Summary
- Benjamin M. Flowers (Partner, Ashbrook Byrne Kresge Flowers LLC) and Matthew A. Schwartz (Partner, Sullivan & Cromwell) refused to say who won the 2020 election beyond certification.
- Don Berthium pledged to protect Inspector General independence, prioritize high-impact risks, defend whistleblowers, and respond to unanswered congressional oversight letters.
- Sen. Blumenthal pressed Flowers and Schwartz on the 2020 winner, calling their rehearsed Justice Jackson answers insulting and disqualifying for independent judges.
- Sen. Grassley accused Democrats of hypocritical political theater over 2020 questions while Sen. Durbin said nominees were chosen for loyalty to President Trump.
- The committee will weigh circuit court confirmations and Inspector General oversight next, including scrutiny of the Justice Department settlement fund and recusal commitments.
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Transcript
good morning everybody we welcome you to today's hearing we have two panels first panel features circuit judge nominees benjamin flowers sixth circuit mathew schwartz second circuit our second panel has one nominee uh don uh berfume uh to serve as inspector general of the department of justice for months now my democratic colleagues have relentlessly attacked nominees about the twenty twenty election i think it's been unfair been hypocritical as i explained a few weeks ago article two and the twelfth amendment of the constitution dictate how president elections are won under our constitution the electoral college casts ballots and the vice president certifies the win winner at a joint session of congress so it's pretty simple there's no other way to win an election when asked about the twenty twenty election recent judicial nominees and maybe others have also given legally correct answers joe biden was certified as the winner but my democratic colleagues won't accept that And they press, and they press again, for a sound bite. They don't care about the answers, they just want a clip to go viral. So my democratic colleagues attack the nominees. That's the follow-up. They go them to weigh in to political controversial topics. when the nominees don't bite my democrat colleagues accuse them of being evasive members of this committee have even been called uh the nominees derogatory names like cowards like monkeys like puppets the progressive media has gleefully reported about Quote unquote contempt and ridicule the nominees are subject to at the hearings. Once again the New York Times leans leans into its role as a mouthpiece of the Democratic Party. These are these attacks are just beneath our office. They're hypocritical. If we wanna talk about evasive answers, let's rewind the clock. Justice Jackson's hearing. Senator Blackburn asked a simple question. What is a woman? A judge must be able to assess whether a litigant is entitled to protections. Um, that the federal law affords women i think we all agree on that well justice jackson wouldn't answer that question she simply stated she couldn't because quote unquote i'm not a biologist how can my democrat colleagues criticize nominees for giving a direct legal correct answer when their own nominees wouldn't answer a basic factual question that we've understood for the entire six thousand he- year history of humankind. We all know why. It's because my democrat colleagues aren't concerned about evasive answers. They want political theater. the democrats don't like our president and they wanna poke him so they're attacking nominees for refusing to comment on matters of political debate regarding that twenty twenty election if that weren't true then surely my democratic colleagues have always demanded direct and robust answers to questions about the twenty twenty election Right? Let's take a look at how Justice Jackson responded when she was asked about the twenty twenty election. So I have a poster here. I want everyone to see this. Especially my democratic colleagues to see this. And I want the American people to see this. And I want the New York Times to see it. When asked if she had ever committed commented on the results of the twenty twenty election justice jackson stated quote it would be inappropriate for me to publicly weigh into a subject of political debate end of quote let me say that again to be very clear justice jackson said it would be inappropriate for me to publicly weigh into any subject of political debate. She gave the same answer when asked whether she ever expects expressed skepticism about the twenty sixteen election results. Well, isn't that something? Justice Jackson, like every nominee to come before this committee, this Congress, didn't think it was appropriate. for a judicial nominee to weigh in to the political debate concerning the results of the twenty twenty election. And I hope the New York Times gets that. Were my democratic colleagues enraged by Justice Jackson's suggestion that the results of the twenty twenty election were a matter of political debate? did they say her statements were quote orwellian in denial of reality end of quote did the partisan progressive scribes at the new york times publish an entire article describing her responses quote unquote astonishingly of course they didn't her answer then the answers of judicial nominees recently was entirely prudent and unremarkable. The hypocrisy from the other side and the New York Times is breathtaking. My Democrat colleagues need to stop and reflect. Why have they created a month-long circus about trump nominees for making the exact same pay point that justice jackson made during her confirmation hearing. i'm satisfied with how recent nominees have answered the questions about the twenty twenty election from here on they should just quote justice jackson they deserve better than hypocritical attacks and the american people do as well mister berth berth fume uh earned his law degree from uh new york university in buffalo school of law in two thousand he began his legal career as an assistant district attorney in manhattan in two thousand five he transitioned to private practice where he advised on civil enforcement matters as well as yeah uh government and internal investigations in twenty ten he joined the justice department office of inspector general since then he's been involved in several sensitive investigations to root out misconduct, fraud, waste and abuse. These include the FBI's partisan Crossfire hurricane probe, and more recently a an effort to determine the previous O OIG's level of invest invest involvement in Jack Smith's Arctic Frost witch hunt. as my and senator johnson's oversight has exposed that partisan investigation secretly sought and obtained the records of many members of this very judicial committee he briefly served in the da s office of compliance and since twenty twenty three has served as an advisor uh to the inspector general in the department of housing and urban development in twenty twenty five he returned to the justice department in detailed capacity he briefly served as acting inspector general and is currently serving as senior advisor of deputy to the deputy inspector general he brings a wealth of experience and i look forward to hearing him today senator Your way.
Thanks, Mister Chairman. Breaking news yesterday. The Department of Justice and Internal Revenue Service reached a settlement agreement in Trump versus Internal Revenue Service that established a two million doll- two billion dollars, I'm sorry, two billion dollar settlement fund. This anti-weaponization fund will likely be used to financially benefit the president, his family, his political allies, affiliated individuals and related companies in trust, as well as individuals who were tried for their crimes at this capital on January sixth, twenty twenty one. Moreover, the memorandum in support of the fund establishes that the United States is quote, "forever barred and precluded from prosecuting or pursuing claims against President Trump, related or affiliated individuals, including without limitation family or others filing jointly or related companies in trust. This Mem- Memorandum also states that the United States has no liability whatsoever for misuse of funds into the anti-weaponization fund, thereby facilitating the misuse of funds by individuals who've already shown a complete disregard for the law. Imagine if Joe Biden went this far. Would we have a hearing in the Judiciary Committee? I certainly know we would, and you do too. Will there be a hearing in this committee when it comes to this new slush fund, which I quote, forever bars and precludes from prosecution or pursuing claims against President Trump, related individuals, including without limitation family and filing jointly. It's a get out of jail free card forever. And that's the word that's used forever for the Trump family from causes of action by the Internal Revenue Service. Worth a hearing in the Judiciary Committee? I certainly hope so. Mister Chairman, my congratulations to the nominees and their families. Hearings like the one we're holding today are a crucial part of the Senate's advise and consent process. It has never been more important that the Senate exercise this constitutional duty, given that President Trump expects his nominees to be loyal, first and last loyal to him, not to the Constitution or the rule of law. This is not hyperbole. It is not conjecture. Just last week, President Trump posted another rant on social media, lambasting judges who had the audacity to follow the law instead of catering to his whims. After claiming his Supreme Court nominees have, quote, " shown so little respect", close quote, because they ruled against him, President Trump said federal judges should, quote, be loyal to the person that appointed them. Very subtle. In fact, judges take an oath that they will administer justice without respect to persons and, quote, will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all duties under the Constitution and laws of the United States. Nowhere, nowhere in this oath does it say the judges are beholden to the president who nominates them. Nonetheless, the President continues to nominate his personal attorneys to serve as judges. Matthew Schwartz, who we'll hear from this morning, the third personal attorney of the President, who he's nominated to a circuit court seat following the nominations of Emil Beauvais and Justin Smith. For his loyalty to the President, Mr. Schwartz has been rewarded with a lifetime appointment to the second highest court in the land. In fact, he continues to represent the President in court. in not one but two pending cases while this nomination proceeds. That includes the appeal of a New York State jury verdict, finding President Trump guilty of thirty-four felony counts of falsifying business records, stemming from a hundred and thirty thousand dollar hush money payment to an adult film star, Stormy Daniels. For aspiring judges not lucky enough to become one of the president's personal attorneys, They can jockey for President Trump's support in another way, supporting his legal arguments. Benjamin Flores, who is before us today, fits that bill. In one amicus brief, he challenged Pennsylvania's administration of the twenty twenty election. Why? Because President Trump claims to have lost I'm sorry, President Trump lost the popular vote in Pennsylvania and was trying to overturn the results. Earlier this year, Mister Flores filed a Supreme Court amicus brief supporting the president's constitutional attempt to limit birthright citizenship. This executive order by the president has been rejected by every judge who's considered it. Judge John Kunar, who was appointed by President Ronald Reagan, called it, quote, " blatantly unconstitutional." Mister Flores has shown repeatedly, whether in government service or in private practice, his North Star is loyalty to President Trump. It's no surprise that his nomination is before us today. President Trump is disappointed in the Supreme Court justices he appointed during his first term. While they are reliable and conservative, they occasionally rule against him. For Donald Trump, this is an unforgivable act of disloyalty. So in his second term he demands that appointees bend a knee, kiss the ring, and demonstrate blind loyalty. President Trump is now putting forward nominees who have shown they're willing to ignore the rule of law, so long as they follow his agenda. That is in direct conflict with what we require of federal judges throughout the history of this country. We should have confidence the jurists will be neutral arbiters who rule without fear or favor. But I'm deeply concerned that President Trump tap today's nominees because they will, quote, " be loyal to the person that appointed them". That was his language. That's what the president's looking for. I yield.
