America and I I really think it's important that, you know, we have America's voice back uh in those regions. I I heard a little bit of your exchange with Senator Murphy about bringing folks back. Um, my understanding is right now about four hundred VOA employees and and twenty-five US AGM employees are still on paid administrative leave since March of last year. M my understanding is that has cost American taxpayers about a hundred and forty million dollars. Wouldn't you agree that it would be better if those a hundred and forty million dollars were spent to make sure those people could be doing their jobs in different parts of the world rather than sitting at home?
Senator, the last thing I wanna do as CEO is pay people not to work.
So can you commit to bringing them back?
I commit to k taking a close, fresh look at staffing needs, and if we And I suspect we'll want and need more staff in some places, and I will dip into that pool and bring people back.
Could you commit to giving preference to those who have been displaced, have experience in displaced in terms of bringing people back?
I'll talk to my employment lawyers about preferences, but we obviously hired those people for a reason, and I would look at rehiring them.
And how about the um director of the OA? Um shouldn't we bring the director back?
I I really don't wanna make specific personnel decisions before confirmation.
Okay. K, just last question. Who's running VOA these days?
So Mike Regis is acting CEO.
'Kay. But you have a you have a director, right? I think it's Mike Abramowitz.
We have we have uh good executives in there, we have Chris Wallace in there, um but in terms of day-to-day who's sitting at what dashboard doing what I don't have micro visibility.
Okay. Um, well I ho I hope you'll you'll reinstate the the professional team. I'm all for reform, but when I, there's some very talented people. Um, and I hope they'll be brought back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Senator Van Hollen. Senator Kagan.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Miss, Miss Rogers, I know you're familiar with the VOA charter and it is a simple document, requires VOA to be accurate, objective, comprehensive and representative of America as a whole, not any one party or in re one region or one segment. uh will you commit to enforcing the charter?
Absolutely, Senator, I'm gonna follow the law in every respect.
Thank you. Thank you for that. Um I wanna echo my colleagues' comments just how bizarre it is that we're paying so much money to VOA employees but forbidding them from working. Um there's a lot of expertise in that group of employees and as you point out, the last thing you would wanna do as a CEO is pay people not to work and I think we should try to get folks back to work, and in particular on Latin America, you commented favorably to my colleague's question about whether we should have services there. One area I really agree with the Trump administration, and I'm not ha hesitant when saying I don't agree, but in the national security strategy and more generally they've really elevated the Americas to near the top, maybe at the top. And I have some differences of opinion about exactly what, but I actually really like that prioritization of the Americas. And that's why it seems very odd to me that we have essentially reduced Spanish language services throughout the Americas, with the exception of Cuba. I was a missionary in Honduras and was feeling very, very lonely in a world where my English served no purpose, and I loved to be able to listen to listen to Voice of America. Pro programming in Spanish helped helped me learn a little bit, to be better with my students. Jazz music on Christmas, you know, I can still remember listening to VOA. Christmas music high in the mountains of Honduras, just like others were. So I do think Spanish language programming by VOA in the area that the Trump administration say should be top priority should be a priority for the agency, and I gather you don't disagree with that.
Yeah, Senator, I don't wanna make operational commitments, sight unseen. A good CEO wouldn't, but I strongly expect you'll see more from us than West Ham.
Thank you. Um, here's something that troubles me. Earlier this year you um did a social media post where you said, and I quote, "Germany infamously retains very few Jews, yet imported barbarian rapist hordes perin as an American, I'm allowed to call them that, under Merkel." I'd like to introduce that social media post for the record. Any people you've been introduced to? Do you wanna put the whole supplement in a record or something? Yeah, yeah, just slide that right in. I'll produce the the tweet. Um, as an American you are allowed to say that, I mean obviously, but this was not on your personal account. You posted it on your account as Under Secretary of State, Sarah B. Rogers. You're nominated for a position that's very much about communication. Um, communication should be really truthful and communicators should be careful to use broad brush, narrow brushes, not broad brushes. Talking about the importation of barbarian racist hordes struck me as, and wait, she's being nominated to be a key leader of our communication enterprise? Tell me how I can square those two things.
Well, so, Senator, the barbarian rapist horde language isn't my original language. That's language that a German woman used to describe a horrific gang rape attack. And that language was then censored in Germany. Now, The tweet you're quoting is part of a much longer exchange in which the censorship is addressed, and I'm actually rebuking there pretty forcefully a self-identified Nazi who responds to my tweet in a very strange way.
I yeah, I saw that. So and I'll introduce the entire experience so that it's fair in context,
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
but you did not like put a quote around Germany imported quote barbarian rapist hordes according to this or that person. I mean, you used it in your own voice on an account that was an official government account and, you know, I I just I can't I can't quite wrap my head around using that language from an official account from the Department of State, given the nomination to be the head of this really important communication enterprise.
So what I would say, Senator, is viewed in context, the quote origin is more obvious than if you disembody it, it probably does need to have quote marks around it. If you view the whole thread, it's clear that it's a quote. Um, but ironically, you know, I'm a very strident anti-censorship. person and you might not agree with me on every single stance, every single point of emphasis, every single tonal choice I make, but you should want a strident anti-censorship person in this role, because the whole point of AGM is to deliver objective, truthful, balanced broadcasting in countries where censors want to stamp that out.
I I I don't disagree with you on government censorship, but I do believe that there is judgment that a leader needs to utilize in deciding how to express very, very important sentiments. And I think it's fair to judge someone on their judgment without censoring what they might state as an American or national of any other country. I yield back, Mister Chair.