uh since you brought up the settlement talkers and not uh in opposition to uh or difference from what you said but i'd like to add my point of view to it over the decade president trump and republican political apparatus have suffered uh the worst government weaponization in history i've been involved in the crossfire hurricane and arctic frost oversights and these are just uh two examples of that i think we've shown a lot of how uh wrongly they were handled or shouldn't been handled at all so i think there ought to be accountability where there was wrong doing let's not forget that when the biden justice department paid off disgraced fbi agent peter struck and lisa page uh in one case one in two tenths million dollars and the other case eight hundred thousand dollars and we all agreed that they damaged our nations uh democrats cheered them on so that's a double standard that said uh i understand that there are questions regarding the recent settlement there are open questions about how this settlement will work and i've asked the justice department for information about this and i expect updates i'll note a few things that we do know from the justice department announcement first president trump isn't receiving any taxpayer dollars even though he was the victim of a felony secondly the fund is designed to process and redress claims of others who suffered weaponization and can prove it and third there is no partisan uh requirements to file a claim of course uh the questions remain and i expect that members of this committee and the public will want more information about this fund will work uh members will have an opportunity to ask about this in our uh oversight hearings that we have uh uh yet uh coming up at the bottom though democrats allowed the government to be weaponized against their political opponents they don't have i don't think much more high ground to complain about lawsuits related to uh abuse from government weaponization against political opponents my democratic colleagues didn't lift a finger to hold the obama uh and biden justice department accountable senator hustead and then senator lee
thank you mr. chairman uh It is my honor to introduce fellow Ohioan, Mister Ben Flowers. Over the course of his career, he has built a well-deserved, I would say sterling reputation as a thoughtful, talented attorney. Whether it is during his time as in public service or in the private sector, he has always argued his cases with conviction and compassion. Mister Flowers is a second generation Ohio State Buckeye. having graduated summa cum laude in two thousand nine. He then went on to receive his JD from the University of Chicago Law School, and began his career clerking for both Circuit Judge Sandra Siegel-Acouda
Oh, yes.
and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. Mister Flowers then spent several years practicing at Jones Day as an associate before serving the great state of Ohio as our Solicitor General. During his time as Solicitor General of Ohio, he took on several cases of enormous consequence and argued them all with grace and skill. He argued national federation of independent business versus the Department of Labor and led multi-state, a multi-state challenge to OSHA's vaccine mandate, ultimately prevailing before the Supreme Court. One particularly notable case that Mister Flowers argued was pre, uh, was preterm Cleveland versus McLeod, in which he defended Ohio's prohibition on the termination of pregnancy based on a Down syndrome diagnosis. Not only did he prevail, but he centered much of his argument on the human element of the case. Mister Flowers reached out to parents of children with Down syndrome and spoke with them at length, ensuring that his approach was the, was in the best interest of the down syndrome community. Uh, this demonstrates the kind of person that Ben Flowers is, and the kind of judge he will be. He currently is a partner at the law firm of Ashbrook, Byrne, Kresge, and Flowers, and is, is a devoted father of three young children who are well behaved, sitting there in the front row. uh, today. And, um, he, uh, Mister Flowers, uh, also, and his wife and family happen to be, uh, neighbors of mine. They live, uh, not too far from our family and, uh, I drive past their home quite frequently. I am certain that Mister Flowers will once again serve the people of Ohio with honor and distinction in his new role as a judge for the sixth circuit, should my colleagues confirm him. and a confirmation that I strongly support. And I know this, that Ben Flowers will be loyal to the Constitution and the rule of law. Mister Flowers, thank you for being here with your family today. Thank you, Mister Chairman.
Thank you, Miss Senator Hostad, and you can stay or leave, whatever you wanna do, Senator Lee.
Thank you, Mister Chairman. It's my distinct honor and pleasure to introduce my friend Matthew Schwartz. uh, whom President Trump has nominated to serve on the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. I've known Mat Schwartz for decades. Uh, when we clerked together for Justice Alito, I saw Mat exemplify so many of the qualities that matter most in a judge. Intellectual discipline, raw intellectual horsepower, respect for the law and for the Constitution, an understanding that laws have meaning, and it's a judge's job on so many instances. to figure out what that meaning is, using the tools available to lawyers to interpret the law. He also has a strong apprepe- appreciation for the difference between state power and federal power, and an appreciation for the uh, essential and necessarily limited role of the federal judiciary, So, I don't seem so much to respect him. the role that Article Three judges play in our system. With this nomination, President Trump continues to cement a lasting legacy of appointing judges who approach the law this way, with the understanding that you need to figure out what the meaning of the law is. To figure out the original public meaning, at the time something was adopted, either as federal law or as part of the constitution, to get to the right answer. For decades yet to come, uh, these judges, these men and women will interpret the law according to its meaning, and thereby safeguard the role, and the - the - the role of the federal judiciary and the rule of law for many decades to come. Matt Schwartz's record reflects the preparation necessary for this solemn responsibility, and for this particular uh, position on the US Court of Appeals for the second circuit. He graduated cum laude, cum laude, cum laude from Princeton University, and then went on to obtain his law degree from Columbia University where he received the prestigious Harlan Fiske Stone Award. He clerked for then Judge Alito on the US Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, before joining Kravath, Swain, and Moore as an associate. Mister Schwartz, uh, then clerked for Justice Alito after he got himself put on the US Supreme Court and following that clerkship, uh, he joined, uh, the law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell. in its New York office where he became a partner only five years later. Mm-hmm. His appellate practice has centered on complex litigation, Yeah, probably indeed. arbitration, and government investigations. Includingly. Mat has expertise in many of the areas of the law that are somewhat uniquely relevant in the second circuit. Securities, mergers and acquisitions, corporate governance, antitrust, bank regulation, contracts dispute, constitutional law, administrative actions, and commercial litigation generally. He's also advised on and advocated, uh, uh, on matters related to legal ethics in the New York legal community. But this is only part of the story, as Mister Schwartz's career is not limited only to high stakes commercial litigation. He's also maintained a successful and very meaningful substantive pro bono practice. Through the New York Presbyterian Hospital Wills Clinic, he drafts and executes wills, powers of attorney, and health care proxies for patients suffering from AIDS. Mr. Schwartz is also an active participant in community health organizations, including the American Jewish Medical Association, founded of course in the aftermath of the October seventh uh attacks to combat anti-semitism in health care. And Judges and Lawyers Breast Cancer Alert, a volunteer organization of legal professionals that promotes breast cancer awareness and education in underserved communities. And the Alito cha- chambers, uh, uh, Matt Schwartz, uh, w- was sort of the glue that kept us all together. Not only was he someone you could turn to on any matter, uh, for sound advice when drafting a bench memo or helping the justice, uh, uh, with an opinion, and you'd get the right answer over and over again. He was also uh enthusiastic and indeed eager to make things fun. He was very often the one who had the best ideas. Every nine weeks, each chambers, each uh set of law clerks hosts a uh a gathering for all the other law clerks. Uh, the Alito chambers hosted the very best events and was almost entirely due to Matt Schwartz's willingness uh to to do the hard work of setting those up, and figuring out ways to make them fun and to make them entertaining. We once got uh scolded uh by one of Justice Alito's assistants after Matt Schwartz offered to set up the Christmas tree and she looked at us and said, " Wait, why'd you make the Jewish guy set up the Christmas tree?" Uh, three Christian clerics who could have done it. This is the kind of guy Matt Schwartz is. He volunteers to get the job done and um, all, makes it always look seamless and effortless, even though it's not. And he does so with a smile, with enthusiasm that's uh, really infectious, and that makes everyone else uh, want to do better and be better. Mat, uh, is also a, uh, devoted, uh, uh, husband, a devoted father, and he'll be introducing, uh, his family in just a moment. Uh, I look forward to my colleagues getting to know him. In short, I, I can say with great confidence that Matthew Schwartz is a truly outstanding, exceptional, unusual, highly qualified nominee who will be a credit to the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit and to the federal judiciary as a whole. He'll be faithful to the law. He will respect the judicial role and his judicial oath of office. And he'll be committed to the Constitution of the United States. I'm pleased to support his nomination, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Lee, thank you very much. Would Mister Flowers and Mister Schwartz come forward, please, and please don't sit down till we uh give the oath. Uh, do you swear that testimony about to give before the this committee will be the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth so help you god both have uh affirmatively said yes please be seated and uh uh you each of you can introduce anybody you want to and say anything you want to in your opening statement then we'll have questions uh start with mister flowers
Thank you, Chairman Grassley, Ranking Member Durbin, all the senators on the committee. Um, I wanna begin by thanking President Trump, this nomination is the greatest professional honor of my life. Thank you also to Senators Hustead and Moreno, Senator Hustead for his kind words this morning, and both senators for their support throughout this process. Now, I mentioned this was the greatest professional honor of my life, and that would be true of any circuit nomination. But it's especially true because I've been nominated to succeed, uh, Chief Judge Jeff Sutton. Chief Judge Sutton is among the greatest, most influential, most admired circuit court judges in the history of this country. I've argued in front of him a lot. I've won some of those cases, I've lost some of those cases, but on each occasion I left the courtroom knowing that my case would be decided fairly, pursuant to law, without fear or favor to anyone. And if I'm fortunate enough to be confirmed, it's my goal that every advocate feels the way about me, that I do, and every advocate does, about Chief Judge Sutton. I'd like to briefly introduce some folks who are here to support me today, beginning with my parents who were in from Harwinton, Connecticut, where I was raised. Uh, my mom is a retired middle school art teacher. And from her I learned and continue to learn what selflessness looks like. From my father, who founded a small business in Connecticut, I learned what hard work looks like. Now, he also instilled in me from an early age a love for the Ohio State Buckeyes. And I'm grateful for that for a lot of reasons, but the most important is it probably led me to enroll at Ohio State, where on my very first day I met my wife, Denise. Uh, she's here today with her parents and her aunt. Uh, Denise and I started dating a few months after we first met, and we've never looked back. And and frankly, we're a team. I mean, every accomplishment I have is an accomplishment of hers as well. And our greatest accomplishments are the three kids, uh, sitting behind me. And senators, my daughter, uh, asked me to thank you all for scheduling the hearing today. It is her ninth birthday. She's been lobbying for months to play hooky. Uh, we'd been refusing, but you gave her an excuse that we couldn't refuse. So she's very grateful. Uh, and I'm grateful to be joined Thank you, Senator Kenney. We're also grateful to be joined by some of her friends and their fathers who came down to uh combine a little bit of uh father-daughter bonding with some civics uh education at the same time and I wanna conclude by thanking some people who couldn't be here today my sister and her family in California my brother's-in-law in Cleveland uh all of my extended friends and family my former boss, Attorney General Yost but last but not least my former bosses and judicial heroes, Justice Scalia, and Judge Sandra Akuta, who tragically passed last year after a bout uh with cancer. One of the few things I've regretted about this process is that I wasn't able to call them and share the news of my nomination, but I am eternally grateful for their mentorship and for the example they set for everyone who is or aspires to be a judge. And I look forward to discussing my nomination with you all.
Uh, sir, uh, Mister Schwartz.
Thank you, Chairman Grassley, Ranking Member Durbin, members of the committee. Thank you very much, Senator Lee, for those very kind words. And I of course would like to thank President Trump for the great honor of this nomination. Um, senators, let me introduce my family a little bit. My wife, Amy, the amazing Amy Schwartz and I have been married for almost twenty-three years now, uh, and we've raised four wonderful children. Amy and my daughter Beatrice couldn't be here today for school and soccer commitments, but our three sons are here, Rush, Jethro and Winston, for support, as are my brother and sister-in-law, Michael and Remy Schwartz. and my niece and nephew, Bea and Ben, who I thanked from for coming up from Philadelphia to support me here today. Um, at home watching on TV, I hope, are my mother, my sister and her family, my mother-in-law, colleagues at Sullivan and Cromwell, and at the bar, and lots of friends. And their support throughout this process has been tremendous. Um, I would be remiss, senators, if I didn't mention my father, Robert Schwartz, who we lost to leukemia thirty years ago. He was a truly wonderful man. He was smart. He was kind. He was caring. He was creative. He was the life of every party, and he knew what to do in every difficult situation. And I still think about him every single day, but particularly on days like today. I would also very much like to acknowledge Justice Alito, who's been my mentor for over twenty years now. From the moment I walked into his chambers in Newark, New Jersey, his intelligence, his work ethic, and his basic human decency inspired in me a reverence for the judicial branch and the important role it plays in our society. He and Mrs. Alito have had a tremendous positive effect on my life, and I thank them both for it. And finally, Senators, I'd like to thank God for the blessings given to me, my family, and the United States. I truly believe we live in the best time and country in the history of humanity. If I'm given the opportunity and confirmed, I hope to pay back. the wonderful things this country has done for me through a lifetime of public service, by upholding the rule of law, and by inspiring confidence in the federal judiciary. Thank you.
Thank you. We'll have five minute rounds of questioning. I'm gonna start out with Mister Flowers. Do you have any problem at all saying that Joe Biden was certified by Congress as the winner of the twenty twenty election and served four years as president of the United States?
i do not have any problem saying that senator
ok do you agree with justice jackson's response when she was asked about her commentary uh regarding who won the twenty twenty election
yes senator
ok uh that's very good uh i agree with that answer as the correct one some of my democrat colleagues have been relentlessly attacking good public service for answering this question the same way justice jackson did during her confirmation i'm afraid to say that it's uh uh very hypocritical cloaked as a concern for the truth mister schwartz uh do you have the same answers
i have the same answers senator
uh that settles it so let's go to something else Mister Flowers, you've had an impressive legal career during what you spent four years as Ohio's Solicitor General, where you handled the most important cases and appeals facing the state. How did your experience as uh Ohio's Solicitor General prepare you for the federal branch?
As Solicitor General, I argued the most important cases for the state, and I argued cases across a a wide variety uh of matters. So I was exposed to most any legal issue uh that comes before the courts, at least from the states. Um, and in that capacity I defended Ohio's laws regardless of the political valence of those laws. So, for example, I would defend the state of Ohio in in environmental cases against pipeline companies. I would defend tax laws that might be challenged by business groups, but I would also defend any other laws that were passed. So I developed a healthy respect for the states and state law and federalism. And I also had the opportunity to, uh, speak with individuals affected by the positions we took on the SJQ that I submitted. You'll see the Danny Hill cases. Um, that was one of the most gruesome murders I've ever encountered as a lawyer. Um, and I got to know the victim of, uh, the mother of the victim. And, um, just converse with her about the effect these cases had on her personally. And so getting to see the actual real world effects of cases was something I'll always carry with me.
OK. And Mister Swartz, uh, you've already stated for us how you served uh justice alito in two different ways please tell us your experience of clerking for justice alito how that has shaped your legal career and what did you learn from him that you intend to take with you to the federal bench
so senator when i started working for justice alito in two thousand and three on the third circuit i was relatively young man young lawyer um i learned from him patience i learned from him to read everything that comes before you consider all the arguments uh fairly um and to do the research and do the work to treat everyone respectfully both in your tone and in your acknowledgement of their arguments as well and that's something that i've tried to carry with me uh throughout my legal career
uh mister flowers you've had a great experience with one of the outstanding justices scalia would you describe yourself as an originalist and in your view what are the strengths of that doctrine
i would describe myself as an originalist and the strength of that doctrine is that it means that american citizens are bound by the written law and that no one can be deprived of life liberty or property without a law that passes through this chamber is signed by the president and is uh carried out in the court uh by the judicial branch
uh mister schwartz uh you've been involved in banking financial services and security's regulations a very dense and complex part of the law but it is highly relevant to the new york courts and the second circuit what is your most significant lesson that you learned as a practicing attorney, and how has your experience in private practice prepared you for your role coming up, if you're approved?
So thank you, Senator, I've been very fortunate to have a very broad practice in many different areas of the law, but including in the areas that you mentioned. Those are particularly important areas on the second circuit. Many of the judges who are on the second circuit now are very fine judges, but they have more of a law enforcement or prosecutorial background. And I hope, uh, to be able to bring some of my experience in those particular areas, which again are pretty crucial to New York, uh, to the bench and be able to discuss them with my colleagues when I get there, in terms of helping understand statutes, understand regulations, um, and give the circuit a little bit of that experience as well, if I'm so confirmed.
Senator. Senator Durbin.
Thanks, Mister Chairman, and uh thanks to the witnesses. Mister Flowers, thanks to public records, certain emails from your time in the Ohio Attorney General's office are publicly available. Those emails make it clear that you knew how, in your words, disgraceful, close quote, the election denialism by President Trump and his allies turned out to be. In response to an email from then Missouri Solicitor General John Sauer, about joining a brief that Missouri planned to file as part of Texas' challenge to the results of the twenty twenty election, you emailed the Attorney General of Ohio. And here's what you said. "Everyone I've spoken with agrees this suit is a terrible idea and will tarnish the credibility of any office that gets involved." In another email you wrote, and I quote, " Arizona's Solicitor General was in agreement with me that a new brief would not solve the problem. The danger stems not from Missouri's brief, but rather from the case itself." In another email you noted, and I quote, " Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina and Utah have now moved to intervene, adopting the allegation in Texas's bill of complaint." You added, and I quote, "This is really becoming a disgrace", close quote, in reference to the election denialism lawsuit. Do you still believe the lawsuit challenging the results of the twenty twenty election was a terrible idea?
Thank you for the chance to address that, uh, Ranking Member Durbin, I don't believe, I believe the premise of your question was that I said election denialism was a disgrace. I don't, I think I was addressing the particular case And, uh, what I'll do is point you to the brief that I filed in that case. Um, we said that the Supreme Court had a constitutional obligation to hear the case, but that pursuant to the independent state legislature, uh, theory which we had advanced in other cases as the state of Ohio, we would not be able to join and, uh, because of the particular relief being sought. So I believe it was the relief being sought to which those emails refer.
Do you still believe that the attempt to dispute the outcome of the twenty twenty election was a disgrace?
well again senator i don't believe that's what the emails say i believe they were referring to uh the particular relief sought in that case uh but i'll refer you to justice jackson's comments that it wouldn't be appropriate to weigh in on this as a judicial nominee
you don't wanna answer
uh uh my answer is to invoke uh justice jackson's example follow her lead and decline to say any more
mister swartz on your law firm's uh website You take credit for persuading the Delaware Supreme Court to reinstate a fifty billion dollar incentive compensation plan for Tesla CEO, Elon Musk. Do you commit that if you're confirmed you will recuse yourself from all matters relating to Elon Musk and the pending cases that relate to Doge a- actions?
Uh, so, Senator, I was one of a member, member of a team that worked on that case for Tesla, not for Mister Musk. But, Senator, I commit to you that I will follow all the recusal requirements under the judicial codes, um, and I will follow those on a case-by-case basis when it comes to Tesla and Mister Musk, depending on the nature of the case that might come before me if I am confirmed.
You are currently serving as President Trump's attorney in two cases on appeal. Is that true?
That's correct, Senator.
Thirty-four count conviction in the Starmy Daniels hush money case. and the civil suit that resulted in a four hundred and sixty four million dollar judgment against the president and his business entities for inflate inflating business assets. You're the third judicial nominee before this committee, who has served as President Trump's personal attorney. President Trump has suggested that his judicial appointees shouldn't rule against him, quote, "it's really OK for them to be loyal to the person that appointed them", end of quote. it's clear that President Trump expects you as nominee to be loyal to him from the bench, should you be confirmed. Why should we trust you, under these circumstances, and these statements from the President, to place the Constitution and your professional obligations ahead of your personal loyalty to the President?
So, Senator, I'm obviously not gonna comment on your quotations of the President, but what I will do is commit to you that if I'm confirmed and take the oath of office, to be impartial and to rule without fear or favor, uh, that will be an oath that I will take extraordinarily seriously and will not violate if I am put on the second circuit.
Will you recuse yourself from all matters in which you previously represented President Trump?
Uh, yes, Senator, I would recuse myself on those matters.