Thank you. So So, P.
I do. I have another round that I would like to follow up on,
Sure.
because I would like to follow up Miss Rogers on the questioning that um Senator Kaine has opened because as as we have looked at um your debates online, it seems like you've spent an inordinate amount of time engaging in provocative debates um rather than strengthening um alliances that would be important to to the US public diplomacy aspect. Um, and I don't understand how that makes us stronger. I mean, I I cited, and we have the poster again, in my opening comments I cited that a recent poll has found that only eleven percent of Europeans now describe the United States as an ally, that China is more popular around the world than the United States. I find that really troubling, um, because I think our values and our commitment to free speech, to human rights, to individual freedoms. It totally differentiates us from China. And yet, that's not how the world is now seeing the United States. And that's troubling, and as somebody who's supposed to been have been the head of public diplomacy at the State Department, I don't understand what your strategy is, and it's clearly not working. So how do we reverse that, and how will you as the head of USAGM, um, reinforce the factual nature of the differences between the United States and our adversaries like Iran, like China, like Russia, because that is not coming through now as part of your role at the State Department.
Um, thank you, Senator. So I think my Twitter account um has focused prominently on some of these kind of punchy populist debates in Western Europe. I've also tweeted a lot of content about Japan and some about India. The reason my Twitter account has focused on Western Europe, Japan and India is that Western Europe, Japan and India are the countries where Twitter is most popular, but Twitter is a tiny, tiny segment of public diplomacy. I I don't spend a lot of time on it.
Well, and and I wasn't necessarily referring just to your Twitter account. I'm I'm referring to other meetings that you've had with um right-wing um representatives in countries that are supposed to be our allies. Um, I'm referring to conversations that you've had. And fundamental, I'm I'm asking you how that promotes American foreign policy and how the rest of the world views us, because I don't think it's been working. Clearly it's not. I mean, the polling shows it's not working.
Well, if my meetings were the main driver of the public perception of America and China, I think That would put a lot more um power in my pocket,
I didn't say they were the main driver,
but you know.
I'm saying that they have con I I'm trying to understand h what the strategy is to contribute to improving the image of the United States around the world, and and how you see USAGM as being able to help do that.
So look, my strategy when I take meetings as a diplomat is I meet with people that the State Department and our national security strategy favors that I meet with, and that's a wide variety of people I've met with. right-wing parties, middle of the road parties, I've met with some leftist politicians, I've met with NGOs, I do all of that and I'll on to AGM because that's the matter of the day. I mean I really think, you know, I'm not going to be making the day-to-day editorial choices, especially at the grantees, so if you slightly disagree with me on tone or emphasis or how we
Good.
carry out the Europe prong of our national security strategy, I'm not the one deciding what the headline on RFURL is going to be. I'm supposed to provide, general strategic management guidance. I'm supposed to make sure that these entities can run efficiently, that they have access to transmission capabilities, that they have access to back-office services, that they have access to journalistic standards and practices guidance. And those are the kinds of things I want to do. And as to how that advances our foreign policy, I think, Senator, I think you and I actually agree on this, that just the fact that the United States is holding out as funding a resource of reliable a source of reliable to people information yeah.
Oh, I totally agree with that. Um, and I am concerned. that under this administration that there will be um a reversal of what has been the history at USAGM with all of those entities of providing that factual information and not having um the political ideology interfere with what's factually presented over the air. Um I do have an another question for Mister Rada on the IMF. It continues as, again as I said in my opening statement, continues to provide support to Ukraine, and last week it approved another disbursement of funds signaling continued confidence in the Ukrainian government's economic policies. So can you talk a little bit about how you think the fund could continue to support the Ukrainian economy in the midst of this Russian war?
Well, thank you, Senator, for that question. So obviously I have currently not yet confirmed, so I'm not privy to some of the underlying analysis or deliberations in the decision,
Right.
but what I can commit to you is in evaluating the ongoing future decisions as it pertains to disbursement of additional capital to Ukraine is doing it consistent with how I've sort of my core function or f like framework is you know is in the American best interest coordinating with treasury and the administration department ongoing engagement with this committee and definitely recognizing the need that the Ukraine um, economy, it needs the capacity development and ongoing, you know, capital commitment, not just from the United States but from other allies.
Um, thank you, I I appreciate that and encourage you to to take that approach. The IMF has also launched what it calls an intensive program of engagement in quotes with Syrian counterparts to assess their economy, to provide advice. Um and the fund visited Damascus in February. confirmed, will you continue to advocate for an IMF lending program in Syria?
What I can commit to you, Senator, is if confirmed is wrapping my head around what that current proposal is, and understanding what the current status is. And then again, with that same framework that I just sort of articulated as it relates to Ukraine, and recognizing how, you know, to bring Syrian into additional lending and capital development and infrastructure aid or technical assistance rather for for that specific country.
Thank you. Thank you, Mister Chairman.
Thank you.
Thank you, uh, sir. Sheehy. And that will conclude our hearing, and I want to thank, uh, you all for providing us with the benefit of your testimony and responses today and your families for participating. Uh, before closing I'd like to add, uh, all, uh, letters of support and otherwise that the committee has received to the record. I will also note, uh, for the information of members. The record will remain open until close of business till tomorrow, Friday, uh, July thirty-first, including for members to submit questions for the record. With the thanks of the committee, uh this hearing is now adjourned.
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