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Lee.
Mr. Schwartz, let's, uh, start with you. Uh, tell us a little bit about how you would characterize your judicial philosophy or your interpretive approach to the law.
So, Senator, when looking at a statute, I would be a textualist. That's my philosophy. And when considering the Constitution originalism, Senator.
Basically the same thing. Um, the same principles apply. You're looking for the original public meaning of a statute or a provision of the Constitution. Um, one of the often underappreciated legal doctrines that is very relevant to any Article Three judge particularly uh in the Court of Appeals but uh also in the district courts involves Article Three, justiciability. Um, the separate but related freestanding doctrines of standing, ripeness, mookness, and non-justiciable political questions. These are things that I, it's a good way to kill the vibe at any party. Uh, it's a good way to put people to sleep. So a lot of people don't find this interesting, and yet it's very important. Tell us a little bit about, um, uh, these doctrines and why they're important, why they matter under the Constitution.
So, Senator, I think the Federalist papers describe the judiciary as the least dangerous branch. And one of the reasons is that there are the restrictions that you mentioned, uh, on judic- dis- just disability, on standing, and it means that really only cases and controversies can come before the courts and be decided. Other countries have different systems where the courts do not need to have a case and controversy and without commenting on the, uh, government structure of other countries, In those countries, the courts have uh much more power than the courts do in the United States. And to keep our system of checks and balances, it's important that each branch, especially the judiciary, stays in its own lane and understands that its rule, that it's, that it's supposed to be ruling on the law and using its judgment, uh, not enforcing its personal will on general topics, not trying to enforce the laws the executive branch should be doing.
In the case of standing in particular, got to establish as a as a plaintiff in it an action in federal court, an injury in fact fairly traceable to the conduct of the defendant, that's capable of being remedied uh by a court of competent jurisdiction. These of course are are jurisdictional, um non-waivable, um uh elements that have to be satisfied. Um in particular withstanding um what why does it matter so much that we have these somewhat rigidly enforced uh, rules. For example, in the case of standing, um, you can't uh, uh, assert an injury that doesn't belong to you, that, uh, that is only tangentially, uh, uh, uh, related to you, that it, that it has an only attenuated, um, impact on your life. Why does that matter so much?
Um, I can think of two reasons why it matters, Senator. One is, again, we don't want the courts just sort of pontificating on non on on various issues that where there's not actually a dispute and the courts don't actually need to get involved that's much more for the political branches of our government the second is that you actually want fair representation on both sides of an issue before a court makes a decision and if you have somebody who is bringing a case and they're not really uh arguing the side that they need to argue it can lead to bad outcomes courts uh you don't have proper briefing you don't have the incentives of the parties those are two reasons that come to the top of my head about why standing is important
if you're confirmed to this position on the us court of appeals for the second circuit you'll be uh hearing appeals from uh from district courts and uh one of the many scenarios in which you'll be reviewing appeals will be in the in the civil context uh appeals from dispositive motions um motions to dispose dismiss or uh motions for summary judgment. In the context of a dispositive motion, do you have any any view uh over whether which one is worth or worse, or whether one is worse than the other? Uh, i- in a close case, denying a meritorious uh, dispositive motion, or granting a non-meritorious dispositive motion, is one worse than the other?
Um, Senator, I've had the privilege of filing uh dispositive motions and opposing them. I I think erring on either side is really problematic. In one case, you're getting rid of a valid claim or case. In the other case, you're subjecting the other party to potentially extraordinarily burdensome and uh costly litigation. I think in general, given the federal rules of civil procedure and the standards for uh, twelve uh, rule twelve motions and rule fifty-six motions, close cases are usually decided against uh granting the dispositive motion under those standards, but I think judges need to be very careful on those issues and not neither one of them is good.
There's a related point um that closely relates to that um sometimes you'll you'll have judges trying to wrap themselves in the flag uh declining to grant relief they're declining to um uh to act to grant an injunction or something um where it may be warranted um I guess the related question is, which is worse, judicial activism, uh, where action is not warranted, or judicial passivity, uh, uh, where action is warranted.
Um, Senator, I think they're both problematic, obviously judicial passivity, um, has some attractiveness to it because it defers more to the elected branches of government. But when you engage in judicial passivity, you of course may be denying rights to individuals that they have under the constitution or under statutes. And so it's very important for a judge to think about those issues and try to come up with the right decision rather than having a bias towards act action or or or passiveness.
Right. To quote Rush, if you choose not to decide, you still have made a choice. See my time's expired. Thanks. Thanks very much. Um, in the context of what has recently uh happened uh with the treasury and the department of justice and the setting up of the one point eight billion dollar cup beaters slush fund the very week after police week here in washington i thought that uh mister schwartz's comments about the merit of standing indicated quite clearly why that self dealing cup beaters slush fund is so deeply deeply problematic, without even going to the Trump family tax amnesty that, uh, it provided, with literally one lawyer's signature on the document. Usually, if there's a contested matter, they're two parties. In this case, one lawyer signed it. And we don't know whether he signed it as acting attorney general or as Trump's personal lawyer, but we do know that it created a one point billion dollar cop beaters slush fund, and we do know that it gave the trump family and associated businesses uh amnesty from any tax mischief or fraud that they may have committed and it's really hard to see how there was any real case, or controversy in that little scheme but um i also wanna note that mister schwartz is here without blue slips from the senators from the second circuit state and just to remind everybody I warned when we got rid of the circuit court blue slip that this was gonna be unpleasant, and I've had colleagues on the other side express their dissatisfaction when they were ignored for blue slips. So here we are again. I don't want to hear a lot of complaining about blue slips in the future, after we go through these exercises and ignore senators' rights to have a blue slip. But I want to talk about something different that just happened fairly recently. Um, In Wyoming, a US attorney was sanctioned by the federal court. Nine criminal indictments were thrown out as a result of improper conversations with grand jurors by the US attorney. He called the defendants murderers, even though they were not homicide charges in the proposed indictment. He called them bad guys not run-of-the-mill criminals. He handed out his business cards to the grand jurors and invited them to get in touch with him privately. A one L could do issue spotting in that fact pattern and see massive, massive error and misconduct. It was challenged. by the lawyers for the defendants who said, " This is not an isolated lapse. It has metastasized into systemic institutional. Failure in the taint is widespread and continuous." And guess what the court agreed? The court said that the cumul cumulative effect of many known instances of misconduct, implying that there may be further unknown instances of misconduct, justified dismissing the complaints. The court found that none of the US attorney's excuses carry water, when viewed, I'm quoting here, when viewed against the volume and the flagrancy of the misconduct, end quote. And then concluded that the, this US attorney had abused his special position of trust. Here's what's interesting about that order and that US attorney. That order was filed on May fifteenth. of this year. Three days later, on May eighteenth, that US attorney, who'd been voted on in this committee, was slipped into the big en bloc list for confirmation without anyone in the Senate being told about that May fifteenth order regarding his professional misconduct. And I gotta say, I don't think that's the way this committee should operate. I think if there's an order from the federal court challenging the integrity and the competence of a United States attorney who is pending before the United States Senate, and we're not informed about that order for three days, and we don't even get an individual vote on that nominee, instead he's buried into the en bloc group, which I think was forty-nine different confirmations that day. That's not what the Senate is supposed to be. This guy should not be a US attorney. And his confirmation should certainly not have been slipped in without disclosure of this order into an en bloc confirmation vote. I think the Senate was misled by that. And my time has expired.
thank you mr. chairman uh congratulations gentlemen uh mister fliers i wanna ask you about an article you wrote um last year called departmentalism in the departmentalism in the age of trump do you remember that
i do senator it was a speech i that i gave
yes yeah um and as i read it um you espouse the view that each department of the federal government has a responsibility to interpret the constitution did you mean each department or each branch tell me about that article
uh i uh they'd be synonymous in this context i was referring to both branches um the theory of departmentalism is the view
so you were referring to branches
correct
OK.
Correct. And the the theory of departmentalism, which Abraham Lincoln is perhaps the most prominent, uh, uh, person to espouse it, is the view that every single federal official takes an oath to the Constitution, and has a duty to abide by it. So, you sometimes hear people say that this, the Constitution is what the courts say it is. And that's not quite right. Every official has a duty to interpret the Constitution. So, for example, if the Supreme Court very, OK.
I get it. Um, so, congress has a right to interpret the constitution, right?
correct and a duty to do so
ok what happens if congress interprets the constitution one way and the united states supreme court interprets it another who wins
uh so in a if if that law is challenged in court the court has a duty to say what the law is and with
uh i i i i get all that but who wins
so in that case the the court would win with respect to the parties the law would um congress would be free to pass the same law again
ok given the fact that the executive branch and the the the legislative branch of the federal government both have uh the authority to interpret a constitution according to your theory
mmm
um as well of course as the courts um is there any suppose the executive branch interprets the constitution one way and the the uh supreme court interprets it another who another way who wins
so the the court will win in when the case comes uh the the court will win in the sense that it will interpret the law and its interpretation of the law will be binding on the parties in the case before it but it's not necessarily binding on future parties so the executive would be free to try the same thing again with another party.
So are you saying that if the president disagrees with an interpretation by the Supreme Court, but the president is not a party, the president can ignore the Supreme Court ruling?
Oh, he could certainly not ignore the Supreme Court ruling with respect to the parties to whom the judgment applies. But Abraham Lincoln, famous
He's not I'm I'm trying to get drill down to counsel what you really said. Let's suppose that the Supreme Court issued, well let's let's take, well let let let's take Calais, the Calais decision. OK, the Supreme Court ruled. Some like it, some don't. The president was not a party. Um, nor was Chairman Grassley.
Mm-hmm.
if they disagree with kiley the president or chairman grassley can they just ignore it is that what you're saying
no i wouldn't say ignore it they're obligated to carry the judgment into effect insofar as uh that that
well tell me what you do what what i i'm confused i'm sorry i i agree with you everybody should pay attention to the constitution
can i can i provide a concrete example from history
Uh, no, cuz I'm just, I'm running out of time. I'm sorry. I, I just, I, we'll talk about this later. I just don't Do you think any of us have the right to defy a federal court order?
Uh, generally no, with an exception.
What do you mean, generally?
So there's an exception for orders issued in cases where the court lacks jurisdiction. But setting that aside.
Wait, there's an exception for what?
If a court issues an order in a case in which it lacks jurisdiction, um, it is then parties are not bound by that order, but generally speaking they are bound.
Why don't you just appeal it in that case?
You can do that, but the the courts have
So, so if in your opinion the court doesn't have jurisdiction, you can ignore it?
Uh, again, generally no, but there's a long stated exception in the law that courts have recognized for when the lower court lacked jurisdiction. Now, I would never advise a client to do that, because if you're wrong then the court,
I hope not.
right.
I I mean, this business of ignoring a federal court order is nonsense it's nonsense on on stilts you may not agree with the court order that's fine this is america you don't have to agree with it you can it's why god made courts of appeal but you're not suggesting that we don't all have to it is give me an i'm i'm way over give me an instance where you think a federal court order could be ignored.
The only one of which I'm aware is if a court had no jurisdiction over the case and issues the order anyway and you don't follow it uh you cannot later be held in contempt for doing so but aside from that parties must follow court orders.
Who gets to determine this is my last question, Mister Chairman,
Sure.
you've been very patient. Who gets to determine whether they like jurisdiction?
It effectively the appeals court that's why I would never advise a client to do this, because if you're wrong that they lack jurisdiction then you're going to be held in contempt.
OK. Alright, thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'm sorry, Mr. Schwartz, I didn't get to you.
Sen- Senator Klobuchar.
Thank you. Uh, Mr. Flowers, in twenty twenty, as Ohio's Solicitor General, you filed an amicus brief in a Supreme Court case that asked the court to challenge the administration of the twenty twenty election in Pennsylvania uh the president has now issued an executive order to overhaul our nation's elections and assert federal control over state-run elections, Minnesota and eighteen others state sued and want a preliminary injunction do you agree with what the judge presiding in that case wrote he said or she said the constitution does not grant the president any specific powers over elections
so senator i can't comment on as a judicial nominee on any pending litigation and as you described it it sounds as though this this litigation is pending so i i believe i shouldn't say anything
ok um i will note that you did sign this brief and um i reminded of one of our colleagues said when we had a nominee in front of us caitlyn halligan uh where questions were raised of a brief she filed as solicitor general in new york and our one of our colleagues said um some of our colleagues have argued that we should not consider this aspect of her record because at the time she was working as the solicitor general of new york but no one forced her to approve and sign the brief and i think that uh we should consider that as we look at your record mister short uh president trump has claimed i have an article two where i have the right to do whatever i want as president he has said i have the right to do anything i want to do i am president of the united states do you believe that the president is able to do anything he wants to do
so senator uh without commenting on those specific words and i i don't know the context for them We obviously have a constitutional system of checks and balances. The executive branch is obviously very strong in certain areas and has tremendous amounts of power and discretion. And in other areas, the other branches have a power and discretion, and there's a balance amongst them. Um, so, Senator, without knowing the context of that, I I really couldn't comment further on it.
OK. Um, Mister Flowers, as Solicitor General, you defended Ohio's law that banned abortion, the foremost uh women know they're pregnant at just six weeks uh which included no exceptions for rape or incest incest and as you know a ten year old girl in ohio got pregnant when she was raped falling for rape she couldn't get the care she needed at home and oh because she was three days past ohio's six week limit and there was no exception for rape so she had to travel to indiana to get access to abortion care You urged the court to lift a trial judge's preliminary injunction of Ohio's abortion ban, arguing each day the law was enjoined, it inflicted quote " irreparable harm" end quote on the state. Do you believe that this girl and other women in the state who were impacted by the law suffered irreparable harm?
Uh, Senator, anyone who's raped, and particularly a child, suffers irreparable harm. There's no doubt about that. As Solicitor General, my job was to defend the laws of the state. and if i had a good faith basis for doing so i would do that and again that was true regardless of whether the law had a liberal or conservative valence i defended them all when we had a valid constitutional basis to do so
well given that you argued the court should uphold ohio's law a full year after this incident with this ten year old ohio girl who was raped what would you say to litigants who question that you can be even handed in applying the law including to women trying to vindicate their rights
Um, Senator, it will be my, uh, top priority to ensure the litigants, as I said about Chief Judge Sutton, recognize that I'm fairly considering the cases that come before me. In the case to which you're referring, when we argued for irreparable harm, we were relying on a doctrine that says that when a state law is joined, it's enjoined, that is per se irreparable harm. So all I was doing was advancing settled legal principles as applied to that case.
I think a judge's job is to apply the law to the facts and i'm just looking at the facts of that case and i think most people would believe that it was the girl suffering irreparable harm uh mister flowers you've argued that timidly those are your words timidly following the principles of textualism and judicial restraint is quote unacceptable for the conservative movement of today which seeks to reverse not just arrest our national decline a movement that wants to kneecap the administrative state will not be satisfied with a court content merely to erect some hurdles. What agencies do you want to kneecap?
Um, Senator, I didn't say that I'd want to kneecap any agencies, and I couldn't express views on policy matters anyway. What I was addressing in that article was particularly the Supreme Court and certain resistance to textualism among some younger attorneys that I was meeting at law schools I was not saying that those are my personal views.
But, is the quote not a movement that wants to kneecap the administrative state? What is the administrative state if it's not agencies of the United States government?
Uh, so, Senator, I wasn't describing my views. I was saying that for the people who wish to curtail administrative powers, they would not be content with a certain approach to textualism. And I was speaking only about the Supreme Court. As a circuit nominee, I'd be bound by precedence of the Supreme Court, and I'd faithfully apply them.
And I just wanna note one agency, um, the ftc helps enforce our antitrust laws something i care a lot about as does uh the chairman um and it has put millions of dollars back in american's pocketbooks in twenty twenty four the ftc returned three hundred thirty seven million dollars to refunds in consumers it's just one example um when i hear the words from a nominee that they wanna kneecap uh the administrative state and that is not to say we don't need reforms and laws passed to make things work better but to me uh that just makes me really concerned of impartiality when it comes to a judge uh thank you
thank you before i call on sir blumenthal i wanna enter into the record letters supporting mister flower's nomination from a bipartisan group of thirty nine current and former state solicitor generals the group endorsed mister flowers and stated quote we worked closely with ben on many important matters ben displayed incredible leadership and extraordinary legal skills in litigating novel and complex issues of great national significance and to quote the letter went on to state quote while we're bipartisan group with varying political uh and judicial views we all agree that ben is exceptionally qualified and will serve admirably without objection i'll enter the the letter in the record senator blumenthal
thanks mr. chairman uh thank you both for your willingness to serve and for being here today uh mr. flowers who won the twenty twenty election
senator blumenthal i'll incorporate the answer that justice jackson gave that chairman Grassley referred to earlier it wouldn't be appropriate for me to comment on the outcomes of any election except to say that legally speaking joe biden was certified
justice jackson said it would be inappropriate for her as a sitting federal judge you are not a sitting federal judge who won the twenty twenty election
um senator the it's long been understood that nominees should abide by the same code of ethics that binds sitting judges so i do think her example is persuasive and i intend to follow it
i i think your failure to answer that question mocks this committee and i will just say to you she declined to answer based on the code of ethics because at the time she was a sitting federal judge and frankly i know justice jackson you're no justice jackson and i would ask her the same question and insist on her answering it if she were the nominee today so i'll give you one more chance who won the twenty twenty election sir i
i'll again adhere to justice jackson's precedent
mister schwartz who won the twenty twenty election
so senator i think the answer that justice jackson gave is the only legally and ethically correct answer
you you recognize that you're not a sitting federal judge
senator the rules for judicial conduct apply to judicial nominees who are not judges as well.
No, they don't, Mister Schwartz, and you know better. And you are in fact fooling, or trying to fool, this committee and the general public. And you've appeared before a lot of distinguished second circuit judges. I'm willing to bet you know they would not answer the question this way. Who won the popular vote? mister schwartz in the twenty twenty election
so senator again consistent with the answer that justice jackson and other prior nominees
this is a factual question mister schwartz it's a matter of public record you wouldn't answer the question in this way if you were before a judge would you
senator sitting here as a judicial nominee i'm bound by the codes of conduct and i can't answer that question in the way you want me to because the only legally an ethically correct answer is the one that prior nominees have given which is that joe biden was certified as president in twenty twenty
let me let me ask you mister flowers um this answer that you've given obviously has been rehearsed who did you meet with at the white house before you came here in preparing
um senator i did uh practice uh moots i suppose you'd call them with uh folks from white house counsel but
you practiced
i didn't practice a particular answer i'm responding to the question you asked
well sounds to me like you practiced mr. schwartz did you practice as well
uh senator i did moots with uh with mister flowers and other people um but this answer is the same answer that has been given by justice jackson and by prior nominees as well because again it's the correct answer legally and it's the only ethically acceptable answer
mister schwartz was the capitol attacked on january sixth
uh senator there was definitely trespass and violence at the capitol on january sixth and obviously violence against law enforcement or against political actors is unacceptable
so the capitol was attacked violently on january sixth correct
so again senator you're asking me to weigh in on sort of public characterizations what i will say is that the capitol was there was trespass and there was violence at the capitol on january sixth absolutely
you know what makes me angry is not just the insult to the role of this committee but to our intelligence do you really expect us to accept these canned rehearsed practiced answers repeated again and again and again by judicial nominees who have an obligation to be truthful and most important you have an obligation to be independent you both know better you both have records of litigating and you both would expect more of nominees in your position because above all a federal judge must be independent without fear or favor and your fear apparently, of Donald Trump, so much so that you practiced with the White House before you came here, and rehearsed this answer, and are repeating by road what you've been told to say, in my view is disqualifying. And, I'm really disappointed in both of you because I would have expected better. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Mis- Mister Chairman?
Can I make it a point of personal privilege?
Yeah.
On page three of the candidates of judicial ethics, uh, it's pretty clear. And it says right here in black and white, the code is designed to provide guidance to judges and nominees for judicial office. Just wanted to make that clear.
Yeah. But I thought my opening statement would put an answer to what it is. I th- I hope my opening statement I meant to make to put an answer or an end to this circus.
You you need more than they're trying to clean up for you.
Uh I think that what Justice Jackson said is very clear, put that chart up again, and what Senator Lee just said was the same point that Justice Jackson was making about the the practice before the Supreme Court. so let me read what jackson said quote it would be inappropriate for me to publicly weigh in to any subject of political debate and i don't know what more uh i can say to put an end to this issue that brings in a whole lot of hypocrisy and efforts to create sound bites to make qualified people to be on the courts legitimate versus their efforts to make your appointment illegitimate uh
mr. chairman i in fairness to justice jackson i want to point out that the full quote is as you've described it inappropriate to comment quote as a pending judicial nominee and a sitting federal judge they are not sitting federal judges and i also want to point out mister chairman that justice jackson's response was not sitting here it was in a written response so putting her picture there with her right hand raised i think is a bit misleading but the fact of the matter is i will rest my case on what i have said here and i will be voting against these nominees based on their failure to respond to the american people not just us
senator ronald
thank you mr. chairman we know that president trump expects all of his nominees to be loyal to him and uh uh with regard to his traditional nominees he expects the same thing so yes we get these wrote answers to simple questions i ask the following to initial questions of all nominees before any of the committees on which i sit to ensure the fitness to serve so i will ask the these initial questions starting with uh mister flowers and then mister soarers please respond since you became a legal adult have you ever made unwanted requests for sexual favors or committed any verbal or physical harassment or assault of a sexual nature
no senator
no senator
have you ever faced discipline or entered into a settlement relating to this kind of conduct
never
no senator
uh mister flowers while while you were the um solicitor general you filed an amicus brief in a case called brand versus pompa pompo involving the application of ohio's cap on non-economic damages to a civil suit to a civil suit by a raped survivor against a racist a rapist uh do you remember doing that
i have a vague memory of the case yes
yeah so you filed uh that amicus brief in support of the rapist's position arguing that ohio's law artificially limiting the amount of the survivor's damages for pain and suffering was constitutional and the higher supreme court disagreed with you i wanna ask you in in in your brief you wrote that the damages cap quote protects against the risk that a jury presented with a suffering victim will award more than is necessary to fully compensate that victim end quote can you explain why the jury verdict in that case of awarding uh twenty million to the rape victim um was more in your view than was necessary to fully compensate her
so senator we never took that position i filed that brief on on part of ohio and the position we took was that the law was constitutional
can you speak into the mike please
sure the the position that we took was that the law did not violate the ohio constitution we did never uh we never argued that the particular award in that case was excessive all i was doing was my job which was to defend the constitutionality of the law in question
well you may not have uh argued that twenty million was excessive but that was the effect of your argument and frankly the the the state of ohio was not even sued in this case and yet you decided that you should present yourself as solicitor general and try to limit the award so i can see where the state didn't have a an economic interest in your position but the people who did have an interest in it were the big businesses and insurance companies who love the limitations of recovery in these kinds of lawsuits so rather than uh uh you had the option of not weighing in the state of ohio was not a was not a party to this lawsuit and yet you weighed in on behalf of the basically the rapists so um to to say that you are performing your duty i think you are using your discretion in ways that basically serve the interest of the business interests and insurance companies who didn't wanna pay out twenty million dollars another question uh last june you uh wrote a post on your blog titled some thoughts on the future of textualism and concerns about its timid application do you remember that post
I do, Senator.
Uh, in that post you addressed textualist judges and you wrote, quote, " TIMIT textualism is not useful for those who wish to reverse, not just stop, the degradation of America's constitutional order and traditional Western values." Mister Flowers, can you list some of the traditional Western values that courts have a role in restoring? And I assume that should you be confirmed then you will be a judge you will be a judge that will seek to restore traditional western values in a non timid textualism so can you tell me what you consider to be traditional western values
uh senator one example of that would be freedom of speech um but i was not to be clear referring to my views i was addressing the views of many young lawyers
well you certainly give the implication that you would become a non timid judge who would be seeking to restore traditional western culture and i i would say those are um uh words that do not necessarily talk about freedom of speech which this regime is very busy trying to stifle by the way thank you mister chairman
senator welsh
uh thank you very much could you define textualism mister flowers
yes absolutely um textualism is uh in my view textualism and originalism are the same thing textualism is with respect to statutes originalism the constitution and the view is that words have a fixed meaning when enacted into law and court should apply the law according to that fixed meeting.
So, I mean, does that mean that the judges have to go back to what the meaning of the word was, uh, when the constitution was written, in order to interpret it in today's situation?
So it would depend on the constitutional provision in question. The twenty seventh amendment, for example, was ratified in the nineties, and so it'd be, you wouldn't have to go back so far.
Well, let's talk about the constitution. What you told me, originalism, textualism, are the And essentially it says we've gotta go back to the original document, right?
That's correct, Senator, the original public meeting at the time the document was ratified.
Right. And of course, at the time the document was ratified, uh, it was passed, we didn't have the AI, we didn't have the internet, uh, we didn't have, uh, uh, uh, the government we have. Isn't that correct?
That is correct, Senator.
So, uh, there's no way that the people who wrote the document using the words that were available to them had in mind the application of those words to what now exists in the twenty first century would you agree with me or not
um but they did agree with broad principles that can be applied to those technologies and they
how how did how did the the writers of the constitution have a thought about the internet explain that to me
let me let me give you a example with a case there's a case called kilo that my former boss justice Scalia wrote about thermal imaging of homes and if a thermal imaging device which didn't exist at the founding could peer into a home the same way that you could only peer into a home at the founding by entering then that would constitute a search the other point about originalism
but isn't that isn't that an interpretation
yes originalism does require interpretation
right so there is a application of a theory uh that textualism originalism is founded on the words in the meeting that they had at that time and then the interpreter a judge is then applying his or her judgment as to what that author would do with respect to something that didn't even exist a couple of centuries ago right
true as with respect to law oftentimes lawyers must draw analogies
you know quite seriously isn't that pretty weird
i frankly don't think it is the majority of today's supreme court is textualist and and the more important point is that textualism leaves that sort of updating largely to the political branches. You trust congress and the state let
Well you you know on the politic leaving things up to the the congress uh yeah you argued against the price negotiation that was part of the inflation reduction act to provide uh better prices for folks who are buying prescription drug medication right?
Uh that's not quite right. We argue that it's a taking. So we did not seek to strike down the law, but rather
Right. So even even though the government provides patent protection so that there's price, uh, uh, pow- pricing power for the intellectual property, even though the government, uh, provides Medicare and Medicaid in through that prescription drug access, and even though the government provides employer-sponsored health care with tax benefits uh that uh provide uh health insurance through employers uh and creates a market uh for the drug companies it's impermissible and according to your brief for the government to try to negotiate a situation where instead of paying uh retail when they're buying wholesale we can't negotiate on behalf of consumers that was the text that was the thrust of your
so
approach
senator the brief was filed on behalf of a client but the position was not that that would be impermissible
sorry your your your your personal position on that
well i can't state my personal position because it's a matter of pending litigation and under the canons of
well it's over i mean the supreme court said it's ok
i'd i'd i believe the case you're talking about is still pending at the supreme court
alright um you know i wanna go back to what uh my colleague uh senator kennedy was asking uh you you said that the federal district courts not the actually uh you have said that president well president trump must by must abide by the court issued judgments he may refuse to abide by the reasoning and opinions accompanying those judgments when the reasoning is contrary to law i totally don't understand that
um senator i see i'm short on time i would refer you to the article because we give a concrete
no no i'm i'm i what does that mean the reasoning i mean he doesn't the president have to follow the decisions of the court
the judgments of the court so dred scott was the example i gave where abraham lincoln said he So with respect to the particular individual in that case, he would apply uh the the the reasoning of of the court, but he would not extend it any further because the court egregiously misinterpreted the constitution.
So. The the president is the one who decides which parts of a judgment, in which parts of an order he'll gonna he'll apply or not.
Absolutely not. The president is bound by orders of the court.
So. The Supre- and Dred Scott,
I'm talking
the Supreme Court, basically said straight dred scott had no rights cause he was african-american right
that's correct
in that law there that decision which is a total disgrace to our history uh you're saying that uh the president could disregard that decision with respect to anyone else other than dred scott
that was abraham lincoln's position
no i'm asking your position
well i i as a nominee i don't wanna talk about my personal views or how i would foreshadow a particular case but the position i was advancing in the speech to which you're referring is that the other branches are absolutely bound by the orders but they do not necessarily have to abide by the reasoning of a particular opinion in future cases with different parties
my my time is up i'll yield back thank you
senator boehmer
thank you very much um i i mr. schwartz the the independence of the judiciary is vital um Sacrosanct, I would even say. And I I have some concerns, um, that right now, today, are you personally representing Donald Trump in his criminal appeal in New York?
I am, Senator.
And, the man who's nominated you to a lifetime appointment as your client, he owes, his PAC owes you, is it four hundred thousand dollars? for legal bills.
Senator, I actually have no idea what the financial amount is.
But but he has paid all his bills now.
Senator, I I don't handle that aspect of the relationship, um, so I I really couldn't confirm what you're saying.
So can you name in all of American history, one fellow federal appellate nominee in any time in modern history, who is actively representing the president, who nominated him, at the moment of his nomination, can you name, in any time in modern history, that we've ever had a situation in our democracy, where a president has nominated someone who is representing them? Can you?
So, Senator, to start out, as, as I said earlier, uh if i'm confirmed i will recuse my myself from all cases in which i have represented the president and be very cognizant of my duties um second senator sitting here yes there have been obviously two prior nominees in this administration who have been nominated and then obviously presidents have from time to time nominated justices and judges with whom they are very close they may have worked with previously um so it's not an unusual circumstance senator And as I said, uh, my oath of office will be sacrosanct, and I will recuse myself as a pervious.
So why not disclose any financial obligations this president might have to you? Uh, don't you think that's s- germane to our evaluation of your objectivity, if the president of United States owes you four hundred thousand dollars?
So, Senator, any amount of money the president would pay would it be to my firm, which is obviously a, a very large firm.
But isn't some of your,
And w-
uh, I mean, a lot of us were involved in firms isn't some of your compensation based upon the clients that you represent yes or no is the is your compensation
no
based upon the income your firm receives from the clients you represent yes or no
yes senator
so you're telling me that this body of senators should not know about any financial obligations the president has to your firm and the actual pecuniary the actual financial benefits that you stand to get from this case, when that very president has nominated you. Can I ask you another question? Do you know, yes or no, does the president pay all of his legal bills to the firms that have represented him in the past, yes or no? Do you do you know if he's been a good client in paying his bills?
Uh, Senator, I couldn't speak to other law firms.
It's well reported, and I'm from New Jersey, he stiffs firms, Constantly. So this president potentially owes your firm money, you have a financial stake in that, and he nominates you to the bench, i- i- objectively as a objective person. Would that not raise questions to this committee? And shouldn't we ask you what your financial tie is to the President of the United States?
I'll be happy to clarify that, Senator. my firm has rev- uh we've been, i've been very fortunate, my firm has revenues of almost two billion dollars a year. The amount that we take in or might take in from President Trump, I don't know how much that is, but it would be an extraordinarily small amount, even though it's obviously an important team.
Sir, to you it's a small amount, to the average American,
No.
four hundred thousand dollars. If somebody has a stake in with the President, four hundred thousand dollars. A President that has personal lawyers all over his uh uh administration. We now see that in the Justice Department, we have his former personal lawyer that has allowed him to set up a slush fund that is being paying out people that potentially could have attacked this capital. America is seeing right now that this president is turning out to be a grifter, who uses his financial relationships to appoint people who have financial ties to them And then, from the people that are negotiating in the Middle East, financial ties to the President. The people in our Justice Department, financial ties to the President. Don't you think you should be more transparent with your financial ties to this President before we have to vote on you to confirm you?
S- so, Senator, if I am confirmed, I will resign my partnership with Sullivan and Cromwell. I will make no money whatsoever going forward from any representation that the firm has.
But you have made money from the President of the United States in representing him now.
So, Senator, to be the four hundred thousand dollars that you mentioned, which obviously is a lot of money for the average American, goes to my firm. If there is profit at the end year of my firm, I receive a minuscule amount of that um of that money.
Mister Shorts,
So, Senator, it's
you wrote, if if I may finish, in your college magazine long time ago, in nineteen ninety seven, titled " Married in the Eyes of God", you argued against same-sex marriage and criticized the first same-sex wedding held in my state at Princeton universe in Princeton chapel. between two university alumnis. Do you still hold those views that you represented in that article back in nineteen ninety seven?
So, Senator, uh, you're asking about personal and religious views. What I will say is the language that I used in that article was harsh, unacceptable, and reflected my views as a teenager.
So do you think it's germane for me to ask, if you wrote an article that said, I hate black people, do you think it's relevant for me to know your views today about your views on African Americans, on Italian Americans, on Catholic Americans, or gay Americans.
So, Senator, I think it's a fair question, and what I would say is throughout my adulthood, over the last twenty, thirty years, and as a professional, I've always treated everybody equally and with respect, whether they are gay or straight. I have a tremendous amount of admiration and respect for many of my colleagues.
I think your, I think your views are germane to the job.
So.
I would like to ask the chairman right now,
So.
and thank you for the latitude, sir. We should know the fullness of his financial entanglements with the President of the United States of America. It is absolutely unconscionable that the Senate continues to confirm people that have financial entanglements with the President. That goes to their objectivity when it comes to issues regarding the President of the United States and his interest when it comes to separations of powers and more. And I'm hoping that my QFRs will be answered candidly and in detail. thank you mr. chairman
ok uh you folks are dismissed now thank you for your service and thank you for your coming service if you're approved thank you very much now will the uh will mister berthun come to the table please before you uh don't don't sit down yet i guess we'll wait until it's all be quiet in here ok do you swear that the testimony you're about to give before the committee will be the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth so help you god
yes i do
thanks for your positive response uh you can introduce any family and friends you want to and uh then give your opening statement and we'll ask questions
did you did you vote
yeah i did
chairman grasley ranking chairman grasley uh ranking member Durbin and members of the committee thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today i am honored to be considered for inspector general of the united states department of justice i am grateful to my family my fiance jenny and our three children for their love and support. I am also grateful to the public servants across the department and throughout the Inspector General community who serve the American people every day. My career has been shaped by one consistent theme, accountability under the rule of law. I have worked inside the Inspector General community, inside a department component responding to oversight, and I have personally seen why whistle-blower protections matter. Those experiences taught me that effective oversight requires rigor, fairness, humility, and fidelity to facts. I began my career as an assistant district attorney in Manhattan and later handled white-collar criminal matters in private practice. Over the last fifteen years, I have devoted my career to oversight from multiple perspectives. At the Department of Justice, i worked on complex and sensitive matters, including the review examining the fbi's use of pfizer authorities in crossfire hurricane. At the drug enforcement administration, i served the as the agency's liaison to dojo ig and gao, created a process that helped closer address a hundred and six oversight recommendations in under two years and i gained personal appreciation for whistleblower protections. You see, I reported misconduct to the OIG, and I later watched other DA employees, some of whom are in this room, come forward with information of their own. I saw the seriousness of those decisions and the fear that can accompany it. Fear about careers, reputations, relationships, and whether the process itself would be fair. That experience taught me that whistleblowers are not abstractions, They are public servants who often take personal and professional risks to bring forward information the government needs to hear. It also taught me that the OIG functions best when it is operationally independent, but not isolated. The OIG must retain full authority over what it reviews, how it conducts its work, and what conclusions it reaches. But effective oversight also benefits from good information sharing, open lines of communication, and professional engagement with the with the components it oversees. At HUD OIG as Senior Counsel to the Inspector General, an Acting Assistant Inspector General for the Office of Special Inquiry, I helped revitalize the division and created more efficient procedures for handling whistleblower retaliation and administrative misconduct matters. From October of twenty twenty five through January of twenty twenty six, I had the privilege of serving as Acting Inspector General for the United States Department of Justice. If confirmed, I would bring three commitments to this role. First, I will protect OIG independence calmly, firmly, and without hesitation. Independence is not secrecy, hostility, or a license to operate outside the law. It means freedom from improper interference, paired with fidelity to the Inspector General Act, due process, professional standards, and always the facts. Coordination can never become control. and i will not allow improper pressure from any direction to dilute, delay, or obstruct, or dictate the oig's work. second i will insist on oversight that is rigorous, fair, timely, and useful. the oig's job is to identify what happened, why it happened, and what can fix it. oversight should be solution oriented, candid, and fair. timeliness matters because oversight is most valuable when it can still inform decisions, prevent recurrence, and support corrective action. Third, I will prioritize high-impact risks and protect whistleblowers. The Department of Justice has enormous responsibilities, and OIG resources are finite. If confirmed, I will focus OIG attention on systemic risks, recurring failures, significant misconduct allegations, major program vulnerabilities, and areas where early oversight can prevent problems from becoming entrenched. Finally, I recognize the unique responsibilities of the DOJ Inspector General. The OIG's work often intersects with sensitive law enforcement equities, privacy interests, national security constraints, privileged information, and ongoing prosecutions. If confirmed, I will be transparent to the maximum extent the law allows, careful where restraint is required, and steadfast in reporting independently to Congress and the public when appropriate. If confirmed, I will devote myself to an OIG that is independent, objective fair timely and effective focused on integrity accountability and the public interest thank you i look forward to you to uh your questions
thank you very much uh chairman grassley mister bertium did i pronounce that correctly
yes sir uh you're very close sir it's berthium
berthium
yes sir
thank you very much uh for seventeen years the oig office in its annual report of its management performance has the following paragraph included at the end of the report. "It is vital that the department and its employees strictly adhere to policies and procedures designed to protect the department from accusations of political influence or politically motivated application of the law." That was in the report from the year two thousand seven through two thousand twenty four. The twenty twenty five report under the new president, uh, Donald Trump in his second term. no longer includes this section. You rejoined the Justice Department as Acting Inspector General in October of twenty twenty five. Were you involved in eliminating this section from the OIG annual report?
I became the Acting Inspector General on October thirtieth, twenty twenty five. Uh, the top management performance challenges were written before I re before I arrived there.
So you had nothing to do with deleting the provision that says you should be avoid politics.
That's correct, sir.
is there any effort to restore that do you consider that to be a standard that you have to live by
um i believe it's important uh that it's something that we consider and when we draft this year's top manage top performance management challenge i'll certainly consider uh in consultation with my team whether or not that needs to be replaced into that uh that document
that's good i don't know why they took it out because it states the obvious we don't want you to be political we want you to do this honestly and professionally and i hope you'll restore it Secondly, do you plan on answering letters sent to you by members of the Congress?
It's uh come to my attention over the last couple of weeks in preparation for this that this committee and senators have not actually been receiving responses from my office.
Yeah, that's right. That's right.
I plan on changing that.
I hope you will. On February eleventh, twenty twenty five, February eleven, twenty twenty five, I sent a letter to OIG regarding credible allegations that Kash Patel, the head of the FBI, while still a private citizen, was personally directing the purge of career fbi officials. on august fourteenth twenty twenty five i sent another letter to the office, your office, regarding the continued arbitrary removals and forced retirements of senior personnel. as far as i'm aware your office has not yet started to work on either of these letters. will i get a reply anytime soon?
uh if confirmed senator we'll respond to those letters.
can you give me a time frame is it gonna be in my lifetime
uh i would hope that it would be in your lifetime sir i'll make priority of our new government
i'm living a long time but i hope you don't take advantage of it thank you very much mr. chairman
thank you
uh senator johnson and this committee made a hundred and ninety seven special counsel jack smith subpoenas public these subpoenas targeted over four hundred republican individuals and entities the records were obtained through legally whistleblower disclosures according to reports uh cooney and gaston two of smith's partisan prosecutors filed a complaint with the inspector general they want your office to investigate and identify the very whistleblowers who exposed their misconduct any investigation by inspector general or anyone else to identify whistleblowers investigate them for making legally protected disclosures to congress is retaliatory it's also illegal so we have confirmed to you commit that no government funds will be used to take action to identify and investigate whistleblowers for making legally protected disclosures
my personal view senator is that the government should never use federal funds uh to try to hunt down whistleblowers um with that in mind there are certain limitations uh in the law specifically with classified information uh where we sort of dictate uh how classified information of a whistleblower wants to bring it forward needs to follow and under those circumstances it's possible that an investigation could be launched uh but my general view overall is i don't think we should be spending money to try to identify whistleblowers
a follow-up on the same subject if government employees try to expose the identity of whistleblowers who made legally protected disclosures and retaliate them what steps could you take or would take as inspector general
so if someone is identified and is then retaliated against i would hope that they would file a complaint with my office um under five usc twenty three O two those generally fall under the jurisdiction of osc and we would have to make that referral If it's five USC twenty three O three, which is FBI employees, those do fall under our jurisdiction, we would conduct an investigation. We would do an initial investigation looking at whether or not there's a prima facie case of retaliatory conduct with a protected disclosure. If we make that determination, we would then further that investigation, determine whether or not there's reasonable cause to believe that retaliation had occurred and if we make that determination we would do a third step which we look at the agency's response as to whether or not they could
last december you wrote to me concerning oig s involvement in the extraction of data from congressman scott perry's cellphone uh that letter also noted your review of the oig s a subpoena on verizon for congressman jordan's uh tolling records you inform me the oig has asked a separate oig to review the matters to ensure an independent assessment your december letter said that the data from perry's phone was subject to court ordered process to protect congressional communications during a criminal prosecution if the justice department officials fail to identify and segregate privileged material to include congressional information what would you do as inspector general and explain your process
i think if we received an allegation that attorneys um had not properly segregated congressional information uh we would have to look into that and assess whether or not it was an oig s jurisdiction um as you know senator and i support this we do not have jurisdiction over the office of professional responsibility which handles attorney misconduct and so if that was an attorney action in relation to their function as an attorney it would fall out of our jurisdiction we would have to make a referral over to that agency
i this will be my last question for nearly a half of your career you worked uh the injustice departments uh under both democrat and republican presidents uh you've handled several investigations and recently served as acting inspector general what have you learned from your leadership and experience that best prepares you to serve this important role
i think we have to be transparent in how we operate as an agency i think it's important for everyone to understand what factors we look at when we open a case how do we handle things like assessing credibility or assessing facts um how do we make recommendations uh it's not something we've ever been public about in the ig um but i think that that information is pertinent for congress to understand i think it's pertinent for the department to understand and i think when we do that uh it's gonna make us a more effective inspector general's office
uh thank you you're good boy go yes sir Senator Whitehouse.
Thank you very much, uh, Chairman. Welcome, Mister Bartheom. I wanted to follow up a little bit on the conversation that you and I had in my office about the boundary between the Department of Justice Inspector General's office and the Office of Professional Responsibility. As I understand it, the Office of Professional Responsibility is the office that has oversight over the actual conduct of the department's attorneys as they represent the united states in court which is an important responsibility but it's not everything so for instance if OPR were in the business of stealing all the pencils and selling them on ebay or was not showing up for work um or was being flagrantly uh, engaging in flagrant favoritism about what cases to take or not take, rather than, uh, applying the rules fairly, that those kinds of questions actually are, in specter general, responsibilities because they don't deal with the actual conduct of attorneys. They deal with the administration of the office, subject to your office's, the IG's approval. Have I got that fairly right? And if not, clarify what your vision is for what you can look at that touches OPR.
Sure. And I think I understand what you're saying, which is the way you're asking, would it be OIG jurisdiction, right? To review how OPR itself operates in performing its functions for the Department of Justice?
Yeah. Let's say that they'd all decided that they just weren't gonna show up for work.
I think uh, potentially that comes into OIG territory, cuz we do look at the department's programs and functions.
Yeah. Yeah. if they're not doing their jobs if they're stealing the furniture out of the OPR offices and selling it on ebay pretty clearly an OIG problem right
i believe so sir
yeah so i just wanted to come and make that point clear because i think that the um misunderstandings about the responsibilities of OPR and the responsibilities of OIG leaves the risk for a big part of the ball field where there's nobody to catch the ball. And problems with the department fall in between OIG and OPR, um, because, basically, field or error of people not paying attention to where the boundaries properly are. So I will follow up with a question for the record for you to lay this out a little bit more clearly and not put you on the spot you know here live um but I it it is important, I think, for the department, for you and for this committee to understand where that boundary falls, and that you will not fail to look at misconduct within OPR when it actually is properly the responsibility of OIG, whether it's stolen pencils and chairs, or whether it's not shown up for work, or whether it's examples of gross favoritism, or whatever it might be.
Thank you, Senator.
Thank you. Thanks, Chairman.
Sen- Senator Boehker.
Um.
Mister Berthah Emun.
Berthium, sir.
Mister Berthium, you you met with my staff on Monday, that showed a lot of professionalism and respect and I'm I'm I'm grateful that you did that. Uh, you identified opportunities to be more transparent with Congress, I appreciated that, more responsive to the people, uh, this department is supposed to serve, I I really appreciated that. Can I go through those three commitments now that you're sitting here under oath, that I think were really responsible and I just wanna state them and affirm them. Is that okay?
Uh, yes, sir.
OK, uh, transparency on OIG decision-making. Let's be clear, you, um, said you were committed to establishing and publicly publishing clear written criteria for how the OIG decides whether to open an audit versus a full investigation, so that the American people understand how those decisions were made. Yes, sir?
Uh, that's correct, sir.
Second, the OIG has opened an audit of the department's compliance with the Esphine Files Transparency Act. survivors have already waited decades. They cannot wait again. Will you commit on the record to completing that audit within one year?
What I will commit to is doing my best and my utmost to complete it within one year?
Thank you for being,
There are factors that come into play.
thank you for being candid, and that, and I take that commitment. Third, um, survivor-centered process. This is really important to me. Um, and, and I, and I, I, I just really want an affirmation here. Will you commit that this audit will be survivor-centered and survivor-informed? that before the OIG takes any action that could re-expose and re-traumatize a survivor whose information was already dumped by this department, will you give them notice, and will you give them a voice, will you give them respect, yes or no?
I think I'm tracking your question, is the question will we reach out to them or be in contact with them at the closing of this audit to let them know it's coming?
Yes, sir.
Uh, that is, yeah, we'll notify them in advance, uh, we'll notify them when it's about to be released.
And you'll keep them centered in in your in the terms of just respect that you afford them.
I think we always have to respect survivors, sir.
Thank you, sir, very much. That's three times, uh, three yeses with understandable qualifications. And so I just want you to say, um, before I yield back, this is not to you. My team has said extraordinary professionalism with what you met with a a a Democratic senator and I and I appreciate that. But I kind of want to speak to those folks who are not in this room. most of them never get to be in any room where decisions about their lives are being made. Um, I'm, I'm, these survivors, these are women and they were girls when it started, who were trafficked, who were raped, who were passed around like, like property to well-connected predators. All organized by perhaps one of the most powerful predators in modern American history. They've spent decades, being told to be quiet, decades being told that powerful men were untouchable. Decades watching the justice system do them wrong and often look the other way. And I'm very frustrated by this administration because it's compounded, that betrayal. The Attorney General stood at the podium and promised the Epstein files were on her desk and then never delivered them. The Deputy Attorney General, now a tactic attack. acting Attorney General is Donald Trump's personal lawyer, and clearly I think is conflicted when it comes to matters about Jeffrey Epstein. We have an FBI director who promised transparency and gave us redactions, a president who was named in those files, and who has done everything it seems in his power to bury them. And when survivors finally got to Congress and we passed that Epstein, Files, Transparency Act, a law signed by this president, What did the department do? And we all know this, it dumped documents in a way that re-exposed survivors. It outed victims. It violated the very law it was supposed to implement. That's not transparency. That is retaliation dressed up as compliance. So I just wanna say plainly that the survivors of Jeffrey Epstein have been lied to, they have been betrayed, they have been re-victimized, not by Epstein this time, but by people sworn to deliver them justice. And in some cases, this administration has broken the law, in my opinion, to protect powerful men at the expense of the very women, in this case girls, that they hurt. So, sir, I, I know you know this. My staff said that an audit is not enough, a process review is not enough. The survivors do need, not, do not need a flowchart of how the department mishandled their files. They need real accountability. And if your office discovers, as I believe it will, that officials in this department violated the law, you must refer those cases for prosecution. You must compel testimony. You must treat this like the crime scene that it is. The survivors of Jeffrey Epstein had been waiting their entire adult lives for someone in a position of power to do right by them. Uh, I believe you can be one of those people. And, and the urgency for all Americans who are watching this to know that no one is above the law, that there will ultimately be accountability. Uh, that is an urgent process here to restore trust in our American system, that I think has been wounded deeply. So I thank you, sir, for your professionalism, you've shown my office so far. I look forward to you upholding your commitments, and I wanna thank you, Chairman, and I yield back.
Thank you, Senator.
Um, uh, thank the nominees for their testimony today. For all the members of the committee and their staffs, we have the record open. for questions to be submitted by may twenty seventh at five pm meeting adjourned
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